THE DAlhr EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, AUGUST 6, 13G8. 2 SPIRIT OT THE PRESS. Editorial oruriosrs c LrAomo journals uron cubbbct toticb oompilho btbht BAT FOB TEB BTBillBa TBLBOBAFH. "With What Kodj do they Como'.;' from the IT. T. Tribune. We desire, as heartily as any can, that the Southern Rebels, great and little, high and low, military and oivil, poor and rich, violent and moderate, Bhall all return to the full ex ercise of the privileges of citizenship, and that there shall be no tabooed class or outcast pariah raoe In this country. We ore willing that all should come to the knowledge of the truth and be saved. Eodlnaa political punish ment is no part of our faith or practice. But "how are the dead raised up, and with what body do they come ?" Ever since the downfall of the Rebellion there have been two distinct classes of ex Kebels, esoh willing to take part iu Southern politics. Mr. Reagan, a member of Jeff. Davis' Cabinet, had certainly been a3 zealous a Rebel as need be. lie had. remained with Davis nulil and during his flight, after his navies bad beeu sunk, his armies had surrendered, and all who bad erst fluttered an 1 fawned around the fallen possessor of a "little brief authority" had lied. But Mr. Reagan catuo forth from his imprisonment in Fort Warren, and freely aud caudidly advised the Southern people at that early stage in the reconstruction question to give civil aud political rights to all, without distinction 01 color, race, or condition, jle recognized the lost cause as lost forever, and neither saw nor desired to Fee any half way halting-ground between slavery aud equality. General Longstreet, one of Lee's favorite corps commanders, had attested his devotion to the Rebel cause by daily staking his life in its defense until it waB decisively and forever overthrown. He then, with statesm aulike candor and soldierly frankness, disdained to kindle the fires of sectional strife over ques tions which had .been forever settled, and he, too, recommended the Southern people to place civil rights, land, education, and the ballot within the reach of all. Governor llolden of North Carolina never had faith in the Rebellion or its leaders, opposing the former while opposition was possible, and criticising the latter . until all his predictions of their failure were verified. Yet he had yielded to the sentiment of his State, and doubtingly served the cause for who3e suc cess he saw little ground either to hope or to pray. It i3 natural that such a quasi Rebel should become a thorough Unionist, and should accept equality in place of Sla very. Yet many others whose eourse during the war was like that of llolden, fail thus to accept the inevitable logio of events. Gov. Joe. Brown of Georgia was one of the most earnest of Rebels, but he too does not believe in fighting to restore a slavery which they were not able to maintain. All these men de sire that the blessings of real peace shall be brought to the South by giving all rights to all men, and obliterating all wrongs or invi dious distinctions which might stimulate any class of the Southern people to strife with any more favored class. During the Rebellion they gallantly fought for that social and poli tical inequality between the races, which was the Confederacy's chief corner-stone. Having Surrendered, they do not seek to save the corner-stone of the edifice, whose defense they Lave abandoned. No better friends of union and freedom live than these men who fought for slavery and disunion. But of a far different type are Governor Vance, who declares that all that was surren dered in the Rebellion will be restored in the election of Seymour and Blair; Governor Wise, who asserts that the lost cause is about to be regained; Wade Ilampton, who pressed upon the Demooratio Convention that clause of their platform which declares the Southern State Governments "unconstitutional, revolution ary, and void," and who now avows that this Is as good as a promise of revolution, and that if the Democratic party return to power, their President can do no less than revolu tionize all the Southern State Governments by force. We believe that Wise, Vance, aud Hampton express the sentiments only of the precipitate and reckless portion of the Demo cracy even of the bouth. Bat It is this very Dortiou who fired the Southern heart in 18t0, and dragged the more sensible of the Southern people into the Rebellion, and will do it again ii permiueu vu uu nu. no wugm mo Southern people five years to very little pur Dose if we have not learned that fools can very easily lure them on to rebellion. Especially should we know this when we see the most violent and untamed traitor in the whole South aotuallv pressing into the Demooratio Slatform a clause providing for a new rebel on. Nine-tenths of the weak-kneed Northern doughfaces would prudently have left it out had they dared dispute the dictation of so eminent a Rebel as Wade Hampton. The Rebel emissaries in Canada, during the ses sion of the Demooratio Convention in Chicago, in 1804, telegraphed that the "Vioe-rresident and platform were satisfactory, speeches very satisfactory." Why the speeches were satis factory may be judged from the sample speech of Dean Richmond. "By G d we must put a stop to this d a war." lne Democratio Convention were determined to make their platform and nominations "satis faotory" to the most ultra Rebels in ls64 They evinced the same desire, and met with equal suooess, in 18(58. The more virulent the Rebel, the more completely and rapturously is be delighted. Seymour, lie Knows, win be wax in the presence of the Rebels, putty in the hands ot all ptiolio thieves, sharpened steel towards all black men, and a stench in the nostrils of every man not a Blair who ever voted or fought for the Union. Blair's reck lessness is well known to be fully equal to his courage. Under such leaders tlmy not only Lope for revolution, but glory in its confident expectation. TJue startling diuerence between their case now and in lstjo ig( that then they promised peace in the event of their success, and rebellion and civil war only if they were defeated. We might doubtless have avoided war by electing their candidates. But now they make no threat of revolution in cane of Grant's eleotion. They manifest no desire to confront the hero of Douelson, Viokaburg, Chatta nooeS,- and Appomattox in battle. If Grant be elected the will be dumb as blind mice. It is only in the event of the election of their own candidate (Seymour) that they threaten to inaugurate their drama of lire aud blood, as sassination aud slavery. What an induce ment is this to offer to the candid voter, to the business man, to those whose slaughtered sons and bromers now sleep on. the battle- plains of the great slaveholders' rebellion, to all who have any interest in the welfare and peace of the country! If Grant is elected, who threatens war 1 Does Wade Hampton, Vance, Lee, torrest, Wise, or any other Rebel, venture to utter such an audacious Intent ? No. nor to think of it. The eleotion of Grant is peace. Rebels, by their silence, confess this. Men of the Hampton stripe may call it subjugation. But it is Buch subjuga tion as the wolf suffers when the fold inter poses between him aud the lamb. It is such subjugation as the pirate feels when foiled by the rescue of the eaptives whose enslavement wonld have satiated bis cupidity aud last. It I is the subjugation of the Bourbons to make I way for the liberties of the people. It ia the subjugation which la inevitable to aespota when their subjects are disenthralled and trans formed from the minions of tyranny into free citizens. Emblems of the so-called subjuga tion of the Southern aristocracy will be the pchool-house, where before there was the slave pen; the newspaper will reach the jungles of the clay-eaters. The mean white trash will be sent for by modern civilization, and through the dark clouds of bigotry, ignorance and bru tality which have rested over the South the light will break, aud the truth will make them free. The reconstruction polioy of Congress, fully carried out, will raise up many friends of freedom among the ex-rebels. The election of Seymour might well disgust even the Southern Republicans and sour them into traitors. Shall we pursue that policy which will carry into the South the greatly needed boon of Northern capital, enterprise, manufactures, education, industry, emigration, wealth, independence, loyalty, or shall we pursue further the mise rable blunder of converting nine-tenths of the Southern land3 iuto jungle that the other tenth may sustain an aristocrat, and make four-fifth3 of the Southern people slaves, that the fifth man may be a Wade Hampton f Tlio Presidency ami the Candidates. From the N. Y, Herald. The political parties before the country have varied their differences with a singular simi larity in one respect. Each presents for popu lar lavor one national man ana one nullity, so that of the four candidates there are two men of vigorous character good heart aud brain and two nobodies, whose histories are simply contemptible in view of the o.'lices for which they are proposed. In the Republican ticket the efficient quantity stauds in its proper place the figure is before the cipher, the man leads, the nonentity comes after. In the Democratic ticket it is the other way. There the cipher comes first and the number stands behind it, so that the Democracy begin their campaigning with a start in inverse order, and are likely to go on as if it were a sum in fractions the more figures you get on the paper the less is the represented value. In this respective distribution of the material of their tickets we see something of the ten dency and disposition of the parties. Grant, the Republicans saw, was the people's man, and Colfax they knew was their party man. But the people's man got the first place. They recognized the propriety of giving way iu party inclinations in obedience to popular impulse. They saw the folly of daring the people, and they put up a man they did not like because be was the people's man. They never thought of putting their party peg in the first place. But the Democrats, iu the very breath in which they claim to be the people's party, refuse to receive an impulse irom the people or to conform to popular thought. The whole mass of Demooratio voters, desiring to make this election a prac tical fight, and one in which they would have some chance to win, wanted to see a national man at the head of the ticket; but the party plan prevailed, and they have instead a figure something worse than poor Pierce, while the only recognition the ticket makes of the claim of national services is in the second place. trrant is an able man, a man of distinct con victions and of firm and positive quality. Shou a man cannot be dishonest, cannot be au in triguer, and cannot readily be made any man's tool. If he have any vagaries of conduct they will be outright violent ones, but suoh as will allord opportunity to mdiuate Uia etrengtu of character in overcoming them if occasion re quire. Honest, clear-headed, resolute, of un conquerable will such is the very man we want in the President's chair to give its anoient dignity and force to that sadly compromised office. Andrew Johnson is small in his ani mosities and a politician. He lowered the dig nity of his position to the prosecution of po litical quarrels. He had an opportunity at the close of the war, when, by taking up theMexi can difficulty and making it, with the army then in hand, the occasion of a grand assertion of the Monroe doctrine he could have kept the national mind busy on a great subject, and, thus diverting it from our internecine strife, have directly secured the return to domestic peace. But he could not see that great occa sion. He could see only the small strife of small politicians, and engaging in this gave reason for the assaults of his opponents, and even for those assaults that, not stopping with him, aimed at his office. It Is through the oc cupancy of a man of mean calibre that the Ex ecutive has loBt the respect of the people and is even crippled in the laws, and we need i man like Grant in the place to remove the re proach and the oobweb impediments with which the foolish Congress, with Colfax at its head, tied down the pigmy Johnson. We want Grant, but not Colfax. Colfax might go with Seymour. Both are mere poll ticians men of no weight or merit beyond their acuteness in the management of caucuses; but Grant and Blair will do admirably. That wonld be a ticket to command the respeot aad suffrages of the whole people, and the people. disregarding the nonsensical machinery of the conventions, should scratch and make that ticket for themselves. Popular will may readily enough make itseli (elt In this manner, ana thus the people may rebuke the impu dence of the politicians, who count on the blind obedience of the masse. Such a ticket as we kdicate would be one to unite the people and make the country great; not one to enrich politiuians with the plunder of office; and with a government headed by such men we might again go back to our natioual record and start again where the close of the war left us, uniting the people of all seotions in the Struggle incident to the assertion of our Dosi tion as the arbitrator the dictator, if need be of the peace of the Continent, even aeainst Mexico herself, now that there is no disturber lroni beyond the Atlantic. It was Grant's idea three years ago that our civil war was to be ended in Mexico, and it is not too late to end it there yet. The State flections From the IT. Y. Times. The result of the Kentucky election affords cause neither for surprise nor alarm. No one imagined that its verdict would be other than Democratic; the only open question being as to the extent or tue majority. The use which the Demoorata make of rfsa.lt anticipated by everybody indicates the energy, and generally the Judgment, with which they are working, "ihey appear to care comparatively little for the Presidency. The contest in Seymour's behalf is too hope leSB to render enthusiasm or effort possible. Their efforts are therefore directed to the State elections, with the view of acquiring strength in the local executives and the lower branch of Congress, The only value of the Keutuuky election is as a means of inspiring spirit and confidence into the party in other States. The next election, on the J :3th instant, Is iu Tennessee, and the next, September 1, in Ver mont. Both are as surely Republican as was Kentucky the other way. California, which votes a week afterward, is more doubtful; while Maine, which completes the list for Sep tember, may with proper management be made certain lor the Republicans. Of the six elec tions which occur in October, three are im portant, both as to themselves and In their effect upon the canvass In the States voting in November. Nebraska and Iowa, two of the number, are Buffloleutlr pronounced to leave little room for Demooratio hopes. Strenuous exertions are being made, however, to carry Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, whose elec tions are, all on the 13th, and whose voices will not be without effeot in the national can vass. In these States Democratic aotivity U Just now concentrated, and great expectations are based upon the potency of the greenback doctrine. It is of the utmost importauoe that these 8tates be secured by the Republicans; and no zeal for the national ticket in other quarters will excuse blundering or indifference here. The judgment of Penusylvauia aud Ohio will reaot upon New Jersey and New York; and that of Indiana will not be without weight in Michigan and Illinois. The earlier local struggles will have much to do with the later and larger result. The danger to be apprehended is that of a too entire dependence upon the Southern vote to determine the contest for the Presidency. The vote of the reconstructed States is assumed as for Graut and Colfax as a matter of course. The experience of Georgia bhould moderate assurance in this particular. Moreover, the probability of gigantic frauds, aud even of vio lence, in these States, in order that their votes may be enshrouded in doubt and dispute, should teach the Republican party the wisdom of winning the battle without depending upon Southern aid. If the South come in, as it were, to ratify a result achieved by the might of Noitheru Republicanism, the effect will be good upon both sections. Circumstances m.iy make it the arbiter in the struggle; but tint would bo unfortunate, however right legally or morally. The Montgomery (Ala.) Advertiser propo3es that the two parties "shall agree that the Southern States shall not participate" in the election. The proposition is impracticable, and to the South unjust. But the idea on which it rests is not undeserving of attention as affording reasons for conducting the oontest with the smallest possible depundenoe upon the Southern States. The possession of a Re publican majority, irrespective of the South, is for many reasons desirable, aud it rests with the North to make it possible. Address of the Republican Slate Commit tee governor Seymour. From the AT. Y. World. An address, unmistakably by the style from the pen of Horace Greeley, is printed in the editorial columns of the Tribune, aud signed with the names of the Republican State Com mittee. This address to the Republican voters of the State is a retiash of stale Tribune edi torials with Tribune seasoning, aud as it pre sents no new point, fact, or argument, it merits no attention from the Demooratio press. We nevertheless extract its railing tirade against Governor Seymour, because iu a composition of this kind meant to be copied into all the Republican papers of the State, the worst charges are reiterated which can be made against our candidate with any sem blance of truth: You know that his opponent Is that Horatio Hevmour who lias beeu your deadliest, most lnnldions, moet calumnious foe, lrotn the day when New York mm, by the nearly uuanlmous vole of her representatives In Congress of boiu Fiariius, declared her iufloxlble hostility to any urtber extension of slavery uuderoar national Hag. down to this hour. He supported the Ne braska bill and the Lecomptoa Infamy, lie did his utmost, but in valu.io put the vote of our State against Meimmt ami Lincoln, TUrtce defeated by you as a candidate for Governor, he was at Inst elected through the absence of thousaudH ot you in tue lieiu where your conn try waw waved; and hlu uuoueHH aout your sail 4Ut auu uouie waunwonu to ins iulu, ueur tun spot where Htouewull Jacliuou first called on hie follow Hebet8 to cheer the last eleotion of Ho ratio Beymour ns their triumph. He la the inaa who ftddrt sued the draft rioters, orpuau-asyium burnere, aud negro killers of the great empo rium its his 'friends,' and was exultlugly reco Dized by them as their chief. There la not to day an impenitent, implacable Kebel in the land who does not glory in supporting mm, end In his heart echo Vance's boast that all thev lout when defeated by Grant they wlil regain when they triumph with Seymour." All that this string of accusations amounts to is, that Governor Seymour has been, from first to last, a consistent, strenuous opponent of the Republican party, lie is no turnooat, like General Grant. Up to the time of Presi dent Johnson's Western tour, and for some time afterwards, the politics of General Graut were the same as those of Governor Seymour. Grant, too, "supported the Nebraska bill and the Lecompton infamy." Grant, too, was opposed to Fremont and to the first election of Lincoln. Governor Seymour's record on the political questions which preceded the war is more conspicuous, because his superior talents for civil affairs gave him so much higher a standing than ex-Captain Grant ; but each, according to the measure of his .ability and influence, resisted the fanaticism of the Republican party. If anti-negro politics up to the year 18(17 be a reason why Seymour should not be elected President, it is equally a reason against Grant. If Wade Hampton, Vanoe, and the rest would be glad of the election of Seymour, they would also have had no ob jection to Grant, if Grant had continued to hold the same liberal sentiments he enter tained when he made his noted "white washing report" soon after the rupture be tween the President and Congress. Scarcely six months have elapsed since the Tribune was almost daily declaring that it would as soon have a Democrat fet President as Graut elected by the Republicans with suoh politics as he had up to that time avowed. Such being General Grant's political record, the Republican address really laya the lash on Lis back, when it arraigns Governor Sey mour for a record of the very same kind. If all men are to be ecourged with a whip of scorpions who opposed Fremont in 185G and Lincoln iu 1SU0, the writer of the address will drive a great many neephytes out of the Re publican party, and Grant among the rest. It is a signal proof of the difficulty of finding charges against Governor Seymour when nearly every thrust made at him is a stab at General Grant through his sides. Allowance being made for their unequal ability and political standing, Governor Sey mour and (ieneral Grant do not differ except that one is a consistent Democrat, and the other a recent renegade. Grant has bartered his principles for the hope of ollice; he never became a Republican until the political syrens began to sing in his ears that commuuion with that party would bring him to the White Houpe. The very charges brought against Governor Seymour by his enemies exonerate him from all suspicion of making merchandise of his pritciples. The perfect contistew-y of his record is the chief point made against him. He continues to be what General Grant was until the gilded bait of the Presidency was lluug iuto his jaws by the radical aug lers. If Governor Seymour, like so many facile aad venal politicians, had male the war au excuse for deserting his principles, there was no degree of popularity nor any poBition which he might not easily have gained. Mr. Lincoln himself stood ready to support him for the succession. Hut Governor Sevmour was proof against all such allure ments. In the politic of the last ten years he has preferred the losing to the winuiug side, and the writer of the address is so wanting in magnanimity as to make this self-sacrillciug steadiness to principle a topio of reproach, lie tells the Republicans how many times Governor Seymour has been defeated, as if it were not a praise to stand by our oolers against great odds, when office and honors could have been so easily obtained by changing sides. It is a pignal proof of Governor Seymour's great personal strength that he rescued the State of New York from the Republicans in the very flood-tide of their suoeess. Now, when the party la in a condition of general deoline and aecrepunne, he will easily lead the Democratio hosts to victory. - The Democratic Fcace. Fram the ClncbuMli Gazette. American party politics used to be a state of war. It was held by one party that the insti tution as it was called which they made their comer-stone and cohesive power, was of such a nature that sentiments opposed to it were incendiary, and could not be tolerated. They held that in the great section where this so-called institution existed, no man must be permitted to live who dispn'ed its right or its policy; and that such opinions were so danger ous to the social fabric, that they justiiled society, or the majority who took upon them selves the rights of society, in resorting to the higher law of self-preservation, and patting such disturbers out of existouoe. The Northern portion of that party accepted these conditions, and freely justified the execu tion of all Northern men in the South against whom this accusation of sentiments was brought. And they also co-operated in ex tending this higher law by denouncing the whole party of the opposition by a name which, in the South, was held to be charge and proof of the offense, and cause for immediate execu tion of capital penalty. Under this Demo cratic regime we had a political Union whiuh was the theme of our idolatry, but which united a country in one government, where the citizens of one section who went into the other did it at greater peril to life and prop erty than they would suffer by travel among the most savage tribes of Africa or the south seas. The list of Northern oitizsns murdered, or cruelly abused in their persons, or, in the cases of extraordinary forbearanoe, robbed and forced to fly for their lives, in the South, was greater than the list of all the robberies, mur derers or other personal outrages upon Euro peans and Americans by all the savage or half civili.ed peoples of the re3t of the world, al though those frequently brought on wars to redress them. This is that "Union as it was," which we often hear spoken of as the golden age of the Republic. It will be remembered that such was the ferocious spirit of that peaceful time, that the most cruel murders or tortures of Northern citizens in the South were justified in the Northern Democratio mind by the charge that the victims were abolitionists; and that this indefinite accusation, which in its greatest aggravation only meant that the victims had opinions against the rightfulness of slavery, and which was in many cases trumped up to cover a robbery, closed all Democratio hearts ageinst any touch of pity or horror. This was the Union as it was. It was such a union as would be made by uniting this country with the Bedouin Arabs, or of the Cannibal Islands, on condition that the Bedouins or Caribs should be sacred in their person and property when they came among ns, while we should be subject to be robbed and eaten when we went among them; and with the proviso that they should rule our Government. The Democratio party, always intolerant, ferocious and brutal towards oppo nents, gave their allegianoe to this reign of terror, robbery, and always exalted it as the lexifiowiioe of Demoorntio party rata. It is true that a Northern man might pro cure an uncertain toleration in the South by renouncing ail opinions against the rightful ness of this Demooratio "institution," and by zealous professions of belief In it as both a right and a blessing. By abandoning his manhood, and by ostentatiously denouncing the sentiments prevalent in the section from which he came, and by assuming abject sub serviency to the slave interest, he might be tolerated, provided he became involved in no disputes about property or dues with the na tives, which might offer to them too great a temptation to force a settlement by bringing up the cuarge oi seoret abolition sentiments; a charge which required no proof. On these precarious terms a citizen of this precious i nion might, by renouncing his manhood, live in the couth. And this was regarded as so happy a political situation, that the organs of the democratio party in the North worked zealously to keep it up. In the high hopes which were raised by the death of slavery and the conquest of the Re bellion, it was generally thought that the time had come when the citizens of the Northern seotion of this Union would have the same protection of law in the Southern section, aa the citizens of that seotion have always enjoyed in the North; that in faot we had become ene people, as we were before in name, and that the American citizens would have the same protection of law throughout his own country, that the citizen of Great Britain enjoys not only throughout the British Dominions, but throughout the world. In this belief a large number of Northern citizens emigrated to the bouth, after the sur render of the Rebel armies, carrying their capital and their Northern energy, and intend ins to build up their own fortunes by rebuild ing the production of the South. By the then general Southern cry for Northern capital and immigration, they were led to believe that they would be welcomed. That they had no hostile feeling towards the bouthern people, was shown by their going there to make a home Men do not seek homes for their families among a people whom they regard as enemies Many others who did not emigrate, sent their capital into the South to be invested in agri cultural production. In this, too, they gave proof of their fneudlinef s. Capital is pro verbially timid. It does not seek the country of enemies. How have these anticipations of peaoe been fulfilled t What kind of a reception has this much needed Northern capital and Northern emigration met with r Are there any Northern men who. in the light of the experience of these three vears. and of the present nublio declarations of Southern feeling toward North ern immigrants, would now seek the bouth as a home for their families, or for an investment of their capital r It is true be can have an un certain toleration there, upon about the same terms as before the war. He must abandon bis manhood, give up his political rights, and become an tnemy to the National Government On these terms he may be permitted to live But, with all this, let him be careful not to get into any lawsuit with a native, about rights of property; for he may find that a dispute with a native will invest the Northern immigrant with the obnoxious qualities which will make him an outlaw to bouthern courts. But the Northern loyal citizen who ami states to the South imagines that he is still in his own country, and that he carries with him Lis political lights as a citizen. He has his positive political ideas, lie has always exer cised the right to carry those ideas into pra tical effect in his votes tor officers and repre sentatives. He thinks that he carries the same lights with Lim into the Soutli when he makes his home there, and so he would in any other section of this country, or iu auy civilized country. But does he find it so in the South r Listen t the general Southern outcry against 218 220 S. FRONT ST. 4 OFFER TO TOE FINE RYE AND BOURBON WIIISKIES, IX BOND, Of 180r5, 1800, AUi riilE FIXE ME Of GREAT AGE, ranging Liberal contracts will be entered Into for Iota, Northern Immigrants, with all manner of ; opprobrious epithets, taken up and expanded j by Northern flunkies, and see what Is the j burden of it all. It is that Northern men who have come among them to live have assumed the same political rights as natives, and have dared to have a voice In political agitation, and a vote in elections, and eveu to be voted for; and that that voice and that vote au i mat official position is loyal to the National Gov ernment; whiuh is to fay, in their understand ing, that it is hostile to the bouth. In the Southern press or publio speeches there can be found no recognition of the right o( settlers who come from the North to exer cise the rights of citizens, or to have any political ideas; but, on the other hand, these organs of publio expression pour forth decla rations of hate and vengeance toward tnem ii they exercise any political rights in fidelity to the National Government. They may vote, if they vote the Rebel class into power, in avowed hostility to the nation. They may be political serfs to the old elaveholding and still Kebel class; but if they exercise the rights of citizens, they are made subjects for present hate and secret outrage, and for that reign of vengeance whioh the Rebel class expect to realize when beymour ana uiair snau oe elected. And. as in the halcyon days of the Demo cratio party, when the name of Abolitionist was to the Northern Democrat full justifica tion for the Southern murder and robbery of a Northern citizen; and, as in the early days of secession, the charge of Unionism was in the mind of the Northern Democrat full' justi fication for the massacre of bouthern citizens, so we see the Democratio journals aud stump speakers taking up the epithets which their old Rebel masters apply to emigrants from the North, and adding their yell of vituperation and contumely to intensify and justify the bouthern hatred. We even see Vallandigham, the notorious carpet-bagger of the Rebellion, piling vile epithets on brave soldiers who earned a na tional citizenship by five years of military duty, and who gained a residence iu the South by the highest right, that of rescuing it from Rebellion, while he was boasting of the pro tection of his infamy under the British lion. And we see George K. Pugb, whose Demo cratio ferocity has found no abatement in re tirement, in his bixth street speech gloating over the anticipation that the eleotion of Sey mour and the fulfilment of the Blair declara tion of war will put to flight all these Northern emigrants who have dared to carry into the bouth the rights of manhood. and citizenship. It is true, this Kebel class in the South offer to be magnanimous, and to permit Northern men to come there and live if they will not attempt to exercise any political rights, or if they will act in subserviency to them. They may be tolerated so long as they abide by these conditions, and do not fall under suspicion. But the evidence'of all the organs of expres sion of Southern feeling is that a Northern emigrant who adheres to the party which put down the Rebellion and saved the Republic is regarded by the ruling class of whites in the South as an enemy, upon whom the only re straint of their just vengeance ia the army of the United States. And the evidence of the organs of the De mocratio party in the North is equally unani mous that they applaud this, and desire that upon such terms only shall Northern men be permitted to live in the South. This is the peace which they desire. Aud would it be reasonable to suppose that a party which in cites and applauds this warfare in the South upon Northern men because they are not of the Demooratio party, would not carry the same war into the North if they could, aud would not also make it dangerous there for any man to be opposed to the Democratio party ? Why should they desire men to have rights in the North which they would deprive them of in the South 1 Demooratio politics always meant a state of warfare. That party could never tolerate free dom of opinion. It was always truculent and full of hate. While the party ruled the couu try, it supported a bloody barbarism in more than one half of the country, and tried to spread it over the rest. Its principle always was, be Democrat or diel Allegianoe to the De mocratio party allows no love of country. The real Democrat is an enemy to the Government as soon as his party ceases to possess it. He turns immediately to treason. When the party was turned out of the administration by the popular elections, it naturally turned to des troy the republic. It now seeks to restore a state of warfare in the South, in which every man who is -not a Deinoorat shall be deprived of all protection of law for his per son or property. And it has for its leading declainiers, North and South, the men who were humiliated by the triumph ot our arms, and whose ruling passion is a desire for ven geance npon the loyal men who defeated them. They have been io unwise aa to pro claim in advance this regime of vengeanoe upon the Union soldiers and other Union men who have settled in the South. But all this savage enjoyment will end with anticipation. If there had been a possibility of the eleotion of Seymour and Blair, the help which it has had from blatant Rebels, North and South, would Lave been fatal. G AS FIXT URES JOHN J. WJCAVKK, I 8KI.LKH l'KMNOCK. WE A V B B & P N N O C K, FLUMBKIf, GAS AND STEAM I-'ITTEKd, No. 87 ISOmil B&VKNT1I (STREET, Pt.Uuclelpbla. Country Beuts lltu d up with Gas and Water. Iu llrst Blyle. AnaisuVtiaent ol B.-funaud Iron 1.111 aud l-'orce Tduu o C"afcUntlv on Lb Lid J.KAl) BURNING ANO CHEMICAL PLUMBINO. N. B. Wa er Wheels buj jultd lu thu I rude aal 0'il.ern t reiuu))le prince 7 HI lui 1 AY V 1 X T U B K8,- Vjj' MlbKKY, MBRHlIiL A THAKAUA. No. 71M UUKJSNUT ISlreI, a Tn(cinipr of irb Fixtures, I.iiiiipu, etc,, eto., wo.ua cell che etieolinn or the puhltcto tliulr lfti e end eiHicKiii MHorluieut ot Uns (JbAndellerii, Pemlanu, Jlrackets, etc. They eluo hilroduoo gwt-yiij. hiio rt-oll!nfH euil piiollc hutuilnKd, end attend to exteuA Hit, BlLerlnit. end repeli'lug Ka plt. All work wnrraKt 11 U CUT'i'OX AN1 Fi.AX, BAIL iiL'CK AND CANVAS Of all numtjer and brands. Tent, Awnlne, Trnuk, and Wugon Cover Duck. A mo l'Rp r MaiiulHfiiirers' lrlor Fh1i from-one to fceml Itol widfei J'u'ill-g. Bi-ltlng- HH Twine, eui, lOHH W. KVl- KMAN A CO., No, iuJ03W Alley 218 & 220 S. FROIIT ST. TRADE, IN LOTS, lOT, Ra 18C8. AND BOIRROX WHISKIES, from to 1815. in bond at Distillery, ot tula yeara'mnttfotar. CH AyTVAGNK. AN INVOICK OF "PLANT Dora" cneuii'BKue, Imported ei:rt lor ie hy JAMH U KV1A 1 Krt, J Ii., 126 WALNUT emi 21 RA riT K Hu.pt; CHAMPAGNE. AN INVOICE OP "GOLD Ic " tihar imgne, Intpurted end lor sale by JAWKH OAllKTAIi;.-, JR., 128 WALNUT HDd SI UUANITK Blrtft, CHAMPAGNR. AN INVOICR OF "GLC rle" DliHaipHgnu, Imported end (or teie by J A a. k'.H CARSTAIFS, JR., 111 JM WALNUT end Si OKAMITK street,' CABSTAIBS' OL1VB OIL. AN INV0IC3 01 the etxive, for rele by JAMKd CAnSTAT1?. JR., ISM WALJS UT end 81 UK ADUTE Street; WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC. JEWELRY I JEWELrm S. L. Corner Tenth and Chcsmit. NEW STORE. NEW GOODS. VTtlGCINS Cl CO., (Formerly WrlKstns Werden, Fifth nnd CUmnatl Invite ntienttou to their new Jewelry btore. a H. Cur ner TJ? NTH aud CHHSN t'T fetreem. ' We ere now prpperixi, with our KxtiiBlve Stock, to OfVer HRKAT lNlnjC'KSt KNT3 to buyers. WATCJ1K3 ot the n8t celebrated innkers, JEW F.LRY, ana PII.VKK WARE, always the latest do. sinus nnd bent qualities. Goods especially dettlfcned for BRIDAL PRKSENTS. pFrtlculnr atler.tinti given to tha ltei.ftlrlnir of WATCU-Ea AJI JEWKLRY. It 1 mwf WRIGGIN3 & CO.; 8. E. Corner Tenth and Chesnnt Streets. 'VtWlS LADOMUS d CO. 'DIAMOND DEALERS & JEWELERS. WATCHES, JKWKLKY MlbVEH WAUK. 0?J"AT(JHE3 and JEWELRY REPAIRED. , J02 Chostnnt St., Philft- Would Invite pertlcnlar attention to thtlr Urge aud elegant assortment of LADIES' AND GKNTS' WATCHES of Amelan end Foreign MaVersof theiUuiBt quality. In Hold and Silver ('asm. A variety of Independent i Second, for horse timing. Ledles and OentB' CHAINS of latest styles. In 11 and 18 kU BTTTOX AND EYELET 8TCD3 in great variety newtst patterns. BULID SILVERWARE for Bridal presents; Plaled-ware. etc Repairing Cono iu the best manner, and war- rauieu. g . j jp We keep always on baud en assortment of LADIES' AND GENTS' 'FINB WATCHES" Of the best American and Foreign Makers, all war. ranted to give complete Batlnlaeiion, and at GREATLY KEDUCED PRICKS, FAR It & BROTHER,' Importers ol Watches, Jewelry, Musical Boxes, etc., 11 Usmtbjrp No. S2i CHE9NUT St., bolow Fourth. Especial attention given to repairing Watohea and Musical Boxes by l'IRHT-CLASH workmen. QPECIAL NOTICE. USTIL SEPTEMBER 1, 18C8, I WILL CLOSE DAILY AT 5 P, M, G. TV. RUSSELL, Importer and Jealer In French Clocks, Wetchei Floe Jewtlry, and Silver Ware, No. 22 KortU SIXTH Street, S 2( ; PHILADELPHIA. DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC. ROBERT SHOEMAKER & CO., N.E. Comer r FOURTH and RACE Sts., PHILADELPHIA, WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS. I11POETEIW AND MANUFACTURERS 09 ' Wliilo Lead nnd Colored Palais, ruttj, Varnishes, Etc AGKNTb FOR THE CELEBRATED EKLXCll ZLNC PAINTS. DKiLERS AND CONSUMERS BUPPLIED AT LOWAJBT PK1C KB FOR CASH. IS t INSTRUCTION. glETEBS D ALB INSTITUTE. BOARDING ItOH OOL FOR YOUNG LADIES. Terms Board,.Tuitlon, etc per scholastic yer,5Q0 NO EXTRAS, Clrcnlara at Messrs. Fairbanks A Swing's, No. 711 CHESNUT Btrcti-i; also at Mesnrs. T. B. Peterson tk Brothers', No. 80s CHESNUT Street. Add reus, personally or by note, N FOSTER BROWNE, Principal, 10 t thmtl Bouth Amboy.N. J. FURNISHING GOODS, SH1RTS,A0 II. S. K. G. Harris' Seamlsss Kid Glove3. I'.VEUY J'AIlt IVAttOANTKU. EXCLUSIVE AGENTS FOR GENT GLOVEH. J. IV. SCOTT & CO., 62Tjrp HO. "II (IIESMT NT HE t'T. p ATENI SHOULDER-SEA 11 ftHIHT HI tNIFAt T4MIJ-, AND GENTLEMEN'S EUHNISUINa STOEE. rtUVKlT ilT'lISU tolllllia AND DHAVEiU tiiadeinnu uia'renient a' very slmr' nutice. All oth"r an.ults ol OEJSTLh.ME.Nd DRE;3 GLOWS in lull vastly WINCHESTER & CO., 11 2 Ho. 7M Cll EJ- L'T biieet. FINE WATCHES. J
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers