THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 14, 18G7.
SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
kDirosut oranowB or thi liamso JorjESAua
Bros ouB&nrt topics oompilbd ivert
DAT FOB TBI IV EN ISO TAXEOBAFH.
Tit Political Dmurdi and Geii. Grant.
XVom ( iV. r. Time.
We have seen nothing more aransing for a
long time than the concerted and desperate
crusade from all quarters made upon General
Grant, to force from him a political declara
tion of some sort or other. The Tribune ex
presses the general feeling which animates
the whole army of crusaders, when it declares
it does not care what he says, but insists ou
his saying something. They all feel In pre
cisely this way. They want something to
'pitch into" on one side or the other. A
Presidential candidate wbo can't be attacked
Is simply a nui.sauoe. He spoils business.
What are the hangers-on of parties to do with
Buch a man f What hold will anybody have
on him for office after he is elected f This
sort of thing must be stopped. Grant must
be made to say something; and no matter what
he aays, it will give somebody a chance to
assail him and then political business can
begin again.
As usual, Montgomery Blair is foremost in
the movement. If Washington report may be
credited, he has been buzzing about General
Grant like a bee in a tar barrel seeking
private Interviews, holding private conversa
tions, and trying in every way to get some
6how of authority either for saying that Graut
is a radical, or that he isn't. The Boston Post
seems to have been made the organ of his
revelations, but the reporter of that sprightly
journal very decidedly overdid the business,
rile seems to have thought it his cie to
E resent the General aa not only decidedly
ostile to the radicals, but as bitterly enraged
with all his friends who represent him as
having the slighest toleration for them or their
opinions. Probably it was supposed that this
would bring out an an official correction, at
the very least, and that might serve as good a
purpose as a formal declaration of political
sentiments. But it brings nothing but a flat
denial of the whole story, and a repetition of
the assurance that nobody has any authority
to speak for the General on political and party
Questions.
On the other side of the case, Colonel Forney
comes into the ring. The Colonel has a keen
scent, and generally knows whether he is run
ning with the hare or hunting with the
hounds though it makes not the slightest
difference. The radical demigods who have
absorbed his worship for the last two years,
having been somewhat shaken on their pedes
tals by the late elections, he proposes to trans
fer his devotion to the rising sun, and accord
ingly comes out for General Grant. But
in order to be consistent (for the versatile
Colonel is "nothing if not consistent"), he
devotes five columns of his "two newspapers,
both daily," to prove that the General is a
radical of the most radical type and this he
Sends forth, more suo, with mysterious inti
mations that it goes under high authority,
With official sanction, etc etc. This was pre
cisely the red rag which brings on the bull.
The Copperheads, Democrats, and llebels
Wake a fresh rush upon the General, with
catechisms in hand hoping at last to get dis
claimers sufficiently specific to serve their pur
pose. But all the ;i gut is the assurance that
General Grant knew nothing about the pro
nunciamento, and that Colonel Forney had no
more authority to speak for him than any
body else.
And so the game goes on. Both parties are
scouring the whole political field for proof that
Grant is on one side or the other. YY asliburne
declared some time ago tbat the General agreed
with Congress. Kelley declares now that he is
a radical. General Rawlins mala a speech
which expressed his own opinions, and that is
quoted as proof of Grant's. Blair avers that
Grant agrees with the President, and Wendell
Phillips is alternately puzzled and enraged,
because the General will not tell the world
with whom he does agree and with whom he
don't.
Now, all this is meant for mischief, but it
will do none. These political buzzards were
never half so innocently employed as they are
now in quarrelling about what General Grant
won't say. They certainly cannot harm him.
lie Is not likely to be either coaxed or goaded
into such declarations as they demand, lie is
sought by the people for the Presidency, not
fer his opinious, but for his character; not b3
canse he is for Congress and against the Presi
dent, nor because he is for the President an 1
Against Congress; not because he is for negr
voting or against it; but beoause ha is kuovn
everywhere to love his country above any
party to seek its honor, its peace, and its
prosperity far more than the triumph of any
party, any section, or any man.
No man who knows anything of his public
action since the war broke out, will deem him
capable of throwing away any of the results
of the war, or of putting at hazard any of the
principles which the war has established. iVo
man will suspect him of consenting even in
thought to send back the negroes into slavery,
or of denying them any civil, political, or per
sonal rights which the war lias won for them,
or which are essential to their protection in
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
But the people rely upon his character and his
aots far more than upon specifio pledges and
written declarations for this assurance and
they are content with thi3 relianoe.
When the proper time shall come General
Grant will undoubtedly give the country a
clear and satisfactory statement of his views
on publio affair; but meantime we presume
he will maintain the obtinate silence which
seems so displeasing to his enemies, and to
nobody else.
Tbt ltomau (location,
iht A". Y. Herald.
After a silence of some days the Atlautio
cable is again eloquent. Matters have not, if
we are to judge from Us intimations, mended
in Italy. Italy, lu fact, stands on the verge of
revolution. Outbreak have taken place in
most of the large cities, and though the mili
tary have gained a temporary triumph, the
cities are described as in a state of siege. It
ii evident that it is with the utmost difficulty
the" Italian Government are managing to pr
serve even the appearance of order. So loud
are the people agaiust France that Victor
Knianuel and his Government, through General
La Marmora, now on a special misaiou to the
Jiuiperor Napoleon, are compelled to iusUt on
. imi.iditrt withdrawal of French troops
tv,a anil of Italv. They claim to have
proved their ability as well a 9 their disposi
tion to preserve order, ami trance is aosurea
.!. url U no reason to fear further dis-
turbance, Garibaldi and the other ringleaders
sl.ont to leave Italy for the United States.
it u i.Un stated that the Italian Government
ha refused to accede to the proposal to submit
the (settlement of the Roman . qjiestiou to a
uiiy Ce.tu.ouu convention,
A later telegram shows that Franoe ha I
yielded a point, and asks a general congress
of all the European powers, great and small,
to consider and settle the difficulty. The
Italian Government is still rebellious, refusing
to hear of a congress in any shape or form,
and has issued a counternote to the European
powers accordingly. It Is evident from all
this that matters are sufficiently complicated.
A crisis of some kind is at hand. There are
many who will doubtless think, and not alto
gether without reason, that in this instance
Garibaldi and the party of aotion have baen
rather a curse than a blessing to their country.
The truth is, revolutions such as that which
they sought to accomplish at Rome depend
more upon moral than upon material force.
Moral results, however, are to be looked for
only after long ages of moral effort. The har
vest is seldom early and can never be forced.
At the same time it is not to be forgotten that
a time comes in the history of moral progress
when material influences of a certain kind are
of immenpe valne. Such a time, we believe,
has come in the hintory of the Roman ques
tion. The material influences required, how
ever, were not those of the sword and the rille.
The steam engine in its many applications,
the electric telegraph and the printing press
these are the influences which Italy and Rome
specially need. Properly used, they would do
more for the real we. fare of the Italian penin
sula than the party of action, with their pre
sent ideas, can ever hope te ell'ect.
Garibaldi, however, is but a small philoso
pher, and Mazzini ia more empirical than prac
tical. The difficulties of the Roman question
are religious in their essence. Intelligence
only can uproot existing prejudice and pave
the way for the grander future. Superstition
has still a firm hold of many of our fellow
creatures. Snpersfition, however, is fed by
ignorance. Intelligence, which dispels the
one, uproots the other. Education and the
comforts of domestio and social life are the
things which are required in many parts of
the modern world, Italy and Rome not ex
cepted; but the best means of securing these
comforts are the general use of steam, the
telegraph, and the printing press.
If Garibaldi and his friend Mazzini would
ciiiy look at the lessons cf the past, they might
discover some wiser and nobler means by
which to serve their country. All history
shows that a people must be ripe for a
change before they can accept and benefit by
it. Garibaldi's mistake consisted in this, tint
he would force a revolution. The time will
doubtless come when the chief of the Catholic
Church will occupy a position more worthy
of him, and when Rome will be the capital of
Italy; but that time must be brought about
by a class of influences very different from
those which the party of action have just em
ployed. General Grant's Position.
From the N. Y. Tribune.
It is not so very long since the popular cry
in political contests nsed to be "Measures, not
men." Mr. Andrew Johnson was nominated
for Vice-President of the United States in
accordance with the false principle embodied
in that cry. The disastrous result of the ex
periment seems to be driving some of our
friends to the opposite extreme; and, with
the equally dangerous watchword of "Men,
not measures," they are bent upon intrusting
our national destinies to a General of whose
political principles nothing whatever is known,
ana confuting the most delicate junctions of
statesmanship to a man who has thus far
bhown himself only as a resolute and sue
cessful soldier. We have been at some pains
to collect all the accessible evidence as to
General Grant's opinions on the great ques
tions which divide the country, and the deci
sion of which must shape lor good or for ill
our course during the next Presidential term.
We have at present a list of twenty "authori
tative" explanations of the General's position.
Nine represent him as an uncompromising
radical; nine are positive that he is a straight
up-and-down lemocrat; and two declare
that he is nothing at all, and will not
accept a nomination for the Presidency from
either party. Colonel Forney, for example,
published the other day, in his two papers,
five mortal columns of most excellent Repub
lican sentiments, all of which he asserted that
he knew on most indubitable testimony to be
in Grant's head, if they had not actually come
out of his mouth. The Boston Post next day
hastened to inform us that Grant repudiated
eveiy word of Colonel Forney's five columns,
and the Philadelphia I'ress replied by an "au
thorized" contradiction of the Post. The
Philadelphia J'ost learns that Grant has no
sympathy with the radicals. The Springfield
K(j,ublican is certain that he is substantially
in accord with the party of freedom, only ho
is not so fooli.-h as to accept Colonel Forney
as his spokesman. The Rebel .Mobile Times
accepts him as a Copperhead; the Ma;on Pele
yraih denounces him as a radical; the Rich
mond Pnificrf believes he is no friend to the
nigger, while General Rawlins vows on the
faith of a soldier that he is the best friend the
nigger ever had. More than all this, the Hon.
N. 11. Washburne, a thoroughly disinterested
statesman, whose mission in life is to get
Grant elected President, has made a long
ppeech to prove that his friend is everything
the most exacting voter can require. This
ought to have settled the whole business; but,
alas for the uncertainty of human affairs 1
Mr. Washburne has no sooner limshed his ora
tion than up gets that pestiferous Boston Pot
again, and avers that Grant "detests" Mr.
Washburne, doesn't know mm, wants to get
rid of li.ui, and is not responsible for any of
his statements. The Washington Chronicle
ays this is a lie, aud Mr. Washburne, we pre
ume. is of the same opinion. The New York
Pay ikiuk thinks any man who doubt3 Graut
to be in perfect accord with Congress is "green
enough to be eaten up for grass;" and right
on the heels ot this comes a statement in an
other Copperhead paper that the General has
accepted a nomination from the Johuson
Dnuocracy. The Copperheads quote his ac
ceptance of Mr. Stanton's place as a proof that
he is a Democrat; Colonel Forney quotes it as
a proof that he is a radical. One gentleman
heard him refer to the removal of Sheridau as
' more of the President's dirty work;" aud an
other gentleman learns that lie has taken
warning by Sheridan's "ludicrous fate," and
gone over to the conservative party.
Now we have no relish for getting Presi
dents out of a grab-bag. We have no sympa
thy with the "hurrah!" movement which
hopes to rush a candidate into office, not ba
caupe he is fit for the place, not beeause he
holds to the principles which the party is
created to support, but because he is a good
man to 6hout for at the hustings. We light to
secure equal rights for all men, not to obtv.u
thy election of any President who can merely
be relied unon to distribute offices to the Re
publican party. The -election by Republican
votes r.f a President who was not heart and
soul iU utitied with Renublican principles,
would be a greater disaster for us than an open,
defeat in open battle at the polls, where the
lines were bharply drawn, the standards boldly
displayed, and th generals resolutely commit
ted to the cause in which they encaged. U U
V ... . y. 1 . V . . , f, f . , .an 1 . 1 . Q
Tli Path t Pear.
From the t?. Y. World.
Immediately after the great Democratic
successes of last week, the World, eschewing
even the appearance of Insolent exultation,
and impelled, as it believes, by a patriotic de
sire to seethe country tranquillized, intimated
that it would offer some suggestions looking
in that direction. The warmth of approba
tion with which the spirit of that article lias
been indorsed in numerous letters from
various parts of the country, encourages us
to proceed. Our reppected correspondents
confirm our 'judgment that the present is
a favorable conjuncture for settling the peace
of the country on a durable foundation.
We have, meantime, while awaiting such
responses (favorable or adverse) as we sup
posed the appeal in question might perhaps
call forth, been attempting to smooth the way
for its sequel by demonstrating the impossi
bility of any permanent settlement by the fur
ther prosecution of the pending reconstruction
scheme; nor do we feel at all discouraged by
the aspeiity of criticism which this demonstra
tion has provoked in Republican journals. If
the reconstruction contest is to be fought
through on a party basis, they are under a
political necessity of adhering to their mori
bund scheme. Our purpose in exposing its
crumbling fragility was to convince fair
minded Republicans that their party has
nothing to lose in a tranquillizing compromise,
by which all differences would be settled, all
rights protected, all interests adjusted and
harmonized, and a question which so vitally
concerns the present and future welfare of the
country be rescued from the embittering ani
mosities of a convulsing Presidential canvass.
We have no doubt that if the controversy
proceeds on its present basis, the Democratic
party will carry the Presidential election; and
any Republican who thinks the present recon
struction scheme will stand in that event, dis
credits his intelligence. The essence of the
present reconstruction scheme is negro suf
frage; and if PDything was ever emphatically
condemned by the people on the eve of a
Prssidential canvass, negro suffrage has been
so condemned in the late elections. Negro
suffrage may be right in itself; but clearly
the people are not ready to concede it, and no
time remains to educate them up to that point
before opening the great cauvass that is close
at hand. It is against every reasonable pre
sumption that a party standing upon that
issue should succeed. The Democratic hopes
seem to us to rest upon as solid an assurance
as the contingencies of party politics admit of.
But, for the sake of the argument, we will
allow tLe Republicans to discount our expecta
tions to any extent not absolutely extravngant.
The fact that it is generally conceded by Re
publicans that their only chance of success lies
in running an uncommitted man like General
Grant, is a confession that, as a simple contest
of opposing policies, unaided by personal
prestige derived from other sources, the Re
publican cause would be hopeless. The tide
whose ebb has in one short year stranded that
party in so many States, is still running out.
With this survey of the situation, the most
sanguine Republican must acknowledge that if
his party succeeds next year, it will be "by
the skin of its teeth," after a contest which
will have consolidated half the population of
the country into an attitude of intense hos
tility; a contest which will have arrayed the
Southern whites in stubborn scorn of the pre
tensions of the negroes, and a majority of the
whole people (iuoluding Southern whites and
Northern Democrats) in unrelenting opposi
tion to the policy of the Uovernment.
We appeal to every citizen not wholly des
titute of candor to say if such a state of
things would be a solid foundation of tran
quillity ? If it would tend to cement our
shattered national unity f If it would grub up
by the roots the deadly upas which poisons
our political atmosphere f With race arrayed
against race and party against party in nearly
equal strength; with passions whetted by the
fiercest Presidential canvass ever known, and
the violence of contention fed by prejudices
which such a contest would render ineradica
ble if this be what we are fated to come to,
may God in His infinite mercy take pity on
us 1 May Heaven help our distressed, dis
tracted country I
The questions now in issue penetrate to the
very foundations of our political system; they
touch the most powerful and irrepressible
passions of human nature. These questions
are too deep-reaohine and too unsettled to be
safely kept open and made the foot-ball of
party violence in successive Presidential elec
tions. This deeply agitating controversy can
never.be closed by a method which half the
population ot the country stubbornly refuses
to accept. We therefore, in a spirit which
asks and is willing to make concessions,
present this appeal to the good sense, sober
judgment, and patriotic instincts of the
country.
INo settlement has any reasonable chance of
durability which does not secure the concur
rence of well ou to two-thirds or three-fourths
of all our citizens. A bare majority, on ques
tions which so profoundly agitate the publio
mind, can settle nothing, because the beaten
minority will not despair of success on a sub
sequent trial. The Constitution wisely ordains
that nothing shall be inserted therein, without
a vastly outweighing; preponderance of publio
sentiment in its favor; wisely because there
can be no stability which does no rest like a
pyramid, upon a broad base. Whether the
proposed settlement shall take the form of
Constitutional amendments or not, it Is essen
tial that it should be established on popular
assent equally broad; and if it can gain that
it would probably Ve better to secure it against
subsequent disturbance by fortifying it with
constitutional barriers.
But the chief thing to be aimed at is not
this technical security, but the substantial
fairness which will commend it to the judg
ment of the great body of the people. To this
end it must furnish adequate security to the
Union; to the rights of the States; to the just
claims of the publio creditors; and, though
last not least, to the interests and capabilities
of the negro race. No settlement can stand
which does not combine and harmonize these
several elements on a basis adapted to the
present situation and considerate to them all.
That the resources of existing statesmanship
are equal to the problem, in the present im
proved tone of publio sentiment, we will not
permit ourselves to doubt.
The first important preliminary is a national
conference composed of men of moderation aud
character representing all the various interests.
A mode can easily be contrived for bringing
such a conference together, if publio opinion
shall indorse its expediency. Nor would there
be any difficulty in designating many of the
men who ought to participate in ltd aenuera
tions. The South should be represented by
such men as Wade Hampton, Alexander 11
Stephens, Governor Orr, ex-Governor Brown
William C. Rives, General Dick Taylor, Gene
ral I.oncstreet. and others of similar mo.lera
tion and standing. .0,ur.objct..of course is not
to provide a list, but specimens. There is no
greater reason for deploring the death of the
late uovemor Andrew than that sucu a oon
ference cannot have the assistance of his conn
sola Had eloquence. Ji'ut Uit JWpuMc;vfl party
has many men capable of a similar liberality.
Without going beyond our immediate vicinity
for samples, we venture to name Hamilton
I ten, William C. Bryant. Henry Ward IWcher.
and even Horace Greeley, as men who could
meet the representative;! of the South in ami
cable discussion, with a sincere desire to reach
mutually satisfactory results. The Demoorats
would send their soundest and wisest men.
A conference of this kind, consisting of sixty
or eighty men of eminent standing, ripe expe
rience, ana persuasive temper, would sucoeed
n lir.Uing some solution of our national diffi
culties which would lift the Union out of the
plough of party politics, and re-establish it ou
the only basis whereon it can stand that of
ompreheusive, all-adjusting equity. Any
propositions which a conference so composed
hhould auree in recommending would proba
bly be so intrinsically fair, so marked by con
siderate and reconciling justice, that they
would command a popular support wide
enough to put them into the Constitution, if
that Bhould be deemed their fittest embodi
ment.
Thus much for the initial stages of the
method; we will now proceed, with more hesi
tation and diffidence, to hazard some hints re
lating to the substance. It is, of course, not
what we suggest, but what the proposed con
ference might after full consultation agree in,
that we fhould expect to stand by.
1 he negro question being the knot of the
difficulty, it would be futile to offer any sug
gestions which did not include that. from
the very nature of the conflict, all parties
must abate something of their claims as a
means of securing permaueuce for wh.it is
granted; just as m entering into civil socioty
men relinquish some of their natural rights to
secure the protection of the whole body for
the remainder. What is yielded on the negro
question may also be in part compensated
by concessions gained on other points. J. he
extreme negro party on one side demands
that negro suffrage shall be immediate aud
universal.
But this party i3 confronted by an obstacle
it cannot icnore in the demonstration, just
given in the elections, that the public opinion
of the country does not support its claims.
As friends of the negro, they had better accept
a postponed and gradually extending sun rase,
guaranteed by common consent, than take the
risk of getting nothing by prematurely de
manding all. The extreme party, on the
other side, demands the permanent and urn
versal exclusion of the negroes from the suf
frage. But this party cannot ignore the fact
that the Republicans are in possession of the
Government, and that time enough will elapse
before they go out to consolidate the negro
race m such rooted antipathy to the white, as
to preclude, or postpone to another generation,
all hope of harmonizing the interests of the
two races. The prompt restoration of the
Union is an interest of such magnitude as to
be worth a sacrifice, but this healing prompt!
tude is not attainable without considerable
concessions in favor of the negroes.
Our own plan would be, to require a live
years' probation from the date of their emanci
pation, as we do of the more intelligent white
immigrants who come hither from the despo
tisms of the Old World; and then admit the
first generation on a very small property
qualification (say half of what was required of
the first generation of, white freemen in this
State), and Jin the second generation, when a
majoiity of heads of families will probably
have become property-holders, make the suf
frage universal. The necessity for these dila
tory precautions lies in the fact that the chief
evil to be guarded against in the State govern
ments is extravagant expenditures and oppres
sive taxes an evil against which there is no
other protection in a republican government
(and even this protection is not very efficient)
than that they who lay the taxes shall also
feel them. Universal suffrage is safe in the
North because a majority of our citizens are
owners of property; but republican govern
ment would not long survive among us if the
avenues to competence were closed against
industry and thrift. We shall not stickle for
this compromise of the negro question; but
without some compromise there can be no
durable settlement.
Another conciliatory measure which we
venture to suggest, is the adoption of certain
provisions of the Confederate Constitution.
If there is not manliness enough in the coun
try to recognize what is really good in that
instrument, our people are greater bigots or
noodles than we deem them. We do not say
that a man is a political bigot who contests
the excellence of the provisions, but only that
he is a carping idiot if he objects to a thing
acknowledged to be good in itself because it
has that particular origin. One of the provi
sions of the Confederate Constitution which
we recommend for consideration is this: "The
principal officer in each of the executive de
partments, and all persons connected with the
diplomatic service, may be removed from
office at the pleasure of the President. All
otber civil officers of the executive depart
ment may be removed at any time by the Pre
sident or other appointing power, when their
services are unnecessary, or for dishonesty,
incapacity, inefficiency, misconduct, or neglect
of duty; and when so removed, the removal
shall be reported to the Senate, together with
the reasons thereof."
There is perhaps no change which w ould
contribute so much to the stability of our in
stitutions as the incorporation of this provi
sion into the Constitution. It would prevent
the country from being convulsed, in every
Presidential election, by the reckless and selfish
scrambles for the control of the Federal patron
age, which is doing more than all other causes
to corrupt the people and undermine the Gov
ernment. The South can easily accept it,
having already given it their solemn approval.
The Republican party should be willing to
accept it, as a rational substitute for their
Tenure of Office bill. No conjuncture will
ever again occur so propitious for its adoption;
and betides its eolid merit, it would be a link
of harmony between both of the chief parties
to this unhappy controversy If there wete
joined with it the provision of the Confede
rate Constitution extending the Presidential
term to six years, and making the inoumbeut
afterwards ineligible, our Presidents would
no longer be tempted to subordinate the inte
rests ot the Government to the hope f a re
election. We also recommend the following excellent
;rovisions of the Confederate Constitution:
"Congress shall appropriate no money from
the treasury except by a vote of two-thirds of
both Houses, taken by yeas aud nays, unless
it be asked and estimated for by some one of
the heads of departments, and submitted to
Congress by the fresident; or for the purpose
of paying its own expenses and contingencies;
or lor the payment of claims against the Gov
ernment the justice of which shall have been
judicially declared by a tribunal for the inves
tigation of claims against the Government,
which it is hereby made the duty of Congress
to establish."
"All bills appropriating money shall specify
the exact amount of each appropriation and
the purpose for which it is made; and Congress
shall grunt no ex.ra compensation to any pub
lic contractor, officer, agent, or servant, after
such contraot shall have beoa made, or such
! nerrico rendered."
OLD Rt Y E ;
Til F, LAB Or ST AND
F I
G OLD RYE WHISKIES
In the Land is now Possessed by
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wno oritn tiik wasie 10 tub mAwi,in lots, on vehv advantaueouh
TEUHS.
Their Stock of Rye Whiskies, in Bond, comprises all the favorite brands extant, aud runs
through the various months of 1805, '6'!, and of this year, up to present date.
Liberal contracts made for lots to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot, Kricsson Line
Wharf, or at Bonded Warehouse, as parties may elect.
ENGLISH CARPETINGS.
NEW GOODS OF Oi n OWN IMPORTATION JUST ABBIVF.D.
ALSO. A CHOICE SELECTION OF
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EBftlifh. Druggctlngi, from half yard to four yard vrldei Mnttlagi,
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Our entire stock, including new goods daily opening, will be oflered at LOW
PRICES FOR CASH, prior to Removal, in January next, to New Store, now
building, No. 1222 Chesnut street.
REEVE L.
11 14 tbstuzm
"The President may approve any appro
priation and disapprove any other appropria
tion in the same bill. In such rase he shall,
in signing the bill, designate the appropria
tions disapproved, and shall return a copy of
such appropriations, with his objections, to
the House in which the bill shall have origi
nated; and the same proceedings shall be had
as in the case of other bills disapproved by
the President."
There Is no other provision of the Confede
rate Constitution which we should wish to see
adopted.
The adoption of these wholesome provisions
would be a just and manly recognition of
Southern wisdom. It would be a compliment
without any concession; or if a concession,
we should take more by it thau we should
give. It would not only be an evidence of
kind and respectful sentiments, but a valuable
improvement of the common Constitution
under which we are all destined to live.
Universal amnesty and exemption from all
disabilities in consequence of the war would
be granted of course.
If this programme, or one conceived in a
similar spirit, should be adopted, party strife
would be hushed in the coming Presidential
election. The congratulations of all real
patriots would make party spirit an easy sacri
fice on the common altar; and some man who
has accpuired the confidence of the country
without party identification would be taken
to secure the steadiness of. the ship in the be
ginning of her new course. Happily, the man
is less difficult to find than the measures, but
neither can avail anything without the other.
If the old battle is to be fought out, it will be
necessary to run party chiefs. Nothing could
be more absurd or incongruous than a fierce
struggle of contending parties for the success
of contesting policies, led by neutral candi
dates. The cause must be embodied and truly
represented by the man; party candidates
must head a party canvass; "to this com
plexion it must come at last," unless there
shall be a harmonizing compromise before the
meeting of the political conventions.
L COKING-CLASSES
OF THg
BEST FRENCH PLATE, .
fn Every' Style of Frames,
' ON HAND OR MADE TO ORDER.
NEW ART GALLERY,
F. COLAND & CO.,
11 1 Jm2p No. 6141 AH CH Street.
QTEAM ENGINE PACKING.
Tbe modern and extremely popular packing, called
iniLl.KIt'M JLl'imiCATlVE,
OB
KOAF'kTOKE FAt'IilMU,
Pas alrpHily been adopted oy over 20,000 Locomotive
and Hlulluuury Kiinlues. aud U beyond question ttia
etuW'Kl j 1 1 1 d . the motu durable, the cheapest, and
wears tbu machinery tlie leum of any steam engine
pucklng yet Introduced, it nut liable lu burn or
cut, dom not n quire oil, and there la 110 wunle lu the
ue, ax 11 la made, ot all ttlzes to null the boxes, from )i
to 1 Inches In diameter. Ml persons Interested lu
the tin ot tbe steam engine are particularly requested
toKivelhU packing a trial. liberal discount wiil
be made lu u.a;era.
M. C.MilM.F.K,
NO. 030 ARCH KlltKCT, fHlL.A.
Sole Agent for Pennsylvania aud Delaware.
tee eertlticute below.
0rl K OK TIIK St'l'KIIIKTKNDKNTOr MOTIVK 1
1'OWtU AtiU ilAClllNHtV, tHIK Kailwav,
Kkw Yuuk, bept. 2, 1MJ6.J
My Pkab Sih: In reply 10 your Inquiries lu rela
tion to Uih comparative economy of Hemp Packing,
as compared with Luhrlcaung 1'acklng. I will say
ll.nl Kemp 1'acklug, at an aveiatte cost of. 33 cents per
pound, c-oms ns 3 10 mills per mile run, while the
l.uliricaijify racking co-its, at an average coat of
biz scents per pound. 1 1-lu mill per mile run. We
propose to tiKM li exfit slvely for all bleaiu btuOlug
licjea. Very trul," yours,
11. O. 1UIUOKS. Supt. M. P. A M.
P. S. The popular
11Y11KAVI.IC PACHINVi
Adapted to cold-water pumps, and niadeslmllar to
the l.nbrii alive. Packing, bul ol diUerrul material,
wlil be furiilnhed promptly any size roni , to 8
Inches, and will be found a superlur article tr pumps,
v 'tX slutu Ht2p M. u. a.
c
0
K N K X 0 HANG E
BAG MANl.Amiii.
JOHN t. luii.ti fc to,
N. K. comer of ii'kk'ctJ WATER Btreets,
l'Dilttdtflphia.
DFATFIIS IN JlAl' AND BAGGING
rUU('r,v; inscription, fur
Grain. Flour, feu, niiwr-JMiospljai of Lime, Bone
' , Imst, r.lc
Larce and small GUNNY KAOts constantly on baud,
v-.'Jl Also,, YfOOL SACK.. . -
Ivan X, DAJLlt, . JAUW CAStADBK. .'
WHISKIES.
BEST STOCK OF
KNIGHT & SON,
NO. SOT t'llESNCT KTBGET,
GROCERIES, ETC.
pRESH FRUITS, I 8G7.
rr.Acnrs, peabs, pineapplkb,
PLI'ItIN, APBICOTS, CIIEBBIF.S.
BLACKBERRIES. O.VIJNCES, ETC.
PBISEIIVKD AND FRElf, IN CARS AMD
VLAsN JAllS,
Put op for onr particular trade, and for sale by the
dozen, or In smaller quantities, by
MITCHELL & FLETCHER,
9108m AO. l0i CIir.SXVT WTKKET.
JAMES R. WEBB,
TEA DEALER AND GROCER,
S. E. COB. EIGHTH AND WALSDT STS.
Extra Fine Souchong, or English Breakfast Teas.
Superior Cbulan Teas, very cbeai).
Oolong Teas of every grade.
Toung Hjson Teas of finest qualities.
f All fresh Imported. 8 14
SJEW BUCKWUEAT FLOUR,
WHITE CLOVER HONEY,
FIRST OF THE SEASON.
AEEERT C. ROBERTS,
Dealer In Tine Groceries.
U75rp Corner ELEVENTH And VINE St.
SOAP.
MFCRTAfcT TO THE UDIESU
I'o 31 ore Dread of Wash-Day!!
t irnrwinin
ELECT 11 0-31 A GNE TIQ SOAP.
"WASHING MADE EAST."
Accomplished without boiling or rubbing.
Tbe finest and most delicate fabrics, as well as the
coarsest, made beautifully clean without boiling or
rubbing, saving In tne process half the time, labor,
soap,
AND ALL THE FUEL 1 1
This Is the best Soap ever Invented for washes
purposes,
We offer this Soap to the ladles, confident that thej li
will find, after the first trial, that.they cannot do with-
out It, I
enT TlBV ATT. flUnOTTTJfil in n. I
INSTRUCTION.
gTETESSD ALE INSTITUTE.
BOARDING SCHOOL FOR VOUNQ LADIES.
Terms Board, Tuition, etc. per scholastic year.fsoo,
NO EXTRAS.
Circulars at Messrs. Fairbanks & Ewlnats, No. 711 f
CHESNUT Street; also at Messrs. T, B. terson
Brothers, No. 806 CHESNUT 6treet.
Address, personally or by note,
N FOSTER BROWNE. Principal,
10 8 thmtf Bouth Amboy, N. J.
LEGAL NOTICES.
uin.. i.i nth iuAiir.it yjv ruis 'j
PHILADELPHIA KTEAM. PUMP AND TOW. S
liU lUJUfAAl. CM-
Notice la hereby given that the rercrt of the An.
I tor appointed by the l onrt of Oommoilmu for tii.
dltor appointed by the lonrt of Gommoulf.eas for the
i'liy ana couuiy or i-nuaueipuia, io repot upon the
petition to dissolve tbe sum corporation, and settle
Its allairs, w as filed lu tbe said Court on the lSiMi day
of October, A. D. Idti7, and unless exceptions are .Uled
I'liy and County of Philadelphia, to repot upon the
inereio ueiore ine jum uay oi jovenioer, A. D. Iir7,
the said report 111 be continued, and the corporation
By order of the Court, '
T. O. WEBB.
10 M ths St Pro-Prothonotary.
REMOVAL.
1 K M O V A !..- KHOV1L,
C. W. A. TltUMPLER
HAS. EEKGVED HIS KUSIG STORE
FROM fclVI JiTII AND CUUSXVT SIS.
TO
ATe. 926 C1JESAUT STREET,
"12 PHILADELPHIA.
BOARDING.
1101 (UKAItl) MKliKT. UB.TWEENV
i. lill Chtwuut aud Klarket and Eleventh and
Mwentn streets centrally locate.!. Accmiwjioaallon
for permanent, traimleut. aud table Bourdera. JSLUui
TOIUVY WELLS-OWNERS OF rROPEUTT
X 1 he only place to gn Privy Wells clcauud. aud
iuilulectfcd at very low prions.
A. 1 Ki HON,
Manufacturer of l'mlrelie.
c