THE DAILY ', EVE1S ING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, DECEMBER 2, 18G7. srmiT OF TUB PRESS. JDITOBJAT. OPTHIOIJB OV TBI LSADmO JOURNAL ITTOH CTRBKST TOPICS COMPIIJSD VBT PAT FOB TH1 XYKllllta TM.WJKAPH. Tk Timptnl Pwr. from .rY. K. TWoun The Hon. Enoch Loala Lowe, ex-Governor of Maryland, is a retpeoUblu oitiaeo, who eea fit to lie Roman Catholic, which ia Ma busi ness, and none of oura. He lately aaw fit to t In ampathy with the late slaveholder's Rebellion, which was onr business; but the war ia gone, and he ia now on the strong side ia Maryland, and in the White House at Wash ington, under the guise of conservatism or Pemocracy. But Governor Lowe cornea to tfew York to lecture her oitizena on "The Roman Catholic Church and Modern Civil'za titn," and sees fit to ray hat Sfema to as de tervirg of criticism touching what is oalled the Temporal Power. Ilia ideas on this point we find summed up by our reporter as fol lows: The speaker entered Into a full defense of the temporal power of Hie I'ipen, contending that ll bad been ruatuly exercised on behalf of the people and hkhIiihi. tlit-ir oppressors, and that II was demanded by tlie Interest of 2UO,000,0()0 ot Christians In all parts ol tne world that the Pope kUouiu b luvupeuuent, and, lu order to be this, lie must be Governor of a small territory in Italy. The voice aud doctrlut'S of the Papal Cburcli hud always been on the aide of liberty," eie. eto. . Now, "the right of 200,000,000 Christians" (be the number more or less) to have a Pope, to be guided by him in spiritual, and (if they choose) also in temporal things, ia their own affair altogether. We would not meddle with it if we could. And if he and they hold that he must exercise a temporal power, we have no business with that. Most certainly, we deem it a great mistake, most damaging to his prestige as a spiritual ruler or guide, and in evitably calculated to divide hia time and dis tract his attention from the precepts of Him Whose "kingdom was not of thia world." But we are not hia judge in the premises, and do not oare to discuss the point at issue. But when Governor Lowe inaiats that this earthlj head of '2H),000,000 Christians" mast be sovereign of "a small territory in Italy," we cannot but demur. Suppose Italy does not want him for a temporal sovereigu; suppose the "small territory in Italy" prefers not to be ruled by him what then ? Is he to rule that territory, dismember that Italy, nevertheless J If so, how can it be pretended that "the voice and doctrines" whioh demand this are "always on the side of liberty ?" Here ia a touchstone whioh instantly explodes the pretense. To all that can be said in support of Mr. Lowe's position, we oppose one knock-down argument the map of Italy. Scrutinize it, we pray you, and judge if it be possible to assent to that position. Most oertai-Tfedo not agree with Metternich!tHrtf7aly is "merely a geographical exprSSJ7Tbat sne Ig at least mat. LOOor hu ., i snfl hour sh la Wills flSby the Alps, the Atlantic, and the lediterranean, rendering her geographically and topocraphically a country as distinctive and palpabley as any in Europe. True, her in land boundary should be the crest of the Alps, not their base the Trentiue district, with the southward slopes of Switzerland and the Tyrol are rightfully part of her. We trust the day is not remote when all who speak the Italian tongue will be under the protection of the Italian Hag. But even without these, Italy ia a nation of twenty-five millions of civilized people, inhabiting a fertile and geuial region, speaking one language, thrilled by mutual Sympathies and by common traditions of an cient glory, while their more recent achieve ments in painting, sculpture, architecture, xuusio, have justly placed them high on the roll of nations. Dante, Tasso, Ariosto, Raphael, Michael Augelo, Titian, Corregglo, Machiavelli, Columbus, etc., are not Tuscan, Lombard, Sardinian, Genoese, Venetian, Roman, or Neapolitan names they all belong to Italy, and their fame is her proudest trea sure. There is, there has been, but one coun try between the Alps and Africa; and its name ia Italy. And of that country, the capital has been, is, and will be, Romb. Now, conoeding the right of the Roman Catholics to have a spiritual head, who right fully possesses sovereign power over a "small territory," we most sternly deny their right to deprive Italy of her capital. Let us illus trate: The Pope has often been solicited to remove to this country, which he has a perfect right to do, and where we trust he will, should he ever cotne, be treated with universal respect and deference. He ia quite welcome to come here, and to exercise iu freedom all his spirit ual functions; and we presume no Catholio would doubt that bis acts would be just as valid, Just as efficacious, as though performed in the Vatican and at St. Peter's. But sup pose he were to come here and say, "It is essential that I have supreme civil or political power over a certain territory; so I will take the city of Baltimore for my see, with the State of Marylaud for my temporal dominion please give them up to me, to have and to hold forever, in perfect independence of your Republic or Union, and all will be serene" does an? body imajnue that we should give them up? Yet Baltimore is not the capital of the United States, while Rome 1.1 the capital of Italy, and has been these twenty cauteries. Her histories, her glories, her roads, even, all ' centre in Rome. If the Pope most Lave a temporal sove reignty, let Bifuie island like Malta, or Majorca, or Corsica, whose inhabitants are Catholics, and shall vote (as they doubtless would) to welcome and obey him as temporal sovereign, be chosen for his kludom, and let all th tt he may choose to take from Rome be transferred thither. (It is wH known that the Popes once left Rome and resided at Avignon, ia Southern a ranee, lor seventy yearn.) . If London, or l'aris. or Berlin, or Madrid, with a surrounding diHtric.t, were wrenched from the kingdom whereof it is the capital aud erected into an independent sovereignty, ruled by an ecclesiastic, we could not expect the nation thus Toblied of its cipital to iw ooutent under the visitation. Aud it would do no ver mauent good to have a European dm i; reus ratify the spoiling. The monaruhs of Europe Lave great power; but were tliey to decree that the Lake of Geneva should be traunl'urred to the peak of Mount Blauc, and ki'iit fWn, they would only sijuauder a mint of uiouey now, and soon subject the dwellers by th Arve and the Rhone to a terrible inun latiou. Rome will surely be again the capital of Italy.' If the Pope and his counselors t ho uo to make her the capital of a 1'rotestaut rather than a Roman Catholio Italy, they are on tun right track, and have tmly to go straight ahead. Governor Lowe assures us that th l'ipvv hasleenon the side of human liberty. We are very glad i to bear it, and only wUu the authority tor the statement were more conclu sive. But Governor Lowe used to bold liberty to moan the right of every white to "larrup his own nipger," if he had or could get one, and to carry-slavery into any part of the Federal territories; and he held that the Con federates were fighting for liberty. If the liberty that the Papacy favors ia of that sort, the assurance is not so comforting. The President' Message ad the Ala. bam Claim. From the Jf. T. Herald. The most striking and interesting feature of the forthcoming message of the President to the Congress of the United States, as we are informed, will be that portion of the doonment relating to the Alabama claims and the posi tion taken by the British Government in the important international controversy to whioh they have given rise. The allusion to these topics by President Johnson, while it will pro bably be clothed in language plain and em phatic enough to prevent any misconstruction of its import, and while it will be accepted at home and abroad as significant of the luture attitude of our Government, will, ia fact, be only the precursor of a grand stroke of policy with which Secretary Seward oontemplates crowning Lis public career, and whioh may yet enable the administration of his chief to make its exit in a blaze of glory only equalled in brilliancy by the variegated fire and dazzling pyrotechnio display in the midst of which the dull green curtain falls upon so many of our modern spectacular dramas. hollowing closely upon the heels of the Presidential message will come a peremptory demand upon Great Britain by the American Secretary of State for a full and immediate settlement of the Alabama claims on the basis of the recount rendered by the United States, without any offset or deduction. The volumi nous correspondence in which both sides have already indulged, has exhausted all arguments that tan be advanced by either Government in support of its views upon the subject; aud it is by no means improbable that Secretary Seward feels himself no match for the trained diplomats of England upon paper, and believes that he will find the musket and the bayonet more effective weapons than the pen with which to enforce a recognition of his country's rights. If this demand, already too long evaded, shall fail to meet with a prompt and favorable response, Secretary Seward, by a sudden and masterly movement, may maroh an army into Lower Canada, seize upon Quebeo and Montreal, and hold them aa mate rial security for the full indemnification of hia Government and its citizens for all losses and damages sustained by them through the aid extended by England, or by British subjects, to the insurrectionary South during the war of the Rebellion. In pursuing such a course we shall but fol low closely the example of the British Govern ment, which, through a long career, has promptly laid its grasp upon the territory of nations against whom it has had occasion to unsheathe the sword. Upon the first outbreak of hostilities with France the fleets of England swept the seas and. seized upon every French possession within their 'reach; nor were the occupied islands restored to the country to which they belonged until the policy of their captors was fully satisfied. The objection may be urged that this is no parallel case, since the United States are not now at war with Grraat Britain; but the Alabama claims have reached a point beyond which there lies no medium course between immediate payment, voluntary or enforced; and from the unmistakable indi cations of the Presidential message, we believe it will be evident that with England herself must rest the decision whether peace shall continue, or the crisis culminate in war. The masterstroke probably contemplated by Seward will be nothing more than a precautionary measure, like the great Hank movement of Bismark on Napoleon, when adopting the lat ter' favorite doctrine of the consolidation of nationalities, the shrewd statesman of Berlin made Germany a unit, and left the French Emperor in a helpless conndition, destitute alike of the power to prevent and the courage to resent. It must not be supposed that in following such a line of policy our Government or peo ple have any desire to obtain permanent pos session of the new dominion by foroible annexation. We do not want those provinces at the present time. The transfer of British Columbia to the United States may prove all that England will be called upon to yield as a full satisfaction of our just demands against her. It will be a cheap atonement for acts that might have cost her a bloody and devastating war but for the forbearance of the aggrieved party. It will be a small recom pense for the injuries we have suffered, directly and indirectly, through the hostile attitude of England and Canada towards us during our terrible struggle for national existence. But, if our occupation of Canada shall be the means of establishing the inde pendence of the new dominion, and linking the chain of provinoes together in a solid republio, England will only have her own Machiavelian policy to blame for the result. It would at least be a blessing to Cansa. Freed from her useless allihue with Great Britain; no longer the battle ground in any war between England and the United States; in friendly relations with her powerful neighbor, aud with liberal treaties established between the two republics, ber population would increase, her resources le speedily developed, and she would grow to be a powerful coniederacy under the wing of the United States. Her citizens, already seri ously dissatisfied with the manner in which a distasteful consolidation has been forced upon them, would enjoy the right of Half-govern ment in reality; and if annexation should eventually follow, so that the waters of the St. Lawrence might no longer divide ua into two peoples, it would come of the frei accord of both nations. Iu these days of eruptions, voloanoes, me teors, earthquakes, and tornadoes, and the upheaving of mountains, the publio mind is prepared for great and sudden events, and such a masterstroke of policy on the part of Secretary Seward would serve to allay the restlessness and feverishness discernible -all over the country in business, politics, reli gious and social life. It would carry the ueait of the people with it, and be the crown ing feat of the Minister's territorial acquisi tions, casting all others Into the Bhade. It would i ot only settle at once the Alabama claims, without a war with England, but it would finally swallow up and dispose of l'eul auWm, liuance, military rule, nigge.rism, im peachment, and all the agitating issues that are giving bo much trouble to the incompetent blot kbeads who are showing their folly in Con giess, and go far towards verifying the predic tion of Lr. I nmrnlngs regarding the ap preaching millennium. Moacy. From the Ohio State Journal. e have passed through not one, but a Series of revolutions within live years. The poli:ical and the social revolutions all have be, held: a flnaucial or monetary revolution, scarcely less complete, all are now beholding. If we Lave not gauged or realUed" the swift ness and the force of the currents, it la because we ourselves have been swept along with the stream, and have not enjoyed that advanta geous point of observation a fixed position on shore. Before inquiring whence We have oouie and whither we are tending, it is desirable to know where and what ia that haven of safety and perpetual stourity from finanoi.il storms whioh we ought to seek. A good mariner knows precisely where the port is for which he set out; and, although he maybe oompelled by adverse winds or tempestuous weather to lie at anobor or to tack about, he never turns the prow of his ship directly from the port he desires to reach. Id our endeavors to reach that flnanotal sta bility which rests on a basis as firm as the earth we stand on, and which depends for its continuance on unchangeable natural laws, we must first inquire what money is. What is that form of value which possesses not a speci fic but a universal purchasing power a power to buy all (hinga fiom all persons at all timesf What is that medium of exchange and mea sure of value which constitutes the best cur rency f . . ' The object of money, or of a circulating medium of any kind, is to facilitate exchanges. It was found that trade or commerce could not be carried on to any extent by means of barter alone, or by exchanging one speoifio article for another. And hence different countries sought for Borne common medium of exchange, and salt was adopted in Abyssinia, stamped bark in China, nails in bcotland, and tobacco in Virginia. These seem absurd expedients to supply a want universally felt; but they were better than nothing at all. l hat money or currency is best which most facilitates the transaction of business which serves as the best medium of exchange. It f-hould act as lubricating oil, not only to keep the wheel of exchange in motion, but to in crease the number of its revolutions. It should be the impartial agent fairly mediating between those who are ready to render servioes to each other guaging the relative values of each ser vice and ot each artiole of exchange. It sheuld be portable, divisible, durable; not too bulky for the ready transmission of large values, and not so deBtruotible as to cause its value to dis appear by frequent use. The most essential oharacteristio of the best currency ii that it is a uniform standard and steady measure of value. All currency is bad just to the extent that it lacks this quality. Why thia fundamental point is not more dis cussed and better understood la to ua a mys tery. It ia evident that, if we were purchas ing cloth by the yard from a manufacturer whose yard-stick possessed such peculiar powers of contraction and expansion that it was 35 inches one week, 37 another, and 30 the next, we could do business with little cer tainty of profit or satisfaction to ourselves. If the farmer contracts to sell his wheat for $1 per bushel, and ia informed one day that a bushel is 55 pounds, on another that it is 63, and on another that it is 66 pounds, it ia evident that he knows very little about what he is get ting for his crop. And yet, in this matter of currency, we forget that we are allowing pre cisely the same state of things to exist every year. We agree to-day to pay for a certain service, one thousand dollars, six montb.3 hence. We may be obliged to pay what ia equivalent to eleven hundred of to-day's dol lars, or possibly only nine hundred. Until the expiration of the six months, we cannot tell whether we have made a profitable or a ruinous bargain. We agree to pay a certain rent; but whether we have made a good or bad eontract will depend on the state of the currency when payment comes. Every pur chase, every loan of mouey, every sale of goods or of produce, every agreement eutered into, every exchange or commercial transac tion, is immediately and directly alfeoted by the condition of the currency; that is, its value compared with the true standard of value gold. Aa the papr dollar, not the gold dollar, is the measure or supposed measure of value, it is perfectly obvioua that it measures nothing and determines the value of nothing with accuracy; for its own value is ever variable. What sort of a standard of value for all other values is that whioh is itself constantly changing f A yard is a yard, an inch an inch, but a dollar ia not a dollar it may be sixty-eight cents one day, and seventy-two cents the next, and seventy the next. A slip of paper containing a pro mise to pay a dollar, whether that promise is made by a government, a- bank, or an indi. vidual, is as unfit a standard or measure of value on which to transact all business as the government bark of the Chinese, or the stamped leather of the Carthaginians. It is as unsuited to . fufil the object for which money was invented, as the surveyor's chain would be to answer its purpose, whose links were made of India rubber, liable to indefinite expansion and contraction. Now, the circu lating medium which we have used during almost two years of peace, and whioh may be made the very best to facilitate the exohange, is still subject to variations in amount and in value. Sudden contractions as well as expan sions of the currenoy unsettle values, cause those fluctuations in prioes whioh derange business, and make unoertain all enterprises and commercial transactiuns. There is but one remedy for thia uncer tainty and this perpetual variation in the so-called measure of value; and that remedy is a return to a specie basis for our currency. When a paper dollar is at all times redeem able in coin, and equivalent to coin, it will be as little variable in value as gold. Gold has for centuries been accepted by all civilized na tions as the least variable measure and best known standard of value. When the Govern ment and the National Banks commence specie payments, the bright days of the re deemed republio will begin. To have secured a national currency is the great fiuanuial achievement of our history. To secure an in ternational currency will be the crowning glory. - Th Press on Impeachment. W-ow the JV. Y T met. The comparatively moderate tone whioh has maiked the Republican press since the recent elections, is particularly apparent in the criti cism which the majority report on impeach ment has elicited. Three months ago im peachment was a favorite remedy for the ills incident to Mr. Johnson. The proceeding was declared deserved and inevitable. To doubt its wisdom, then, was to inour the reproach of being "weak-kneed" and backsliding Repub licans. Now, however, much jnore considerate opinions prevail; the larger number of our Republican contemporaries dissenting very decidedly from the recommendation of the Judiciary Committee. Excepting only the Cincinnati Gazelle, we have not found any really influential Journal which undertakes to urge impeachment on the merits of the cafe before Congress. "John son's usurpations in the matter of Southern reorganization Justify 'impeachment,'" 1X tun subbtauce of the argument which the Gazette EreRSt-s with its usual earnestness. The St. ouls Ucmvcrut entertains the same view; but is more gnarded in its practical apnlloaUen. Even the Gazftte and the Democrat, however, exhibit qualms, not indeed as to the Justice of impeaohment, but as to the expediency ofinsUtiDg on it at the present time; both carefully divest themselves of responsibility uoder the conviction that the House must bear the whole. And the Democrat protests against attempts to talk the House up to the impeaohiug point, if it be not otherwise inclined to prooeed. t"No impeachment at all," says the radical , oracle of St. Louis, "would be Infinitely better than a tedious de bate about it; better for Congress, better for the dominant party, better for the country." As it is certain that the Committee's report has no obance of adoption except under mere effective party discipline than we deem pro bable, and equally certain that the iuopeaoh ers will rely on debate to cover the short comings and absurdities of their .report, we expect to see the Democrat disgusted with the - business before it reaches an end. Apart from these exceptions, the Judgment of the Republican press is against both the debate and the recommendation. This is now as true in regard to decidedly radioal newspa pers as to papers of habitual moderation. The Houtwell-Williams report has sickened them. The flimsiness of its evidence, the gross par tisanship of its spirit, and the haziness and ponderosity of its style, are characteristics which have made not a few heartily ashamed of the oauae thus wretchedly championed. No love, no respeot for Mr. Johnson dictates the moderation which is recommended. The con viction that he has betrayed the party which trusted him, and inflicted mischief on the country he has sworn to serve, obtains almost universal expression. But the desire to remove him from the Presidency ia tem pered with a feeling that it would be impru dent to take a step which, on the evidence shown, could not lead to conviotion, and whioh would meanwhile produce very serious embar rassment. Mr. Sumner's fancy, that Mr. John son cannot safely be trusted for five minutes, does not find admirers. The general feeling ia that Mr. Johnson's hands are tied already that with proper action on the part of Con gress he cannot do muoh harm that the coun try will outlive his term of offioe and that though he deserves deposition, extreme mea sures would not, in existing circumstances, admit of Justification. The Political Horoscope. Prom theN. Y. World. The pontics of the oountry are in a state of evident transition. All that can as yet be affirmed with confidence respecting the new phase is, that the negro question will be eclipsed by questions of finanoa. The number of financial propositions broached on the first day of the session attests the deep Interest the country is beginning to take in that class of topics ; and its torpid interest in the old questions will be manifest in the ease with v. hich the impeachment project will be shuffled out of view. The defeat of the radioal zealots on this measure will damp their ardor and depress their courage. They will stand aside nnd let the current of business and debate How into the financial channels towards which it tends. Questions of finance irresistibly force them selves into prominence after great wars. For the ten years after the overthrow of Napo leon they predominated in the politics of Eng land, and convulsed the country as it had not been convulsed in the colossal struggle of the preceding twenty years. After our war of the Revolution, it was financial questions that shattered and overthrew the Confederation, and led to the formation of the present Con stitution. Those same financial questions were inherited by the new Government, aud the policy of Hamilton, by whioh they were met and solved, was debated with altogether more heat than any other questions of the period. After the close of our second war with Great Britain, the same class of ques tions loomed into prominence, and continued to agitate the country with little cessation for the ensuing thirty years, until the slavery question and the Mexican War sup planted them by engrossing the publio interest. The tariff and currenoy ques tions rocked the country from side to side ; and the three statesmen of that period, whose names were in all mouths, ex pended their best energies in financial contro versies. Our own history and that of England proves that such topics are capable of stirring publio feeling to its profoundest depths. In fat, most of the great events o( modern times have turned on them. The Frenoh Revolution grew out of the financial difficulties which led to the convoking of the States-General. The greatest of all the English revolutions, that which beheaded Charles the First and intro duced the protectorship of Cromwell, had its source in financial difficulties between Charles and Parliament. We are in the dawn of an era when financial discussions will agitate the oountry more deeply than in the time of Hamilton, more deeply even than in the days of Andrew Jackson, when they came near lighting the torch of civil discord. Most public questions have only a distant interest for the great body of the people; these oome home to every man's business and fireside. That they have not sooner risen into absorb ing prominence is due to the preoccupation of the country with the draggling sequences of the war. Wars commonly end by a definitive treaty of peace, in whioh the future relations of the parties are Bettled, and all questione connected with the conflict dosed. Had our civil war oome to a like clean result, we should long age have been in the midst of exciting financial discussions; they would have been two years ago what they are presently to ba oome, the pivot of our politics. These ques tions are too pressing to be longer deferred, and although the future relations of the pa ties to the late war are not yet settled, they will sink before the winter ia half spent into subordination to the topics which must for some years be supreme in our politics. The publio mind has been so startled by the new theory of Messrs. Pendleton and Butler as to disclose a deep though hitherto dormant interest in the subjeot. It was not the supposed novelty, or ingenuity, or ab surdity of their doctrine whioh had such an electiio effect, but the fact that it touched in terests so vast that everybody felt that it could not safely be ignored. Had it been some new theory on the negro, or new crotchet about reconstruction, it would have burst and disappeared like a new-blown bubble; the publio would not have remembered it a week. The fact that it has kept its place aa a leading topio of constantly growing interest; that it id eclipsing the impeachment question, the re construction question, and the negro question, proves that the linauoea are felt to be a topio of fresh interest anu vast magnitude. Ti e first well-marked symptom of the decay of radicalism was presented in the early part of the summer in the strong disposition to nominate General Grant as the Republican candidate for President. Thia showed that the interest of that party in its policy needed to I e crutched upon a something extraneous'; for (Kneral Grant is in no sense a representative of the distinctive principles of the Republican party. The next symptoms were suck as OLD RYE TUB LARGEST AND FINE OLD RYG V H I In tho Land Is now Possessed by HENRY' S. H A NN I S & CO., Nos. 218 ard 220 Seuth FHONT Street, WIlOOlrtR IIIE NAME TO TUB MAOB, IW XjVTN, If YERT ADVANTAGEOUS TERM. Their Stock of Rye Whiskies, In Bond, comprises all the favorite brands extant, and runa through the various months of 1665, '66, and of this year, up to present date'. Liberal contracts made for lots to arrive at Pennsylvania Raijroad Depot, Ericsson Line Wharf, or at Bonded Warehouse, as parties may elect. It required no habits or reflection to interpiet. The brilliant series of Demo cratic victories, beginning with California and ending with New York, demonstrated that the spell of fanaticism was broken, and that the oountry had passed into a new era. the suddenness of the reaction, while it con founded the Republicans, surprised evn the Democrats. Later in July Congress had ad journed in a spirit of haughtier domination than it had ever before exhibited. In less than two months came the promooitory thunder-claps from Maine on one side of the conti nent and California on the other, followed by heavier reverberations in the two suoceediag months in all the greater and several of the lesser States of the Union. The violence of this great reaotlon was in part owing to the fact that the natural current of publio thought had been arrested; that the questions which should, in due course, have occupied the country on the olose of a great war, had been postponed until no barriers oould longer with stand them. LOOKING- GLAGGEO Of TH BEST FRENCH PLATE, In Every Stylo of Frames, ON HAND OR MADS TO ORDER. NEW ART GALLERY, F. BO LAND & CO., 11 1 2m2p No. 014 ARCH Street. SPECIAL NOTICES. gggp- NEWSPAPER ADVERTISING. JOY COB A CO., Agents for the "Ticuaiiu" and Newspaper Press or tne whole country, have RE MOVED from FIFTH and OHKSNUT Ulreeta to No. 144 8. SIXTH Street, second deor above WALNUT. Offices: No. H4 B, SIXTH Street, Philadelphia; TRIBUNE! BUILDINGS. New York. 78oHp jg- "THK LANDS TO THE NORTH OF US." THE Oil EAT LECTURE UT GEOEGE ALFRED TOWNSEND, Will be delivered, by request of the leading citizens of Philadelphia, AT CONCERT HALL, 9IOSDAT EVENIBfO, DECEMBER B. 1967. Tickets for sale at Asl mead's. No. 724 Qiesnat street; Trnmpler's, No. 92S Chesnut street: Khley's Book btaod, Continental Ho. el, and at the door ot the Hall, on the evening of the Lecture. Ar mlttance, 60 cents. No reserved seats. 1 1 2 at THE MODEL HOME A PLEA FOR Marriage and Domestic Joys. A NEW LECTURE, BY JIEV. A. A. WILLITS, In tbe Church corner ot ELEVENTH and WOOD Streets, on MONDAY KVKNINU, Dec 2, at 7 SO o'clock. In aid of the Young People's Mission Sabbath School. Tickets, SO cents, at the door. U 80 2t ff A LECTURE ON TUB s-? "Olory aud tbe uhnme ot Polninon," will be delivered by tbe Kev. KIUHAKD NEWl'UN , I). !., Keclor of the Church or the Kplpimny. on U'lHDAY EVEN I NO. December X, l:7. at 1 o'clock, In! ATHLimO UaLL, THIRTEENTH tttreet, above J e (Terse n. Tickets of adniikslon, 50 rents. For sale at Truuiilei's , Cbesnut slreBl: Kplncopal Bookstore, t'bwniii street: and at the Hall. II 211 3t B3T GRAND UNION FAIR OF THH Bai)U&t (hurdies or Phlhtdclplila, IN AID OP THE 91E9IOBIA1. 11A1T1T t UAl'EI,, Now being erected under tbe auspices oft tie CHURCH f XI ENMON COMMISSION, will open MONDAY EVENING, December 9, next, at CONCERT HALL, and will continue for oue week. Aneicelirnt selection ot FANCY AND USEFUL ARTICLES will be on sa'e at reasonable prices, at the tahleof the dlllerent Churches. ALL, CHANCE-; VOTING. SCHkMICS. ETC.. WILL, BE BTRICIL PltOHIUJTED DURING 'I UK FAIR, aud;thee ob jectionable features being disalord, the patronage aud bupport of Ibe deuomiuatlou Is earnestly solicited and expected. Tickets can be procured at the Raptlt Publication Roou. b, No. Mil Arch street and Iroiu the rtuperiHiPii deiiisnud Teacher of the various Baptbt 8'iudny Be hi ols. - II iH tj3Tm DELAWARE AND KARITAN CANAL CSJ COMPANY. AND CAM LK.N ANUAAIHIM RAIT ROAD AND TRANoi'URi'AllON VOil- 1 Aik X Trincktow, N. J., Dr . The Directors of the abuve Coiupau.es hve ordereci Ihbt the'i'ranmer Hooks of Capital block be oloxe.l mi JANUAKV 16 ami JULY 10 lu each yer. uu'".,1'' hi' I ON it DA V of Ibe following muiiih; ami any ai vi deid declared will be payable ; 2 m suiHiInK as Midi on the bm.ks of the mo. i n the FIFTEENTH DAY ol the muulb iu whioh the OlvlenJlsdeclHred. TOV, Treasurer. Sr. FAKMEUSV-A-Sft .M B CHAN ICS- fc NATURAL Vn..PH.a. Nov. al'lS.' Ft.r tharnnvenli nee of Us Hiorkliolil.TH this ll .uk wh iv lo the Receiver of Taxes the Htnte Tax ol n ri- Kiiu. low due upon their r. . eoilve share.. 1 rt l W. RUbiiTUN, J Cu.Uler. WHISKIES.- BEST STOCK OF OKIES SPECIAL NOTICES. 1ST" UMON LEAGUE IIOUSE BIIOAD ST It LET. P8ILADBLPIIIA, NOV, M, IM7. THE ANNUAL MRETINU OF THK VKION LKAKIIK or PIlIUDELrilU Will be held at the League House, ON MONDAY 1VENING, December t, AT 7 O'CLOCK. At th's meeting tr ere wll' bean election for Officers and Dlrectois to serve lor tbe ensuing year. , . OEOROB II. BO) HER, KKCRKTART. 11 M7t KgT" PENNSYLVANIA RAILROAD COM- PAAV, 'IKUMKUK'H UKrAHTMBNT, rOTICETO TOCKuLKkTrtTariM. rectors have ill if day declared a semi-annual dividend oI.IHRMl fKHtKNT. on the capital stock of the Comi any. Clear ol National and Hiale taxes, payable on and alter November Ml 17. Blank powers of at torney forciilleclliig dividends can be bad at tbeoffloe) ol the Company, No. 2MB. '1 HILD Street. Persons h..ldlHH hcrlp CeitlH. ales can have them cashed ou presentation at tbls OIHch. , now THOMAS T. r I KTH, Treasurer. OFFICE OF THE LEHIGH COAL AND zxy Navigation coaipany. NoVKMBKR! IB7. . At a special meeting or the Board or Mauagersof the Leh'ah Coal and Navigation Cuuipanyti-ol.thla day, Mssre. E-'watd W. CUrk, John Welsh. Clarence li, Clark, bk George F. Tyler wereeltcied to till the vacancies canted by tbe resignation of Messrs. Jacob P. Jores Frederick Graff, Maniuel E. rtiokei, and I barles Wheeler fxoiu their positions as Managers of Sal. i Company. F, MITCHELL, Il26t Beoretary. IKvST- OFFICE OF in E LEHIGH COAL AND y NAVIGATION COMPANY. Puil.aoki.puia, Nov. 2. 18A7, At a special meeting of the Ruard of Managers of the Lehigh Coal and NavlKailon Company held this day, EDWARD W. CLARK. Esq., wai elected Presi dent ol said Company, to UU tbe vacancy occasioned . by the resignation of James H. Cox, Eq., from said . Olnce. f. MITCHELL, H6t ; Secretary. OFFICE TREMONT COAL COMPANY", No. 10 FH1LADKLPH1 A KninAMHX The Intei eat Coupons due on the Heven Per Cent. Mortgage R i.ds of this Company will be paid at their ollire on aud alter Deo 2, IHh7. 11 tl at GEO ROE H. COLKET. Treasurer. flF- UNION PACIFIC RAILWAY COM. f13 FANY. EAU1ERM DIViblON, No. 42 WALNUT btreet, ,. PniLADLPIHA. NOV. 12. 1867. The INTEREST IN GOLD on the Flint Moi txairS Bond (i the UNION PACIFIC RAILWAY OOAt PAN Y, FAsTLKN DIVISION, due DECEMBER 1, ' lbt7, will be pld on presentation of tbe Coupons at in ntrmuKUonra or pabnbi. MUKUAJM b CO. No. B.I EXCHANGE Place. New York, on and after. iuhi naif. 1122imw9t ... . ... " . u i . . u .. mi., .w I WILLIAM J. PALMER. Treasurer. Kgr" PLYHOUT i RAILROAD COMPANY. Notice is hereby giveu tbat a lueetlug of the Stockholders ol said Company will be held at D. R. Brower's Montgomery Uousu, In tbe borough of Noi riMowu. on WoMia i , Decen ber . 1M17, at 10 o'clock A. M to elect six Mauagers of said Company to serve the eusumg year. D.U. MULVANY, XI 14 Hot Becretary. , rjT" COMMERCIAL NATIONAL BANK OP zxy rtisNaiLV AN1A. . . . . Philadelphia. Nov, 29, liw, Tbe stockholders are hereby notified that the Slate tax of THREE MILLtj, now due on lbe slock, will be paid for Item, to the Treasurer of the State. ., 2 "t B C. PALMER, Cashier. ' jggP" WIEGAND'S PATENT STEAM GENE RATOR Is cheap, compact, economical In ose, and ABbOLUTELY SAFE FROM ANY POfcSSI. BILITY OF EXPLOSION Apply at the Office of SAMUEL WORK, N. K. cor. Per of THIRD and DOCK Btreela. 914p BATCH ELOR'8 HAIR DYE. THIS v- splendid Hair Dye la the best in the world. The only fru and perfect &y Harmless, Reliable, In stantaneous. No dlMappolnlmeuL No ridiculous tints. Natural Black or Brown. Remedies the 111 ell ecu of Had liyrt. Invigorates the hair, leaving It sort aod beautiful. The genuine Is signed WILLIAM A, BATCHELOR, All others are mere Imitations, and should be avoided, bold by all Druggists and Per York. maters, xaciory, no. oA iSAKULiAX birettt, ISew i&fmw FURNITURE, ETC. pURWITUREI FURNITURE! MODERN ANI AHTIQTJXil PARLOR, HALL AND CHAMBER SUITS AT REDUCED PRICES Our facilities are sach that we are enabled to offer at very - moderate prices, a large and well-assorted stock of every description ot HOUSEHOLD FURNI TURE AND BEDDING. Goods packed to carry safely to all parts of the ' country, , ' RICnMOND A FOBEPATdH, 21 tf NO. 40 n. BKtOHD STREET. A. & H. LE JAMDRC HAVE EEMOVED THEIB FURNITURE AMD UPHOLSTERING WAREROOXS TO NO. 14S5 CIIKSNUT STRRKT, 7 8m Next to the corner of Fifteenth. f O HOUSEKEEPERS. I have a large stock of every variety of FUUNITUltl'V Which I will sell at reduced prices, consisting Ot PLAIN AND MARBLE tOP COTTAGE bUiTH. walnut chamber buhu PARLOR bUI'lb IN VELVET PLUSH. PARLOR b L ITS IN HAIRCLOTH. PAhLOR rLlTb IN REPS. Mdeboards, Extension 'fables, Wardrobes, Book- ases, Mameskea, Louuges. eto. eto. P. P. eUNTINE. 816m N. K. corner HFOON I) and KAUX tSlrewU. g B T A J5 L I B U E D noi. A S. RODINSON, French Plate Looking-Qlassos, KNGRAVINOS, F A IN TIN OS, DRAWINGS, XVV Manufacturer of all kind of LOOHIMI.UI.AM, PORTRAIT, AND PIt 1 DtiE rilAMUs TO ORDER. No. OlO OHEHNUT BTItldHT THIRD LOOR ABOVE THE CONTINENTAL, fHILAPKI.PHIA. 816 T STEWART BROWN, , 8. B. Oornar ot fOUEIH and OUISTHDT BT8' ' MANUrAC'TUKkK OF XttUMKB. VALI8ES. ,0B uu"'e ,or "pe, IForrwtrlyil 708CHESTNUT 8T.)
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers