2 SPIRIT OJF THE PRESS. (D IT RIAL OPTIHOgg OV TBI LKADIKS .'OURltALS BIMB CCBBBin TOflCB COMPILED BVBBT PAT FOB TBI BYB5Ilia TBI BOHAPH. Southern Kcciij-eratlon. J?Votl fTie 2V. Y. Commercial Advertiser. With all their denunciation of carpvt -baggers And Northerners generally, tlie Southern mouth-pieces are not bo nnobaerving as not to perceive that these strangers are contributing very materially to the regeneration and recu peration of their well-nigh ruined section. The great mass of those who have proceeded South, eince the termination of the ooulliot have car ried capital with them. It is their money which ia now starting new mills and factories, rebuilding destroyed edifices, reopening, or opening for the first time, coal, iron, lead, and gold mines, and projecting mauy new enterprises and undertakings which, will add to the material industry and wealth, of the section, and hasten its recuperation, liad it not been for the capital conveyed thither, the recovered Mates could Lave raised no cotton or sugar crops daring the past three years. They Lave not the wherewith to pur chase seed, prepare the land and employ labo rers. They understand this, and the South ern papers are just now filled with appeals to Northern people to come and settle among Ibem. The Richmond Enqnirrr of yesterday, directs attention to the plaster deposits of Smytbe county, as one of the resources of the Old Dominion, which only requires capital to lie made a Bource of vast wealth. It says: The main bed is situated on what is called the "Cove," on (Jove Creek, a branch of the North Fork of Holeton river, r.boul twenty-live mllos north of Wytbevllle, and fourteen miles east of Hallvllle, the present terminus of the branch of the Virginia and Tennessee KallroiiJ. The route from thence to the Cove is up th valley Of the HolBton, a moNt favorable Hue for a rail road the grades would be about fifteen feet to the mile descending with the export tonnage. The quality of this plaster in superior to any Dow known on this continent. Bach as have had a lair opportunity of telling it with the Nova Scotia, fix their relative value lit fifty to one hundred per cent, in favor of the Virginia that Is to say, one ton of the Virginia is equal to one and a ball to two of the Nova Hoo'.la. In quantity it Is enormous it underlies hundreds of acres In a com pact body. A well, or shaft, ten feet In diameter, bas been sun It atone point. Within four feet from the Mir face plas. ter was reached, and continued (with tho ex ception of a few diminutive tteaius of clay) for the depth of five hundred and eighty-two feet, and operations suspended without reaching the bottom ol the vein or deposit, so continuous was the plaster no water came In the plaster continuing of a uniform superior quality throughout. What an immense treasure is here presented for the agriculturist! What a powerful and effective agency to resuscitate the now impoverished Bouth, enabling tho f irmer to make more available the entire surface of fciouthorn soil. Some of our Northern capitalists who are on the alert for remunerative undertakings, would do well to look into these plaster deposits. Mr. Heed on devolutions. From the W. T. Tribune. We are obliged in all political contests to jnake a large allowance for hniuan infirmity. And when a gentleman like Mr. William 13. Heed of Philadelphia writes to the Maryland Democrats that their party is the party of coin payments, and that our party is the party of repudiation, we are bound to believe that Mr. Heed thinks so, and that in consequence of bis absence from political life, he bas never beard of an individual by the name of Pendleton. It is a little too warm for us to attempt to trace the intellectual processes by which Mr. Reed arrived at these extraordinary conclusions. It is fair to suppose that he read the doings of the late Democratic Convention, and that he is not ignorant of its unreserved declaration that "when the obligations of the Government do not expressly state upon their face, or the law under which they were issued does not provide that they shall be paid in coin, they shall be paid in lawful money," i. e. in greenbacks a doctrine which leaves the five-twenties paya ble in notes worth about sixty per cent, of their face. We are not aware that the Re publican party, as a party, in any manifesto promulgated by its authority, bas ever so lemnly indorsed any such doctrine as this; and yet Mr.. Reed is mortally afraid that if Seymour isn't elected, all the Government se curities will be good for nothing. Of all the Democrats who in the Convention voted for Pendleton, be seems never to have beard, albeit Pendleton ia in favor of paying every thing in paper, that is if he is in favor of pay ing anything at all. Moreover, in bi3 hurried anxiety to make out a case whioh shall be pleas ing to those theoretical Rebels, the Maryland Democrats, Mr. Reed lets out of the bag one of the most remarkable cats that ever cried "mew." It ia "the disfranchised, persecuted White men of the South" who are to over throw the publio faith, unless "the negro ia Subordinated, not to slavery, but to the con trol of a superior race." And pray why not to Slavery, Mr. Reed ? What good ia there ia minoing words after this fine fashion f If you u ean slavery, substantially, as your talk about "a superior race" shows' why don't you say "slavery" plainly and without coughing? Moreover, it turns out that Mr. Reed is opposed to negro suffrage because he is afraid that the ex-Rebels will make a desperate attaok upon the publio credit, and that they will find ia "the enfranchised negro a sure auxiliary." Now, it is notorious that nine-tenths of the ex Rebels, whether reconstructed or not, are strongly in favor of the election of Horatio Seymour. Singular, isn't it ? All these good folks ' mean (according to Mr. Reed's admis sion) to force repudiation, if they can, while "the ' enfranchised negro," receiving fiscal lessons from his late master, is to become Pendletonian in every fiber, and the "sure auxiliary" of the most gigantio scheme of Swindling ever devised by the ingenuity of unscrupulous men. inese are aeauouons from Democratic premises. These are Mr. Reed's conclusions, not ours. They are, to State them plainly: 1. The ex-Rebels support Mr. Seymour. 2. The ex-Rebela will repudiate the na tional debt whenever they shall find it conve nient. 3. Therefore, Mr. Seymour is presumptively in favor of repudiating the national debt. Q. E. D. It seems to us that a bondholder must be "bloated" out of all common sense, or the capacity for thinking at all, if he can be wheedled or terrified into supporting Seymour by any such prediction as this. Ita natural tendency would be, we should think, to make him go for the other man. In the second part of bis letter Mr. Reed dilates upon the enormous iniquity of negro suffrage, whioh he considers to be the result of "the morbid sentimentalism of New Eng land.',' We wonder for how many years re spectable men like Mr. Rd will continue to talk after this fashion, without seeing or sus pecting that all the "sentimentality" ia upon their side, and all the hard, practical, naked common sense against them. "Why," arguea Mr. Reed, "should negroes vote in tSoutu Ca rolina when they are not allowed to vote in Pennsylvania V and be puta this query with an air of confidence which indicates that he considers it to be an end of controversy, lie does not comprehend that this question ia Sufficiently answered by putting another, Tlz: "Why don't negroes vote in Pennsylva nia V Thbi view of the caw never diwns upon Mr. Reed's mind, although in general it Is a very good mind indeed. lie takes it for grauted that because a certain class is swindled In Pennsylvania, it la therefore perfectly righteous to swindle it, for instance, in Louisiana 1 He wants injustice uniform and equal all over the oountry. Not patisfied with this absurdity, he intimates that l enncylvania will be so indignant at finding that negroes vote in South Carolina, while she does not allow them to vote within her bor ders, that she will first have "convulsions," and then secede I Why, pray, hasn't she seceded before ? Negroes have been voting in a number of States for many years in some of them ever since the Revolution. Pray, bow has sensitive Pennsylvania managed to bear it? to bear it, when she found "herself" (to use Mr. Reed's language) "a perpetual partner with the negro ?" Still she went on voting, and sometimes some of her free and enlightened and fastidious Democrats so far overcame their feelings as to be able to vote three or four times at the same election. Occasionally even white voters are not the exclusive possessors of every "virtue under Heaven. Mr. Kef d ia an able and an honorable man; be, therefore, talks very plainly, and avows that if the Democrats carry the Government, one of their first acts will be to take away the right of suffrage, which has been formally and unreservedly bestowed upon the freedmen. We like plain talking, even when we think that a man talks absurdly; and Mr. Reed speaks plainly enough in all conscience lie would take away a privilege conferred by na tional law, and guaranteed by the national honor, from what he is pleased to call "an alien and offensive race." His fraukness seems to us to be quite superior to bis states manship. In the course of a not over long letter be bas managed to predict a revolution in the South, a revolution in Pennsylvania, and a revolution in the Treasury. Two of these, according to bis own showing, would be the result of Mr. Seymour's election, and only one of them the Pennsylvania "convul sion" is threatened by the election of General Grant. On the whole, we think that we pre fer the "convulsion." The Presidential Campaign. From the N. T. Herald. Two points in the canvass are more import ant than all others the history of the radical party and the nigger vote. For eight years the Republican party his been in power, and the final results, as seen by the people, are the derangement of all the machinery of gov ernment, an almost incredible corruption in cilice, and a weight in taxes that bears com merce and labor to the earth. Will the people longer have patience with a party that hs3 such a history ? This ia the question of the hour. Is there any fear in our future that should move the people to trust this party again, even despite the fearful chance that it may continue the same destructive career that bas already been so disastrous to the national prosperity ? Can any other party inflict upon us evils worse than those we now sutler as the consequence of radical misrule ? Reconstruc tion by a system of legislation that delibe rately forges calamity tor a whole people aud prepares the social ruin of ten States to secure power to a coterie of politicians this is the political crime that stamps the radical faction as utterly damnable before 'the people. Men inquire what the faction would stop at that would purchase such an end by such means, and they know that it will not stop at any thing sacred in the law and will respect the rights of the people in the North as little as it bas done in the South. Does the name of Grant furnish, any guarantee for the future of the radicals ? The people are not ready to believe it. Grant is politically only a promise and a possibility. Respectable men are not willing to doubt his honesty or his upright purpose; but these do not always qualify for success in such a Btrite as ne must control to save the people from hia party. He may prove capable; he may not, and it is a time when the people cannot trust their future to such a chance. Therefore the doom of radicalism seems to be burned into the popular brain, and on such reasoning as we have hinted the people appear to drift toward what they regard as the least of two evils, without faith in the Republicans and little hope in the Democrats. Men on either Bide count for little; it ia the history of the radical party that condemns it. Democracy has a bad history, too, but ita sins are trivial by comparison. It this faotion ever desired to reconstruct society it was in the interest of the white man. The word taxation hardly ooours in its history, and it never aimed a blow at the Supreme Court or sough- to cripple the Gov ernment in the person of the Executive. It sympathized with the South in the war, and that can be forgiven by a people who are at last coming to look upon the Republicans as the couth looked upon them when the war began. If, therefore, the history of the De mocracy were darker than it ia the history of radicalism would be innnitely beyond it In infamy. It is upon these broad views and judgments of parties that the people move. The common mind averages great results by processes of its own. Isolated facta are for gotten, this or that virtue or vice seems to pass away; but the balance of history ia made up at the polls, and Kentucky indicates the tendency. If the reaction of the public mind stimulated by the history of the radioal party does not sweep the whole North the negro vote will he ot the lirst importance in the struggle. It may save the South to the radicals, but it may give it to the Democrats, and, regarding the possi bility of a fairly divided North, Sambo may finally iioid the balance of power, some facta indicate that the negroes may go very largely with the Democrats. Dull as we may con sider the whole race, they have seen enough to be disgusted with radical friendship, and are certainly seeking political allies out side that party. Negroes from the beginning had determined upon their part of the allianue with the radicals, and thus formed expecta tions that the latter could not meet. Confisca tion tella the story in a word. Northern re straint on the dominant party, even in ita worst momenta rendered it impossible for it to carry out the virtual compact; but the negroes will not understand that. They only cherish re sentment at the men who promised, but did not perform. Confiscation, by giving the ne groes a real aa well aa a political independence, might have made it possible that they could sustain a political opposition in the Southern States; but without a hold on the land this was not possible. Without the power, there fore, to make their political independence effective, with social facts, more cogent than radical orators, forcing upon them that their interests were identical with the interests of the people among whom they must live; with a heart-breaking disappointment in view of this and a bitter readiness to visit their resent ment on those who had raised such high hopes only to betray them, the niggers inevitably go over to the other side. There is nothing strange in this. It would be strange if it were otherwise, for they achieve political revenge and act on the best view they can take of their own welfare. The case of the rresidenoy, therefore, judged by the main facta seems to stand thus: The history 'of the radioal party ia such that the people will not trust it again on any term?, and this conviction threatens to givo the North to the Democrats. If, however, th's fails, there is a possibility that Grant may be beaten by losing the whole South through the defection of the negroes, who will go over to me Democrats, partly led by the natural in fluences of association, and partly by resent ment for the relinquishment by the radicals of that measure that was from the first regarded as necessary to sustain their political opposi tion to their former masters. General Grant's Magnanimity. From the Washington National Intelligencer. The exposition of the false pretences of gene rosity put forth by General Grant's chief of staff towards "persona now in confinement under sentences of military commissions or ganized under the reoonstruotion acts of Con gress in the States in whioh the reconstruction laws have ceased to be operative," has fallen like a thunderbolt upon the radioal managers. For a whole week before the letter was de-. livered to the President, they had, through despatches to the press, heralded this letter of "John A. Rawlings, chief of stall," as an evidence of General Grant's willingness for the supremacy of the civil over military authority in matters affecting the lives or liberties of citizens. They thought to make of it a great card in the campaign. They had become painfully conscious that the people were tired of the government by the sword and bayonet, and were longing for a restora tion of civil government. They had found already their military candidate was a dead weight upon their hands; that the people had turned from the sword to the fasces, from military despotism to a government of law. They bad heard the enthusiastic response of the whole country to the noble efforts of Gene ral Hancock to restore the supremacy or civil authority within his military jurisdiction, ant in humble imitation of this splendid example, they endeavored to hold up Grant in a similar light before the people, and to proclaim him an advocate of the restoration of civil autho rity in the States that have so long been ruled only by the sword. The effort was made too late. The oppor tunity had passed. The government of the sword had been already superseded. There was no longer a shadow of right to arrest and try and imprison citizens by military commis sions. General Hancock, in hia military de partment, had long before completely done away with these abominable outrages upon civil right. The erection of civil governments, whatever their validity or however founded, had removed all pretence for a continuation of military control when General Grant's chief of stall', in hia name, recommended thia extra ordinary magnanimity to the President of the United States, upon whom he had always heretofore urged the sternest adhesion to mili tary punishments. Ihis reaching after second-handed popu larity has missed its mark. There ia nothing in all of General Grant's record to sustain it. His whole history, from the date of hia com mission as a Brigadier-General, ia at variance with thia latter-day clemency. He had during hia career numerous opportuniiiea to have manifested this forgiveness and love for the supremacy of the civil authorities, if he had entertained such sentiments even for a mo ment. But all the way we find him uphold ing the sword above the law, making the mili tary always superior to the civil authority. His recommendation, as Secretary of War ad interim, in the case of Lusk, in September, lbb l, in which he urged the execution of the prisoner, not because he deserved capital pun ishment, but simply because "it was the first trial for murder under a military commission under the reconstruction acts," ia a signal in stance ot tliis disposition and desire to substi tute military for civil government, even where the civil courta were in operation, and ready, willing, and able to take cognizanoe of crimi nal offenses. It was only through the interposition of President Johnson that thia victim of a mili tary commission was remitted from the death penalty until a civil court could pass judg ment upon him, in accordance with the Con stitution and the lawa of the land. Thia is only one of many similar instances in which the President, as the sworn defender of the Constitution, has had occasion to stay the acts of military despotism, and protect citizens from military outrage, until they could be re mitted to the protection of the Constitution and the laws. The radical organ here endeavors to hide ita vexation at the exposition of Grant's inconsistency, by claiming that the aotion of the President in the case of Lusk ia a recognition of the validity of the recon struction acta of Congress. Thia conclusion ia far-fetched and unwarrantable. Mr. John son haa publicly, in hia various messages to Congress, placed on record his protest against the validity of all these acts, and expressed in unequivocal terms his opinion of their un constitutionality; but he has also declared his purpose as they have been given the form of laws to execute them until their unconstitu tionality shall be adjudged by a competent judicial tribunal. Thia surely affords no shadow ot pretext that their validity ia In any manner recognized by Mr. Johnson, or those who entertain the same opinions he haa pro mulgated in regard to this iniquitous legisla tion, as it haa progressed step by step. The inconsistency is confined exclusively to the radical organs and the radical candidate for the Presidency, who assume that it ia an evidence of submission of military to civil authority for Grant to recommend the cessa tion of punishment by military commissions in States where they pretend to have re-established civil governments. It, by the aid of the deluded negroes and rapacious carpet baggers, Congress has really set up civil gov ernments in these States, then the reoomtneu- dation of General Grant's chief of Stall am juuts really to nothing, for these victims of military despotism can lind redress by application to the civil courts, and General Grant is remitted to his previous record and urgent recommen dation of the inlliotion of the death penalty upon a citizen solely upon the ground that it was the first trial for murder under the Recon struction laws of Congress. The (Juestlon before the Teoplo. From the N. T. ZYme. The all-important question presented to the people, North and South, is not whether a Re publican or Democratio administration shall rule the country. The political ooclliot which agitates every section of thia continent is not simply partisan, aa in ordinary canes where the people are called upon to judge between an administration and the opposition be tween the "ins" and the "outs." lue wel fare of the republic during a long seriea of years depends upon the result ot tne coming elections. Neither the Republicans nor the Democrats, as such, can rely upon the pres tige of a party name in such a conliict, any more than they could four yeara ago. Wow, as then, more serioua interests are at stake ban those involved in the possession of the White House, or of the Capitol, or of party spoils. The military successes which closed the war for the Union only furnished a basis for the restoration of peace. The absence of actual war is not peace. Lee's surrender was no argument proving the restored loyalty of his troops. It simply indicated their exhaustion, their inability to light. Of course, the defeat of tLe Rebellion proved ita fully but it did not prove conversion. Iudeed, we should have had little respect for the sincerity of oon victions whioh could be altered by the mere fact of failure. Our adversaries were unwise in expecting, on the other hand, that we should Bhow the same want of sincerity in the justice of our cause by contenting ourselves with an empty boast of military viotory. Our watchword from the beginning had been not conquest, but peace. The war was not a duel it settled the claim (so far as armed force could settle it) that the nation haa a right to the sovereign allegiance of all ita citizens. But a settlement thus made by a war might, by another outbreak of hostilities, be jeo pardiaed, and perhaps annulled. Some thing more, then, was required. The laws, which during the war had been silent, must now speak again and ratify and secure the results gained on the battle field. But ordi nary legislation might be repealed; hence the necessity of incorporating in a constitutional amendment the legal conditions of a more perfect union and permanent peaoe. It is true that a resort to arms having once been determined upon, it iaeasy to throw aside constitutional enactments. But, then, we all remembered that the war through which we had passed was made possible ouly through a misunderstanding as to the ex lot meaning of our Federal Constitution in regard to the claims entertained by the two great par ties in that struggle. Was it not important that any such ambiguous construction should be henceforth prevented ? Aa a rule, our peo ble abide by the lawa. At any rate, the least we could ask was a constitutional guarantee securing what had been gained at so great cost, and preventing future difficulties. In a great measure the result bas been achieved through the fourteenth amendment. But the people cannot shut their eyea to the fact that this has been accomplished in the very teeth of the former Secessionists, and that the means through which it haa been ac complished are pronounced unconstitutional and invalid by the Democratio party. The feeling of insecurity, therefore, as to thia most vital element in the restoration of peace, still remains. It has still to be decided by the popular vote, whether the war had any real significance, whether it aosomplished any thing of permanent value for the nation. Admit that the prominent secession leaders acqui teed in their dele at, still the people remember that they did not cordially partici pate in the work of restoration. They looked upon the allegiance to which they returned as being precisely that which they had repudi ated. They entirely ignored all conditions which the results of the war imposed and made necessary. They looked npon the war itself as a simple test of physical foroes in which they had failed. When it waa over they deemed it a myth, and regarded ita re sults as empty shadows. And here ia the great mistake which the Democrats are now making namely, in adopt ing this Southern view. And they are build ing their hopes of success upon the idea that the people at large adopt a similar view. It is a mistaken confidence. The popular senti ment has not thus essentially altered; what it was in 18G4 and lSGo' it remains to-day and what it demanded then, and now de mands, is absolute security and permanent peace. Vituperation directed against either Mr. Seymour or General Grant eil'eots nothing. It is impossible to create a diversion by direct ing attention on the one hand to the war record of extreme Democrats, or to the inci dental abuses connected with the Congres sional plan of reconstruction on the other. The popular thought, aa we said at the first, goes down far below these surface eddies to the one great argument to the grand idea of the conliict which cost us three billions of money and half a million of lives, and to the realization of that idea. Two years ago thia idea might have been realized but for the Opposition. If thia had been the case then to-day, instead of joining issues upon the old questions, the nation, having fairly passed its tremendous crisis, would be divided upon other matters relating to its industrial develop ment. As it is, the danger ia not yet passed, the fever is not over. The Republicans, in view of the critical situation, have acted wisely in nominating General Grant. But the Demo crats have insisted upon their old and favorite ideas that the war was essentially a failure; that the publio debt ia a national disgraoe, and that any plan of restoration which insists upon securing the nation against future disturbance, ia a ridiculous humbug. Thus the Republican party stands npon an essentially just platform, and seeka to identify itself with the sentiment of the peo ple; while, on the other hand, the Democratio party has learned nothing from former de feats, and insists upon its old ideas more than once repudiated by the people. It, moreover, appeals to the most ignorant aud inveterate prejudices of the past, ignoring the progress made during the most important deoade in American history. Making a vain pretense to conservatism, it seeks to disturb, to agitate, and to convulse the nation. Is the Republio to be Mexicanized by the success of this disturbing element ? That is the question for the people to decide. We are not loth to leave the question with them. They see on the one hand a settled plan of restoration already established in seven out of the ten lately Confederate Statea. They see the Legislatures of those States taking prompt steps to remove disabilities from the disfran chised whites. On that side they remark the disposition toward conciliation, harmony, and peace. From the other side thev hear onlv defiant mntterings, threats of violence and of continued discord. Can we doubt what their decision will be ? INSTRUCTION. CIEVEBBDALa INSTITUTE. BOARDING SCHOOL FOR YOUNQ LADLES. Term Board, .Tuition, etc. per scholastic year.tsct 170 EXTRAS, Circulars at Messrs. Fairbanks A Swing's, No. Til CHEbNUT Street; also at Messrs. T. B. Peterson Brothers', No. 80S CHESNUT Street. Address, personally or by note, N FOOTER BROWNE, Frlnolpal, 10 I thmtf South Am boy. N. J. CHESNUT STREET FEMALE SEMINARY PH ILA DELPH 1A. WIhh liuN NKV and Miss D1LLAYE will reopen their Boarding and Liar Seuool (Tblrty-seveulh Session), September 18, at No, 1(15 Chesnut street, Particulars from circulars, 8 10 to to l PAINTED PHOTOS. NEW THING IN A R T. BERLIN PAINTED PHOTO A. S. ROBINSON,. No 910 CHESNUT Btreet, lias ust received a superb collection of BERLIN PAINTED PHOTOGRAPHS OJ FLOWERS. They are exquisite gems of art, rivalling in beauty, naturalness of tint, and perfection o' rortn a great variety of the choicest exotic llowerlug plants. They are mounted on boards of three sizes, and sold from 2s rent to 13 and ft each. For frsrulug aud the album they are Incomparably tV (.Mll'ul l&J 213 & 220 S. FRONT ST. OFFER TO THE TRADE, IN LOTS, FIJVE EYE AiD BOURBON WHISKIES, IS DOT, Of 18GC, 18C10, 1807, find 1808. Aise, hue im me aivd eoieiioa whiskies, Of GREAT AGE, ranging from XSG4 to Liberal contract! will be entered Into for Iota, in tond at Distillery, of this years' munnftcturj.l g 0X0 MA WISE COHFAH. Established for the sale ol I'lIhE CALIFORNIA. WISK. This Company offer for sale pare California Wines WHITE. CLARK P, CATAWBA, ruu-j , trr ANGELICA, CHAMPAGNE, TfTB j rT3 U I ' nil . naTW wholesale and retail, all of their own grwli g, and warranted to couiainnoihlug but the pure juice ot the S'Pte- . IIaUN A QOA1N, Aneuts 88 lmrp JAMES CARSTAIR8, JR., Aos. 12G WALNUT and 21 GRANITE Sis., IMPORTER OF Uraiidics, YViiics, Uln, Olive Oil, Lie. Etc., AND COMMISSION MERCHANT, IOK THE SALE OF I'UKE OLD KYE, WHEAT, AND B0CR- 1U)N WHISKIES. 4 m FLAGS, BANNERS, ETC. 1868. PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST FLAGS, BANNERS, TTLlNSPAIiENCLESi AAD LANTERNS, Campaign Badges, Medals, and Tins, OF BOTH CANDIDATES, Ten different styles sent on receipt of One Dollar and Fifty Cent. Agents wanted everywhere. Flags in Mnsim, Banting, and Silk, all sUes, whole sale and retail. Political Clnbs fitted out with everything they m require. CALL OH OB ADDRESS V. F. 8CHEIBLE, No. 49 SOUTH THIRD STREET, m tfrp PHILADELPHIA DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC. ROBERT SHOEMAKER & CO., N. E. Corner or FOURTH and RACE Sts., PHILADELPHIA, WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS. IMPORTERS AND MANUFACTURERS OF White Lead and Colored Taints, rottj, Varnishes, Etc AGENTS FOR THE CELEBRATED FRENCH. ZINC PAINTS. DEALERS AND CONSUMERS SUPPLIED AT LOWEST PRICKS FOR CASH, 616t STOVES, RANGES, ETC. NOTICE. THE UNDERSIGN En would call attention of the public to his This is an entirely new heater. It is so oon structeJ as to at once command itself to general favor belig a combination of wrought and cant Irou. It U very simple In its construction, and Is perfectly air tighi;sellleanli:g, having no pipes or drams te b taken out and cleaned. It Is so arranged witb nprlgbi hues as to produoe a larger amount of heat from tbt same weight of coal than any furnace now In nse The bygrumetrlc condition ot the air as produced bj my new arrangement of evaporation will at once de monstrate that It is the only Hot Air Furnace thai will produce a perfectly healthy atmosphere. Those In want of a complete Heating Apparatni would do well to call and examine tbe Uoldeu Kagle OHAKLKrt WILLIAM, Nos. 1132 aud 1134 MARKET Htreet. Philadelphia. A large assortment of Cooking Ranges, Plre-boarc Stoves, Low Lxiwn Grates, Ventilators, etc., alway on baud, N. B. Jobbing of all kinds promptly done. 5 10 LEGAL NOTICES. TN THE OHPHANV COURT KOH THE CITY JL AND COUNTY OF PHILADELPHIA. Kstaie of MARTHA. FRMi;l3, aud THOMAS L. HaCKKR, minors. The Auditor appointed by the Court to audit, settle and adjuet the hrst and una! account of JKKK J11AH L. HUTCHINSON, guardian ot MAKilU HACK KR, FRANCIS HACKER, and THOMAS L HACKER, minor cnll.lreil or ISAAC IIAUKKU, deceased, and to report distribution of the balance In the lianas of tbe accountant, will meet the parties Interrtited for tbe purpoae of his appolutmeut, on Til L'llbDAY, August 'ZJ 18UH. at 11 o'clock A. M ,. at bin ollice. No. 707 bANsOM Btreet. in the City of Phi ladelpbla. D. 1'. MURPHY, 8 12 wfnilitf Auditor. CARRIAGES. GARDNER & FLEMINGS CAHRIAQE BUILDKI18, No. 214 SOUTH FIFTH STREET, BELOW WALNUT. An assortment Of NEW AND SECOND-HAND CARRIAGES always on hand at REASONABLE PRiciia. e 5 fin warn IRE GUARDS, FOB UTOBE FBONTW, ANTXUMS, PAC TOBIKN, KTCi Patent Wire Balling, Iron Bedsteads, Ornament Wire Work, Paper Makers' Wires, and every variety Ot Wire Work, manufactured by U. WALKER A MONO. mwH No 11 Worth MIXTH MtrwM. QEORCE PLOWMAN, CARPENTER AND BUILDEA, REMOVED To No. 134 DOCK Street, PHILADELPHIA. 218 & 220 S. FRONT ST. $ CO WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC. JEWELRY! JEWELRY! S. E. Corner Tenth and Clicsnut. NEW STORE. NEW GOODS. WRICCINQ & CO., (Formerly Wrl? gins A Warden. Fifth and ChMnntl Invite attention to llielr New Jewelry htore.K Kcor. ner TK NTH and CHESNUT Htreeig. ' COr We are now prrrred. wl'h our Kxtenslve Stock, to Offer URKAT INDUCEMENTS to buyers. WATCHES ot the niOHt celebrtU!d niBkers, JEW. F.I.KY. and H1I.VER WARE, alway. the latent de Blk'ni and beM quail' lea. Oonris Mpecmll v rtmlgnert for BRIDAL PRESENTS, rartirular attertlnn given to the Repnlrlne ol WATCHEH AND JEWELRY. L 1 m Wf WRIQQINS A CO., 8. E. Corner Tenth ana Cncsnut Streets. Xims LADOMUS & CO 'DIAMOND DEALERS A JEWKIEPJO WiTcups. jr.wr.utv a sii.TKit iuut i vWaT0HES and JEWELET EEP AIRED. , -02jChegtnP.t St., gjlgL Would Invito particular attention to their large and elegant assortment of LADIES' AND GENTS' WATCHES ?,A,m,5'',c'BJ,Jl.,", F9reK" Wakeisof thefimst quality. In Uold and Hivtr Cases. " tlruln"lely 0t ,naefendent J Second, for horse i?J'.and Oenta' CHAINS of latest styles, la 14 BTTTON AND EYELET STUDS In great variety newest patterns. SOLID SILVERWARE for Bridal presents; Plated -ware, etc Kepairiug uuue In the beet manner, and war-rnted- 5 .J4p We keep always on hand an assortment of LADIES' AND GENTS' "FINE WATCHES" Of tbe best American and Foreign Makers, all war. ranted to give complete satlstaetlun, aud at GREATLY REDUCED PRICES. FARR Sj BROTHER,' Importers of Watches, Jewelry, Musical Boxes, etc, 11 llsmthjrp No. 824 CHESNUT St., below Fourth. Especial attention given to repairing Watches and Musical Boxee by EUtbT-CLASB workmen. SPECIAL NOTICE. UNTIL SEPTEMBER 1, 18C8, I WILL CLOSE DAILY AT 5 P. M. . Vi EUSSELL, Importer and Dealer In French Clooks, Watches Fine Jewelry, and Silver Ware, No. 22 North SIXTH Street, K 268 PHILADELPHIA. MILLINERY. K3RS. R. DILLON, SOS. 133 AND 823 MOUTH sTBEET, Has a large assortment ot MILLINERY. Ladles', Misses', and Children's Silk Velvet, Felt Btraw and Fancy Bonnets and Hats of the late styles. Also. Hlks, Velvets, Ribbons, Crapes Feathers, Flowers, Frames, etc. etc., wholesale and retail. 81J ENGINES, MACHINERY, ETC. jr- EBRICK & SONS' SOUTH WARK FOUNDRY, NO. 430 WASHINGTON AVENUE, Philadelphia. WILLIAM WRIGHT'S PATENT VARIABLE ; CUT OF 8TEAM-ENGINE, Regulated by the Governor, MERRICK'S SAFETY HOISTING MACHINE, Patented Jane, l'M. DaVID JOY'B PATENT VALVELEob STEAM HAMMER. . D. M. WESTON'S PATiNT SELF-CENTERING, SELF-BALANCING CENTRIFUGAL 8UGAR-DR4IN1NG MACHINE AND HYDRO EXTRACTOR, For Cotton or Woollen .manufacturers. 7 lOmwf ly irfrfK 1 EMU STEAM ENGINE AND A.'i. -iiii-. DOii-iiK W'UliKe. NEAFlE b LEVY. rivav..ii.ALASti THEORETICAL ENGINEERS. JlACHljNIbi'r, JiOli-EH -MAEERa, Bi.ACli. sMlTHo, aud PUl MDEltS, having lur many j ears bten In Buccw-sful tipeiallou, ami been sxciuslvely engaged In building aud repairing Marine and River Engines, high uud ltw-prMaure, Iron Boilers, Walor i'auks, ITonelleis. etc etc, respectfully oiler their service, to the Ju.ullc as being fully prepared to con tract for eukli. B ot all size., .Marine, River, aud rttatiouary; hav ing ki of patterns of diflereut ai.ea are prepared to execute order with quick dmpatcn. Every description ol paiieru-uiaklug made at me shortest noilc. High aud Ltiw-pren.ure Flue Tubular and C lluaer iiullers, oi the best Peunsyiva uia etiarcoal irou. Purging of all sbsea and kinds lion aud Bracb Castings or all description. Roll Turning. Screw Cnttiiig, aud all other work connected with the above bi.umtoo. Drawings and iMiucBtlons for all work done at tbe establishment free of charge, and work guaran teed. The subscribers have ample wharf-dock room for repairs of boats, where they can lie tu perfect safety and are provided wub shears, blocks, falls, etc, ate for raising heavy or light weights. JACOB O.N KAFIE. JuIIN P. LEVY. II BEACH and PALMER Streets. J. VAUGHN MBKKICK, WILLIAM H. USBBIOK JOHN It COPK, OOUTI1WAKK FOUNDRY". FIFTH A MO D WAOHINOION Street. ' PHII.ADHl.PHJ . .. WEKRICK & MON8. fENGINEEIW AND MACHINISTS, ni.annraciure High aud Low preure Steam Engines tor Land, Rlvr, aud Marine Service. Boilers, Uaxometers, Tauks, Irou Boats, etc. Castings of all k Inda, either Irou or tira.s. Irou Frame RooAi lor Gas Wore, Workshops, and Kallioad relations etc Retorts and u ai acufaery, ot the latest aud aiust Improved const' ucilon. Every dtwcrl) Hon of Plantation Machinery, aio Sugar, Saw, and Grmt Mills. Vacuum Pans, Oil Steam Trains, OelvcaiorH, Filters, Pumpiug, En glues, etc ... bole Anenta tor N. Blllenx's Patent Miitar Botllpg Apparatus, Netmyth's Patent Hieam Hammer, aud Aspinwall A W oomey's Patent (ulrltugil Buur Ditiliilng Machines. i COTTON AND FuAX, SAIL LUCK AND CANVArt, Of a'.l manners aud lirnnds. Tent, AwnliiK, Trunk, and Vagiu Cover Dm It. Also Frier Slaiiufpi'iniera' Drl'-r Fel's from oue to seveial ttet wiiit , l' Hi g Uel'lng Sail Twine, tic JOil W V. f V C M A N A t"., Nit. h JON Kb' AHejr FINE WATCHES. j
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers