THE DAILT EVEMTTG TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 18, 1867. SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. EDITORIAL FTHIOKB OF TBI LBADIftO JOBBBA.IA CTO CURB INT TOPICS OOMPtLM) ITBBT DAT FOB TH1 BVBNISO TKLBOBAPH. Tho Political Prospect I at 19 IVom IA iV. Y. Jfation. , The Republican party ! stained Berks Of defeata this yeaf scarcely qua d 11 history. When, on tLe,17 VT" pointed out that it had lo.t W.000 of its ma Joritieslast year, and predicted that it would lose the New York election, we were severely denounced both as fulse prophets and as ene mies to the party. But our predictions are much more than veriGed. We foretold 15,000 Democratic majority In New York, desiring to make the figure as moderate as we honestly could. As soon as the registration was com pleted we estimated the probable ma jority at 35,000. In fact, it exceeds 48 0C0. The returns from other States are very imperfect, but peem to indicate 25,000 Republican majority in Mansachusstts, 16,000 Democratic majority in New Jersey, 40,000 Democratic majority in Maryland, 6000 Republican jaajority in Wisconsin, 4000 in Minnesota, and perhaps 5000 in Kansas. The returns from Illinois and Minnesota, where county officers only were chosen, are so meagre as to a (lord no indication of the results. Inti mating the loss in these States at half the pro portion Bhown by other States, the total loss upon the Republican mnjorities of last year, iu the various elections of 18G7,canuot be rejkoued at less than 320,000, or turee-fourthi of the party's entire majority. It must not be supposed, however, that anything like this number of voters have actually left the Republican party. The change has been effected by about 60,000 Democrats voting this year who did not vote in 18G6, but were of the same politics then; about 100,000 Republicans who voted last year now staying at home, and not over 50,000 Republicans, at the most, voting the Demo cratic ticket, unless we include the 5000 Ger man Republicans of New York who voted for Hoffman in 1866. The voters who simply stayed at home are certainly not permanently lost to their party; and the Republicans who this year voted the Demooratic ticket are nut certainly lost. The former class may easily be brought out on the right side in 1868. The latter class may be Won back, but not so easily. If Presidential electors had been chosen at the recent elections, the result would have been as follows: REPUBLICAN. DEMOCRATIC. jliinuis iu California Indiana.. 13 C.'onnectlout fl Iowa e Delaware 3 Kani-as....... 3 Keutuoky 11 Maine T Maryland 7 Massachusetts 12 New Jersey 7 Michigan 8 New York 33 Minnesota i Pennsylvania 20 Missouri 11 New Hampshire 6 Total 03 Utno zi llli ode Island 4 Tennessee Ill Vermont 5 West Viralnia 5 Wisconsin e Total 110 We have omitted three small States Ore gon, because no election was held there, and Nebrabka and Nevada for want of any returns. Each chooses three electors. We think Ne braska should be placed in the Republican column, and the others in the Demooratic, making the vote 143 to 104. If the Southern States should be a Imitted in season for the next eleotion, their votes would (judging by the elections just held) be cast as follows, assuming that no change will be made in the law of suffrage : REPUBLICAN. DEMOCRATIC. Alabama 8 A ikon suss 5 Florida 3 Georgia 9 Liouihlima 7 Norm Carolina 9 Mississippi TTexin... 6 BoulU Cuioliuu 0. Virginia 19 Total 3l Total 39 The vote in Georgia and Virginia would be very close if it were polled to-day and all voted. Possibly both might be carried by the Republicans on a full vote as they have been on a partial vote, but we doubt it. The prospect for 1868 is still favorable for the Republican party, but the above state ment clearly shows that it is by no means free from uncertainty. Much will depend upon -the management of both parties. New York, ' Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois are all Very doubtful States. Republican politicians count with great confidence upon New York, but with little reason. The cities of New York and Brooklyn have just given 75,000 "Democratic majority. They will increase thu in 1868 to i-5,000, if not more. The largest Republican majorities ever rolled up by the interior of the State were 110,000 for Fremont in 1856, 82,000 for Lincoln in 1860, 81,000 for Dickinson in 1861, and 70,000 for Penton in 1866. On no other occasion Uas the inte rior given more than 55,000 majority. In 1864, Lincoln had only 48,000 majority in Ue rural districts to overbalance the 41,000 and over given to McClellan by .these two cities. Can the interior poll 90,000 majo rity for any Republican in lbo'8 ? We must say that we consider it in the highest degree improbable. We doubt whether it can make out 70,000 majority; yet that figure wid infal libly be overcome by the cities. Without go ing further into details, we are of opinion that (Jovernor Seymour would certainly carry New York State, while Mr. Pendleton might pos sibly carry it, but probably would not if the Republicans were thoroughly united. Pennsylvania and Indiana are always doubt ' ful, as every one knows. The majority in ; both States in 1866 was comparatively small, reauhimr a chamie of only two per oent. of the electors to reverse it. It may seem strange, however, that we should set down Illinois as i doubtful, when Bhe gave 56,000 Republican majority last year. Hut l-Vniiuisra contri buted largely a that vote, and will never do 80 ' again. Moreover, th Southern part of ... the State, which Las been so wonderfully converted, within the last five years through J tuu hjuuculh ui uruersu i.ogan aud his frieuUs, may be restive under the laij progress of the Republican party toward einiality of political - rights. Nevertheless, we think, tun proba bilities are in favor of Republican buos a -Illinois. Illinois seems to us more dim'.trni : Mr. Ptndletoii peihapa xuiU carry It, but, do not thiuk he conn cany 'niiHvidma " Iu fact, the great element of uncertainty iu : the content t IN nes in me a-Uou of the ! '.' 'Deinouiatio pauy. J ha hcpuhiic-ui will , nntlv certainly uou.iuate brant. 1umL(Uo crats will as certain! y n.uiin:ite 1V Uo'-on or Seymour. Their (Mlieulty is that lue ur n-r cannot carry tho K-nt, an I tin hUr cvinot i carry the West. Nnina'iiisr one for Pr.sidut and tbe other for Vu-f-Pre-ident will nit h-lp the tuat'er, oa nol.fidy expects the Yii e-l'iesi-dent to have any itiUaeiwe. We presume that Pendleton is tho favorite; but Nh lork and Pennsylvania are too irapoitant to be risked, and if they declare with euipnaphs that they cannot carry a repudiationiat, tho Democrats Convention cannot refuse to be guided by their set v ioo If the Democrats should lose Pennsylvania they would also lose Connecticut, and would have to oarry Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and one other State at the West to make up their loss. The loss of both New York and Pennsylvania would make their prospects absolutely hope less. It is, therefore, easy to foresee the para mount influence which the delegations from those States wijl exercise in the Convention. Republican Work. From they, Y. Tribune. The great work yet to be accomplished to complete our national renovation is the con vincing of the masses that a State cannot af ford to degrade or oppress even the humbles and most despised of its people. Until this end is achieved, our triumph over the Rebel lion will be imperfect, and its fruits liable to turn to ashes on our lips. So long as the laws of even one State impose disabilities on a citi zen because of the race whence he sprang, the color God has chosen to give him, the victories of the Union arms will be incomplete, and the foundations of the republio unsightly aud in secure. No proposition is logically more demonstra ble than that wrong to any is injury and peril to all; but when an important truth comes in conflict with a rooted prejudice, patient, per sistent, self-sacrificing effort is indispensable. The Republican party owes its late reverses in some degree to the corruptions of those it has trusted with power; in part to popular impa tience with the slow progress of reconstruc tion; in part to Johnson's treachery; in part to local feuds and discontents; but, more tliau to any and all of these, to popular prejudice against the blacks and indisposition to see them impartially protected and regarded as citizens by the laws of the land. We think this prejudice has cost us more votes than anything else perhaps more than all other adverse influences whatever. We meet the issue frankly. Ihere- are wonuds whereof the true soldier is proud while he Buffers Bears which he does not seek to conceal. There are Americans who were quite willing that the negro should march and camp and fight for our common country, while they stayed at home in comfort and ease, who, now that the peril is past, would like to deny to that negro the common rights of a citizen They would gladly whistle him down the wind until the time shall come, it never does oome. when they shall need his body to Btop bullets that otherwise might disconcert them; then they will be ready to give him another chance to be killed in their stead. We propose to fight this treachery now and ever to expose it, and hold it up to the light, till even base ness itself shall be ashamed of it. A Copper head or Rebel, who hates the war for the Union, and deplores its results, may still fight on for a "white man's government," as he fought or prayed in the war, but a Republican or War Democrat who would put the blacks under the feet of those whom they helped us to overcome, is inexpressibly mean, aad as short-sighted and foolish as he is mean. There are those who indolently say, "Oh, let the blacks nave ail civil rights these should satisfy them." Why, you idiot I they never will nor can have civil rights unless they have political rights to back them. Take our city, for illustration: here a few of the thriftier ne groes are allowed to vote; yet even these are, because of their race, deprived of precious civil rights. A colored native of this city, who owns his own house, earns an honest liveli hood, and ia a respected member of a Chris tian church, is not allowed to drive his own horse and cart and do therewith the carting of such merchants as may choose to employ him We should like to employ a colored man to take us to and from a railroad station or steamboat landing occasionally; but the ordi nances of this Democratio city forbid it. A black man who should try to earn a living by driving his own coach and carrying passengers in it would be first beaten to a jelly for his im pudence, and then hauled before a magistrate lor violating the ordinance atoresaid. No; there is and can be no civil rights se curely enjoyed by blacks until all the rights of manhood are won for aud conceded to them. And we would much rather be beaten trying to secure them full justice than to sutueed by abandoning them to their hateful oppressors. Hut we can win by systematically enlight ening and educating the people; and one such victory is worth twenty gained by playing upon their weaknesses, their ignorance, and their passions. There have never yet been two votes taken in a State on the question of. conceding the right of suffrage to blacks wherein the second vote in tne amrmauve was not larger than the former. And bo it will be if proper appeals are made to the reason and conscience ol tne voters in every Dime, uu iu battle shall be won. We urce, then, the establishment, in every township, ward, and village, of a Republican Club, whose eole object shall be the diffusion of light and truth bearing upon the great issue of Equality before the Law. While every non-slaveholding country but ours treats men of all colors alike, let us never doubt that the disgraceful anomaly here pre sented can and will he fully overcome. Piiends in every btatel unite iu forming clubs whose avowed and controlling object shall be the securing of equal rights to every American cttieul We can easily prove that there is no man, but especially no laboring man, whose personal good will not be promoted by such a consummation; all we need is to in duce the masses to read aud think. Two-thirds of all who habitually read and rellect are now light on this point; we are beaten by the votes of men who never heard our side of the ques tion, and never will hear it unless we make special effort to enlighten them. There are one million voters in the Union who might be won over to the Bide of justice and humanity by the systematic presentation of facts to their minds. A victory gained by appeals to their better nature will ba substauVal aud enduring; mid evei y voter won over from vice to virtue, from inteniporauce to sobriety, is thereby tendered more accessible to cir arguments, mil likelv to uroinote aud swell our triumph. Now is the time to prepare the publln mind for the rest Presidential election to sow the sed which shall yield therein a noble harvest. 1j us organize aud go to work! WlitU la ttia Democratic Policy What Its SuccebU I and from the N. Y. Timet. The Democratic journals ar'e trying hard to peiBuade themselves that their recent victories aie a condemnation of the Republican rucon Ktrnutlon policy. Having arrived at tLid con. elusion, they demand that the measures for admitting the South shall be remodelled to ut the ideas of tludr party. It matters not that tUt, mora candid of its members have pro leeu pgMnHt interpreting the result "as a do- mohsljation W (avor of tu,-oJJ.Ulllg Vam0. m : :a V,UZ iav" "od their in 'who have not of late, years votil iih Dm Democracy. This kiud of moderation does not patisfy the prevaVling temper. And hen we have renewed efforts to prove that thi country has pronounced against tbe Republi can requirements; while tbe earnestness with whu h these efforts are mane has the eueel ol deceiving tbe disaffected Southerners, who seek excuses for contemning the law. "Will the Kepublicana now obey the will of the peo ple!" la tbe inquiry of the Charleston Aler. cury, by which is means, "Will the party in powr dow dare to push forward reconstruction on the basis laid down by Congress f" Why not T To pretend that "the will of the people" has manifested itself against the policy of Congress aud in favor of the Demo cratic purposes on the subject of reconstruc tion, is either folly or fraud. The people of Oldo have Bhown that they are against negro suffrage in their own State, but what has this to do with suffrage in the States lately in rebellion ? Or by what hoous-poous can the veidict of Massachusetts against prohibition be construed into a verdict for the uncondi ticnal admission of the South, or the revolt of New York against the license law and the knavery and corruption of politicians into a protest against guarantees for loyalty and peace f The Southern newspapers which oppose the law aud assail its authors may be glad to . have . any pretext for their course, and may pervert the import of the elections accordingly. But they are bearing: up mortification for themselves and wrath lor those who may be weak enough to accept their counsel. For, though there can be no doubt that the hold of the Repub lican party has been weakened by the extrava gance of many of its leaders, it must be remem bered that their ultraiam relates rather to projects which have been promulgated than to the course which has thus far been pursued towards the South. Impeachment, confisca tion, interference with the rights of States now in the Union, coupled with general dis satisfaction occasioned by the failure of Con-, press to satisfy the wants of the country in retard to taxation and finance these are the main operating causes of the diminished Republican vote, and not the question of reconstruction in the shape in which it now stands. If Democratio gains proceeded from dislike of the measures actually adopted by the Re publican party, we must infer that a prefer ence existed for the Democratio policy. But can anybody tell us what the Democratio policy at this moment is ? Beyond a general onslaught upon the action of Congress, what does it amount to f What is the Democratic plan of reconstruction, for instance? or the Democratio scheme of finance? or the Demo cratio measure touching taxation? or the Democratio doctrine in relation to negroes anil the suffrage ? Genuine party success can only be predicated upon alleged approval of some or all of the party's views on these sub jects. But what these views are is a mystery. Mr. Belmont and Mr. Pendle'on are as wide apart on these questions of finance and taxa tion as are the World and the great body of the Deinocratio press in reference to compro mise as the prelude to reconstruction. With what degree of truth can it be said, then, that the late events indicate a reaction from the Republican policy in favor of the Democratio policy ? The opinion of the Southern opposition, of which the Charleston Mercurti is a fair speci men, evidently is that "the will of the people" of the North turns in the direction of imme diate, unshackled admission. S far a the Democracy have a policy, this is unquestion ably its explanation. Their assaults upon the Reconstruction acta are made with the design of securing the readinission of the South without any condition or guirauteo whatever. They aim at bringing back the old Southern politicians, and reinvesting the old pro-slavery party with absolute authority in Southern affairs. None of the recent elections, how ever, have been won upon this issue, in no State have the party managers ventured to proclaim this as their object; for well they know that nowhere at the North could a State becairiedon such a platform. Everywhere would the "unconditional admission of the South" be interpreted to signify "uncondi tional surrender to the South;" and the Southern friends of the Democratio party have lived to little purpose if they have not learned the hopelessness of a contest conducted on this ground. The Ncero Conventions In the South- Their K tracts on the Aortb. From the tf. Y, Herald. Alabama has led the van in the recon3truo tion of the United States by the negro. Other States are to follow, until, under a glorious negro rule, the ten southern divisions of our republic are bound and given over to Africa, to be governed according to the Haytien style. The principles of the oouventions which frame these negro governments are shaped by the most unprincipled ! of all our demagogues, ithont a dollar of interest in the country, they stir the pliable black man to passion aganst the white, and, while moulding the mass to suit radical aims, sow the seeds of an unavoidable war caste. They do not fail to promise the negro all that his barbarous ima gination may desire freedom from labor, a division of property, and even the government of the country. Ihus, for transient political purposes they force the whole sun-burned bruin of Ethiopia to the same focus, and teaoh it to expect what it can never realize while there is a Southern or a Northern sword left to defend Caucasian 1 blood blood originally puierthan that ,of Africa, and purified still more by long centuries of arduous labor towards the, summit of civilization; blood pro gressive, iu contradistinction to blood re trograde and naturally barbaao in its im pulses. .' ' , In the face of all this we see power central izing in the (south in the hauds of that ele ment which, according to all history, is a threat Against, any civilization with which it comes in contact.' The platform of the radi cal Republican party, of Louisiana is a fair exponent of w hat threatens us in all the South ern States by raising up a power ten times more dtstruetive and nationally demoralising than any that has heretofore existed, lhat plat form states: "We as a party insist on perfnot eounlity, without distinction of race or oolor, in the light to vote aud enter the jury box without any educational or property qualili- cation leing required." Again: "l i e radical Republican party of Ldundana will support no man for ollice who -will not openly and boldlv Tiledee himself to make an equal dhtiibution among white and colored alike of all cffl.ts to which he may l ave power of ap pointment." 1 ' i ' These are the mad principles which, at a teriible cost, we urge' upon one-half of our tnili.rial extent, thus threatening its com ..iu ,i..lntion. . Were it the destruction of half of the country we might, iu our iv. i. ktauiiua. live under it; but the radi cal rrr irrninniA means more than this it nwftiw tin.', dmlninir of every euergy of tha Nmiii tr, umimit the'oue grand black idea. and, at any cost, foroipjf1 the- negro down the throat! the hatieu.. We. struggle, unuer iv, we bleed, we expend our millions, we tax our People to the last feather's weight, we fairly wrnne oeneaui in terrirjie eUort to 8 wallow a dose that would choke a mammoth anaoonda. We cannot do it, and we cast it aside as some thing that would give the coup de gntce to all the cherished hopes of a people who are strue- It f . m . . gurg lor civilization, not narnarisin. We are taxed to-day one thousand millions per year to support the radical idea that Africa has a higher civilization than Europe, and that it is necessaiy for the United States, at any sacri fice, to approximate itself to the African standard. The radicals, determined to give all the strength possible to the negro card, train every element in the IMortli to its support; and while in the South they tear down all barriers which distinguish races, while they abolish every aristocratic privilege, while they inau gurate there a Utopian agrarianism, they give us a singular contradiction of principles in the North. Here they strive to build up groat moneyed monopolies, a dictatorial banking system, a centralization of party powtir. au enriching of the rich and an impoverishing of the poor. Ihus it beoomes dilUcult to dis cover that there is any great uuderlying prin ciple in radicalism, unless it be the sole idea to retain at all hazards the power into which the revolutionary throes of the country forced them. The North is beginning to dive into this problem, and is rapidly discovering its incon sistencies. Ihere is a deep and settled reso lution taking possession of the masses that they will no longer support aristocratic privi leges in the North or negro elevation aad bar barism in the South. Bled to the last drop of blood and treasure, the people begin to ask, What is this money used fori" and iook where they will they Bee the question an swered: To prop up a quarter section of Africa, until we Bee if centuries hence it will be able to march onward unaided. Uod never made one race to support another. For this we made war in favor of the black. As mat ters now progress under radical rule, we fast advance to a war to relieve the white from supporting the black. The future aspirants for the Presidency must learn the truths which we here enunciate. If General Grant accepts the radical nomination upon such a platform as the radicals now tread he will be defeated, despite his national popularity and his masterly reticence. Uene ral Scott was defeated where there were similar but minor principles involved, and President Pierce, with all his imbecility, then stepped into power In the South we see all the preliminary move ments for a desolating war of caste, if the present programme be carried out. The ne groes have numerous leagues, and are provid ing themselves with arms, which are given to them by the radicals. The white people, des pairing of returning again to prosperity, and seeing their every effort met by a crushing blow from Congress, now give the country over to negro rule, and emigrate elesewhere. Domestio capital threatened, and Northern and foreign capital frightoned away; State and municipal privileges completely under military domination, which ia destructive to every element of our boasted republicanism; the credit of the States destroyed; and one half of the country desolated at the expense of the other half are all mournful indica tions of approaching barbario government. The effect on the North is already indicated by the late elections. The negro wave must now ebb. It has had its greatest flow. The radicals may still float on the receding black tide; but the white people of the United btates, as a mass, have too much sense left to place their future civilization and government under negro domination Sounding the Bugle for a Retreat. Fi om the N. Y. World. Our neighbor, the Times, the clearness o whose perceptions sometimes outruus the boldness and vigor of its wounsels, is trying to devise a method of retreat which shall save the credit of the Republican party, and be at the same time practical. But it has undertaken a task for which no ingenuity will suffice. With the quick discernment of the possibilities of a situation in which its editor has few peers, and perhaps no supe riors, the Times fixes upon the power of re vision reserved by Congress over the new State Constitutions as affording an opportu nity for a change of base and the substitution of "impartial" for "universal" suffrage. The plan does no discredit to its dexterous author but it overlooks the chief difficulty of the problem it aims to solve, and (as we think we Bball succeed in showing) is quite im practicable. We will insert enough of the limes' article to enable our readers to see what we are criticizing: 'The action of Congress has placed them fthe Republican party lu a false position npou this subject, aud has apparently committed them to a principle which lliey do not bold. "XI me queniiou were nee iroiu -Hiae issuer, 11 would be eabilyaud promptly seUlud. If it were tlmply thin 'Are the negroea of the South, as a body, qualified to taku part In the reorganization of the Houlherii Hlate Qoveru- ineuli-; la It wise or safe to leave them to decide what principles shall be embodied In the Htate Constitution; what shall be the form aud powers of the tstale Governments; and what shall be tbe securities ror lire ana property nnuer iheiu?' there are not ten men out of a thousand In the Republican party who would not Kay no. Nobody believes they are. llow should they be? 1 he great mass of them have been kept in the most stolid ixnoruuee all their lives; tney cau nelthor read nor write; tney nave ne.uu uoimngor poii-tk-aand know nothing of Ihe simplest ficU of our history or our govcrumoul; they have neii her the capacity to form opinions uor tho niHleriai to loi in them irom; and as iil.vter of utcet-hitv as w ell us of fuel, they will be and tins simply tools In the hands of party leaders and wne- puiii rs on tne ouo sine or the other. Uir tnmBln rices Just now throw them Into the bauds ol li.e KepuhllCHUH. The weight of their vol us can and will be thrown Into the itepnhlieiiu soul. And it is tills fuct which leads tne Re publicans to accept for them the priueiDlo of univcsal sullriigu, and which, wo may add, leiidH the UemocraiB I opoutio It. "We no not think it would be wlso to attempt, to change the HecouH ruction Bet lu this par ticular ii"W. In the first ulace it cm not h.i don: aud in polilicH nothing Is wise wiilcu Is impossible. Moreover it would arrest the wnole froeieuH of rt eooHlruclloti. and Involves fresh c-.(i)Hl--tH, complication, aud delay In a ru utur iu wnicn delay is ol llaulr one of the wnr-a things that citn happen. ISut the revn-.(ruc-lion net reserve to Congress the wholo bu-luess nfreiHlK the constii utious th il may he sunt up from tho Si Hies lor its approval. l( (hoy contain prcvi.-ions which Congress does not Hppiove, It can strike them out and send (iu in lack for reviHiou and amundnirtul. This seems to ua a power which Congress should exeici se frteiy and boldlv; anil It m.ty ho ex ercise It In regard losull'mgo as to muke the ciut'.ern consiltut ions conform to what is the rrel fcHitiiuent iid purpose of the K q) ihllo.m ptufy upmi this subject. It can subtt ituie liu pnrilhl kulfrHue for universal sutl'rsge. It nun loildd ihe blute Government from tnuUIng color slor.e a ground of dlHfranchlsitmeut,, tvilh (Hil coil' pellii g innii to admit Ignorance, mo lldily, and lnonpaclty t-o the ballot-hox. llcuu penult I hem to prekcrlbesuch qualillc.itlous lor lie fciill'isge hs they may deem expedient, In .inn g only that whatever qualllli-Mtlons mav h pui rilied tthull apply lo nil iuhahlunts ol the Htnleiilifce, without reg nil to ruea or eol p'. Hy some such action us this It seems to in tho rluhisof the lienros at the Month run v be pro lei'tetl, without pui ling lo peril any luUtrt st or principle which Ihe Hcpublluuu parly bus at lieiirl. The absurdity of the Congressional' suhome OLD E YE THE LARGEST AND F I U E O L D RYE W H I O K E S In tho Land Is IIEN11Y S. IIAN.NIS & CO., Nos. 218 and 220 fceuth FRONT Street, WHO OFIERTIIE NAME lO TUB TBADB, IJf JLOTM, ON VERY IDTiNTtUKOVI TERM. Their Stock of Rye Whiskies, in Bond, comprises all the favorite brands extant, and runs through the various months of 18G5, CG, and of Liberal contracts made for lots to arrive at Wharf, or at Bonded Warehouse, a3 parties may of reconstruction is not only fully acknow ledged in these paragraphs, but ia exposed by reasoning which fair minds ought to accept as conclusive. The neoessity of a retreat is more clearly apprehended by our contemporary than the difficulty. Before proceeding to show the futility of the proposed method, we must detain the readeramomentwhileweexpo.se the inconsistency of the Times' proposal with a position which it quite recently held. it is scarcely a fortnight (if our memory be not at fault) since the Times centended that, inasmuch as the Southern negroes are already in the exercise of the elective frauohise, the question is closed, since men cannot be divest ed of the privilege alter they have once en joyed it. Everybody must perceive that the present proposal is a complete abandonment of that position. The retreat from "univer sal" to "impartial" suffrage would throw out a great majority of the negroes who have voted in the recent elections. Ho matter whether the restriction be effeoted by a property quali fication or by an educational qualification, it will ehut out the greater part of the present negro voters. A property qualification would exclude nearly all; and an educational quali fication, consisting merely in ability to read and write, wouJd exclude at least four-fifths, probably nine-tenths, and for any evidence that appears to the contrary, nineteen-twen-tietha of the negro population. We are glad that our contemporary has reconsidered aud rejected its hasty conclusion that a negro who has once voted acquires au indefeasible right to the elective franchise. Without such a recantation its present proposal would be a flighty and self-stultifying absurdity. Not less self-stultifying, although the ab surdity requires more reasoning to set it forth, is the proposal to retreat from "universal" negro suffrage without repealing the recon struction acts. These acts give universal suffrage to the negroes, both in the eleotion of delegates to the conventions, and in the rati fication or rejection of the new Constitutions. But the Times discovers that Congress may annul whatever it dislikes in those Constitu tions and send them back for amendment. This strikes us as a somewhat strained inter pretation; for as we undertand it, the law merely reserves to Congress the right to ap prove or reject the new Constitutions, but not to dictate to the States what provisions shall be inserted in new ones. For if Congress may dictate one provision of a State Constitution it may diotate all; and it might as well impose at once a ready-made Constitution of its own framing. We make this criticism in passing, but lay no stress on it. For the sake of the argument we will admit that Congress may send back the constitutions for revision, with an indication of the provisions it requires to be resoinded or inserted. We will suppose the conventions to be reassembled, a new basis of suffrage adopted, and the constitutions as thus amended again submitted to the people for ratification. Now comes the pinch: who shall vote in this second ratification? The negroes in several States are a majority of the voters, and the Times propo es to submit to their deoision the question whether they shall be disfranchised I The question cannot be submitted to a diiferent body of voters, for in that case Congress would have to back out which is the very thing the Times' seeks to avoid. That the negroes, after having been once admitted to the suffrage, will never ba deprived of it by 'their own votes, is a self evident proposition. To remit the question to the same identical constituency would therefore be a great absurdity; but if Congress ordains its submission to a different oonstitu- ncy it would undermine and subvert the very tundation of its reoonstruotion policy. An open, manly renunciation would be more cre ditable than any such a pitiful attempt by Congress to "sneak out of difficulties into which it proudly strutted." Having thus exposed the futility of any other plan of retreat than a frank remtneia tion by Congress of its collapsing reconstruc tion Bcheme, it may not be amiss to remark on the suddenness of the light which has dawned on our respectable contemporary. Neither the reasoning nor the recommendation would have been admitted into its columns three weeks ago. The intrinsio absurdity of universal negro suffrage was precisely the same before the great Democratio victories as now; and we are net without hope that further manifesta tion of public opinion may give still greater clearness of vision to Republican journalists. We should probably all run Badly astray if we were not called to revise our views by the rectifying good sense of that publio between whom and a leading journal there is a constant reciprocation of mutually eduoative inllueuces. We must do our oontemporary the justice to say that few journals which aspire to mould the pullic thought seem more habitually dis posed to recognize the vox populi&a a veritable vox Vci. hOOKINC- CSLAOOEO or tui BIShT FRENCH- PLATE, Ir Every Stylo of Frames, ON 'lUND OR MADE TO ORDER. NEW AHT GALLEKXV .' F. DO LAND & CO,, '11 1 Vei2j-J No. (II-I AUCH Htreot. W H I S I I E S. BE3T STOCK OF now Possessed by this year, up to present date. Pennsylvania Railroad Depot, Ericsson Line elect. GROCERIES, ETC. pRESH FRUITS, 1867. r BACHES, PfABS, PINEAPPLRI, ril'MH, APBIt'OTS, CIIEBBIES, BLAC'HBMIBIES, QUINCE. ETC, PBENEUVKU AMI FltKMI, IN CASS AND ULASN JABS, Pnt up for onr particular trade, and for sale by Ihe dozen, or In smaller quantities, by MITCHELL & FLETCHER, 110 m SO. IS04 ClirMNUT KTKKKT. JAMES R. VEBD, TEA DEALER AND GROCER, tit E. COR. ElfcUTII AND WALNUT T. Extra Fine Souchong, or English Breakfast Teat. Superior Cbulau Teal, very cheap. Oolong Teas of every grace. Youug Hjoa Tea of finest qualities. All freeb Imported. fJATIONAL UNION CiBOCEBT AND FBOVISION COMPANY, Groceries and Provision at Coat. OFFICE: No. 2a South THIRD Street. sroRE: No. 608 ARCH Street. OjbU Capital .....110,000 PteaWent- WHILL. D. H4LFMANN. 11 18 lm EW BUCKWUEAT FLOUR, WHITE CLOVER HONEY, FIRST OF THE SEASON. . AUXBT C. ROBERTS, Dealer In Fine Grooerles. Corner ELEVENTH and VINE Sta. 1 U75n REMOVAL. It E H O V A I..-B EDIOV Ab C. W. A. TRUMPLER HAS REMOVED HIS MUSIC STORE FBOU NKVKNTH AND CHESNUt MTS. TO No. 92G CUESJSUT STREET, mtrp PHILADELPHIA. SOAP. IMPORTANT TO THE LADIES!! 3) ore Dread of Wash-Day!! MOORE'S ELECTRO-MA GNETIQ SOAP. "WASHING MADE EAST." Accomplished without boiling or rubbing. Tbe finest and most delicate fabric, aa well a the i-oarsf at, made beautifully clan without boiling or rubbing, saving In tne process half the time, labor, toap, AND AIL THE FUEL,! I This la tbe best Soap ever Invented for washing I u r pose. We offer th's Sonp to the ladles, confident that they will find, after the nrnt trlul, thut.tb.ey cannot do with, out a. bOLD BY ALL GROCERS. 10 21 thml2t BLANK BOOKS. JJIUUEST PREMIUM AWARDED FOR BLANK BOOKS, III THE PABIS EXPOSITION. WM. F. MUEPHY'3 SONS, No. 330 OHliSNUr. Street, Clank Book Blanufaeturers, Steam Power Printers, end Stationer. A full assortment Of BLAN K BOOKS AND COUNT- INGHOTJSK STATIONERY constantly on hand 114 mwfim CARRIAGES. QECKHAUS & ALLCAIER RespecUully Invite attention to their large aud varied stock of SUPERIOR FAMILY CARRIAGES oriatebt styles, with all tbe most recent Imp rova men'.s or finish. ELEGANT LANDAU. Juet completed. , Also. CLARENCa COACHES AND COUPES of d Detent styles. MANUFACTORY AND W A RE ROOMS, NO. ISO! FRANK FORD AVISCF, Above Olrard A venu ; QI-.- ' piTLER, WEAVER & COT, MANUFACTURERS OF- MANUFACTURERS OF- MANILLA AND, TARRED CORDAGE, COEDS, TWINES, ETC. No. S3 Nori h WATJi B Huent, and no, 14 isoriu w a i i. ...-. No. M North DDL WARE -Avenue, I-II1IMUK1.WI1. , J.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers