THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 14, 18G7. SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. kDirosut oranowB or thi liamso JorjESAua Bros ouB&nrt topics oompilbd ivert DAT FOB TBI IV EN ISO TAXEOBAFH. Tit Political Dmurdi and Geii. Grant. XVom ( iV. r. Time. We have seen nothing more aransing for a long time than the concerted and desperate crusade from all quarters made upon General Grant, to force from him a political declara tion of some sort or other. The Tribune ex presses the general feeling which animates the whole army of crusaders, when it declares it does not care what he says, but insists ou his saying something. They all feel In pre cisely this way. They want something to 'pitch into" on one side or the other. A Presidential candidate wbo can't be attacked Is simply a nui.sauoe. He spoils business. What are the hangers-on of parties to do with Buch a man f What hold will anybody have on him for office after he is elected f This sort of thing must be stopped. Grant must be made to say something; and no matter what he aays, it will give somebody a chance to assail him and then political business can begin again. As usual, Montgomery Blair is foremost in the movement. If Washington report may be credited, he has been buzzing about General Grant like a bee in a tar barrel seeking private Interviews, holding private conversa tions, and trying in every way to get some 6how of authority either for saying that Graut is a radical, or that he isn't. The Boston Post seems to have been made the organ of his revelations, but the reporter of that sprightly journal very decidedly overdid the business, rile seems to have thought it his cie to E resent the General aa not only decidedly ostile to the radicals, but as bitterly enraged with all his friends who represent him as having the slighest toleration for them or their opinions. Probably it was supposed that this would bring out an an official correction, at the very least, and that might serve as good a purpose as a formal declaration of political sentiments. But it brings nothing but a flat denial of the whole story, and a repetition of the assurance that nobody has any authority to speak for the General on political and party Questions. On the other side of the case, Colonel Forney comes into the ring. The Colonel has a keen scent, and generally knows whether he is run ning with the hare or hunting with the hounds though it makes not the slightest difference. The radical demigods who have absorbed his worship for the last two years, having been somewhat shaken on their pedes tals by the late elections, he proposes to trans fer his devotion to the rising sun, and accord ingly comes out for General Grant. But in order to be consistent (for the versatile Colonel is "nothing if not consistent"), he devotes five columns of his "two newspapers, both daily," to prove that the General is a radical of the most radical type and this he Sends forth, more suo, with mysterious inti mations that it goes under high authority, With official sanction, etc etc. This was pre cisely the red rag which brings on the bull. The Copperheads, Democrats, and llebels Wake a fresh rush upon the General, with catechisms in hand hoping at last to get dis claimers sufficiently specific to serve their pur pose. But all the ;i gut is the assurance that General Grant knew nothing about the pro nunciamento, and that Colonel Forney had no more authority to speak for him than any body else. And so the game goes on. Both parties are scouring the whole political field for proof that Grant is on one side or the other. YY asliburne declared some time ago tbat the General agreed with Congress. Kelley declares now that he is a radical. General Rawlins mala a speech which expressed his own opinions, and that is quoted as proof of Grant's. Blair avers that Grant agrees with the President, and Wendell Phillips is alternately puzzled and enraged, because the General will not tell the world with whom he does agree and with whom he don't. Now, all this is meant for mischief, but it will do none. These political buzzards were never half so innocently employed as they are now in quarrelling about what General Grant won't say. They certainly cannot harm him. lie Is not likely to be either coaxed or goaded into such declarations as they demand, lie is sought by the people for the Presidency, not fer his opinious, but for his character; not b3 canse he is for Congress and against the Presi dent, nor because he is for the President an 1 Against Congress; not because he is for negr voting or against it; but beoause ha is kuovn everywhere to love his country above any party to seek its honor, its peace, and its prosperity far more than the triumph of any party, any section, or any man. No man who knows anything of his public action since the war broke out, will deem him capable of throwing away any of the results of the war, or of putting at hazard any of the principles which the war has established. iVo man will suspect him of consenting even in thought to send back the negroes into slavery, or of denying them any civil, political, or per sonal rights which the war lias won for them, or which are essential to their protection in life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. But the people rely upon his character and his aots far more than upon specifio pledges and written declarations for this assurance and they are content with thi3 relianoe. When the proper time shall come General Grant will undoubtedly give the country a clear and satisfactory statement of his views on publio affair; but meantime we presume he will maintain the obtinate silence which seems so displeasing to his enemies, and to nobody else. Tbt ltomau (location, iht A". Y. Herald. After a silence of some days the Atlautio cable is again eloquent. Matters have not, if we are to judge from Us intimations, mended in Italy. Italy, lu fact, stands on the verge of revolution. Outbreak have taken place in most of the large cities, and though the mili tary have gained a temporary triumph, the cities are described as in a state of siege. It ii evident that it is with the utmost difficulty the" Italian Government are managing to pr serve even the appearance of order. So loud are the people agaiust France that Victor Knianuel and his Government, through General La Marmora, now on a special misaiou to the Jiuiperor Napoleon, are compelled to iusUt on . imi.iditrt withdrawal of French troops tv,a anil of Italv. They claim to have proved their ability as well a 9 their disposi tion to preserve order, ami trance is aosurea .!. url U no reason to fear further dis- turbance, Garibaldi and the other ringleaders sl.ont to leave Italy for the United States. it u i.Un stated that the Italian Government ha refused to accede to the proposal to submit the (settlement of the Roman . qjiestiou to a uiiy Ce.tu.ouu convention, A later telegram shows that Franoe ha I yielded a point, and asks a general congress of all the European powers, great and small, to consider and settle the difficulty. The Italian Government is still rebellious, refusing to hear of a congress in any shape or form, and has issued a counternote to the European powers accordingly. It Is evident from all this that matters are sufficiently complicated. A crisis of some kind is at hand. There are many who will doubtless think, and not alto gether without reason, that in this instance Garibaldi and the party of aotion have baen rather a curse than a blessing to their country. The truth is, revolutions such as that which they sought to accomplish at Rome depend more upon moral than upon material force. Moral results, however, are to be looked for only after long ages of moral effort. The har vest is seldom early and can never be forced. At the same time it is not to be forgotten that a time comes in the history of moral progress when material influences of a certain kind are of immenpe valne. Such a time, we believe, has come in the hintory of the Roman ques tion. The material influences required, how ever, were not those of the sword and the rille. The steam engine in its many applications, the electric telegraph and the printing press these are the influences which Italy and Rome specially need. Properly used, they would do more for the real we. fare of the Italian penin sula than the party of action, with their pre sent ideas, can ever hope te ell'ect. Garibaldi, however, is but a small philoso pher, and Mazzini ia more empirical than prac tical. The difficulties of the Roman question are religious in their essence. Intelligence only can uproot existing prejudice and pave the way for the grander future. Superstition has still a firm hold of many of our fellow creatures. Snpersfition, however, is fed by ignorance. Intelligence, which dispels the one, uproots the other. Education and the comforts of domestio and social life are the things which are required in many parts of the modern world, Italy and Rome not ex cepted; but the best means of securing these comforts are the general use of steam, the telegraph, and the printing press. If Garibaldi and his friend Mazzini would ciiiy look at the lessons cf the past, they might discover some wiser and nobler means by which to serve their country. All history shows that a people must be ripe for a change before they can accept and benefit by it. Garibaldi's mistake consisted in this, tint he would force a revolution. The time will doubtless come when the chief of the Catholic Church will occupy a position more worthy of him, and when Rome will be the capital of Italy; but that time must be brought about by a class of influences very different from those which the party of action have just em ployed. General Grant's Position. From the N. Y. Tribune. It is not so very long since the popular cry in political contests nsed to be "Measures, not men." Mr. Andrew Johnson was nominated for Vice-President of the United States in accordance with the false principle embodied in that cry. The disastrous result of the ex periment seems to be driving some of our friends to the opposite extreme; and, with the equally dangerous watchword of "Men, not measures," they are bent upon intrusting our national destinies to a General of whose political principles nothing whatever is known, ana confuting the most delicate junctions of statesmanship to a man who has thus far bhown himself only as a resolute and sue cessful soldier. We have been at some pains to collect all the accessible evidence as to General Grant's opinions on the great ques tions which divide the country, and the deci sion of which must shape lor good or for ill our course during the next Presidential term. We have at present a list of twenty "authori tative" explanations of the General's position. Nine represent him as an uncompromising radical; nine are positive that he is a straight up-and-down lemocrat; and two declare that he is nothing at all, and will not accept a nomination for the Presidency from either party. Colonel Forney, for example, published the other day, in his two papers, five mortal columns of most excellent Repub lican sentiments, all of which he asserted that he knew on most indubitable testimony to be in Grant's head, if they had not actually come out of his mouth. The Boston Post next day hastened to inform us that Grant repudiated eveiy word of Colonel Forney's five columns, and the Philadelphia I'ress replied by an "au thorized" contradiction of the Post. The Philadelphia J'ost learns that Grant has no sympathy with the radicals. The Springfield K(j,ublican is certain that he is substantially in accord with the party of freedom, only ho is not so fooli.-h as to accept Colonel Forney as his spokesman. The Rebel .Mobile Times accepts him as a Copperhead; the Ma;on Pele yraih denounces him as a radical; the Rich mond Pnificrf believes he is no friend to the nigger, while General Rawlins vows on the faith of a soldier that he is the best friend the nigger ever had. More than all this, the Hon. N. 11. Washburne, a thoroughly disinterested statesman, whose mission in life is to get Grant elected President, has made a long ppeech to prove that his friend is everything the most exacting voter can require. This ought to have settled the whole business; but, alas for the uncertainty of human affairs 1 Mr. Washburne has no sooner limshed his ora tion than up gets that pestiferous Boston Pot again, and avers that Grant "detests" Mr. Washburne, doesn't know mm, wants to get rid of li.ui, and is not responsible for any of his statements. The Washington Chronicle ays this is a lie, aud Mr. Washburne, we pre ume. is of the same opinion. The New York Pay ikiuk thinks any man who doubt3 Graut to be in perfect accord with Congress is "green enough to be eaten up for grass;" and right on the heels ot this comes a statement in an other Copperhead paper that the General has accepted a nomination from the Johuson Dnuocracy. The Copperheads quote his ac ceptance of Mr. Stanton's place as a proof that he is a Democrat; Colonel Forney quotes it as a proof that he is a radical. One gentleman heard him refer to the removal of Sheridau as ' more of the President's dirty work;" aud an other gentleman learns that lie has taken warning by Sheridan's "ludicrous fate," and gone over to the conservative party. Now we have no relish for getting Presi dents out of a grab-bag. We have no sympa thy with the "hurrah!" movement which hopes to rush a candidate into office, not ba caupe he is fit for the place, not beeause he holds to the principles which the party is created to support, but because he is a good man to 6hout for at the hustings. We light to secure equal rights for all men, not to obtv.u thy election of any President who can merely be relied unon to distribute offices to the Re publican party. The -election by Republican votes r.f a President who was not heart and soul iU utitied with Renublican principles, would be a greater disaster for us than an open, defeat in open battle at the polls, where the lines were bharply drawn, the standards boldly displayed, and th generals resolutely commit ted to the cause in which they encaged. U U V ... . y. 1 . V . . , f, f . , .an 1 . 1 . Q Tli Path t Pear. From the t?. Y. World. Immediately after the great Democratic successes of last week, the World, eschewing even the appearance of Insolent exultation, and impelled, as it believes, by a patriotic de sire to seethe country tranquillized, intimated that it would offer some suggestions looking in that direction. The warmth of approba tion with which the spirit of that article lias been indorsed in numerous letters from various parts of the country, encourages us to proceed. Our reppected correspondents confirm our 'judgment that the present is a favorable conjuncture for settling the peace of the country on a durable foundation. We have, meantime, while awaiting such responses (favorable or adverse) as we sup posed the appeal in question might perhaps call forth, been attempting to smooth the way for its sequel by demonstrating the impossi bility of any permanent settlement by the fur ther prosecution of the pending reconstruction scheme; nor do we feel at all discouraged by the aspeiity of criticism which this demonstra tion has provoked in Republican journals. If the reconstruction contest is to be fought through on a party basis, they are under a political necessity of adhering to their mori bund scheme. Our purpose in exposing its crumbling fragility was to convince fair minded Republicans that their party has nothing to lose in a tranquillizing compromise, by which all differences would be settled, all rights protected, all interests adjusted and harmonized, and a question which so vitally concerns the present and future welfare of the country be rescued from the embittering ani mosities of a convulsing Presidential canvass. We have no doubt that if the controversy proceeds on its present basis, the Democratic party will carry the Presidential election; and any Republican who thinks the present recon struction scheme will stand in that event, dis credits his intelligence. The essence of the present reconstruction scheme is negro suf frage; and if PDything was ever emphatically condemned by the people on the eve of a Prssidential canvass, negro suffrage has been so condemned in the late elections. Negro suffrage may be right in itself; but clearly the people are not ready to concede it, and no time remains to educate them up to that point before opening the great cauvass that is close at hand. It is against every reasonable pre sumption that a party standing upon that issue should succeed. The Democratic hopes seem to us to rest upon as solid an assurance as the contingencies of party politics admit of. But, for the sake of the argument, we will allow tLe Republicans to discount our expecta tions to any extent not absolutely extravngant. The fact that it is generally conceded by Re publicans that their only chance of success lies in running an uncommitted man like General Grant, is a confession that, as a simple contest of opposing policies, unaided by personal prestige derived from other sources, the Re publican cause would be hopeless. The tide whose ebb has in one short year stranded that party in so many States, is still running out. With this survey of the situation, the most sanguine Republican must acknowledge that if his party succeeds next year, it will be "by the skin of its teeth," after a contest which will have consolidated half the population of the country into an attitude of intense hos tility; a contest which will have arrayed the Southern whites in stubborn scorn of the pre tensions of the negroes, and a majority of the whole people (iuoluding Southern whites and Northern Democrats) in unrelenting opposi tion to the policy of the Uovernment. We appeal to every citizen not wholly des titute of candor to say if such a state of things would be a solid foundation of tran quillity ? If it would tend to cement our shattered national unity f If it would grub up by the roots the deadly upas which poisons our political atmosphere f With race arrayed against race and party against party in nearly equal strength; with passions whetted by the fiercest Presidential canvass ever known, and the violence of contention fed by prejudices which such a contest would render ineradica ble if this be what we are fated to come to, may God in His infinite mercy take pity on us 1 May Heaven help our distressed, dis tracted country I The questions now in issue penetrate to the very foundations of our political system; they touch the most powerful and irrepressible passions of human nature. These questions are too deep-reaohine and too unsettled to be safely kept open and made the foot-ball of party violence in successive Presidential elec tions. This deeply agitating controversy can never.be closed by a method which half the population ot the country stubbornly refuses to accept. We therefore, in a spirit which asks and is willing to make concessions, present this appeal to the good sense, sober judgment, and patriotic instincts of the country. INo settlement has any reasonable chance of durability which does not secure the concur rence of well ou to two-thirds or three-fourths of all our citizens. A bare majority, on ques tions which so profoundly agitate the publio mind, can settle nothing, because the beaten minority will not despair of success on a sub sequent trial. The Constitution wisely ordains that nothing shall be inserted therein, without a vastly outweighing; preponderance of publio sentiment in its favor; wisely because there can be no stability which does no rest like a pyramid, upon a broad base. Whether the proposed settlement shall take the form of Constitutional amendments or not, it Is essen tial that it should be established on popular assent equally broad; and if it can gain that it would probably Ve better to secure it against subsequent disturbance by fortifying it with constitutional barriers. But the chief thing to be aimed at is not this technical security, but the substantial fairness which will commend it to the judg ment of the great body of the people. To this end it must furnish adequate security to the Union; to the rights of the States; to the just claims of the publio creditors; and, though last not least, to the interests and capabilities of the negro race. No settlement can stand which does not combine and harmonize these several elements on a basis adapted to the present situation and considerate to them all. That the resources of existing statesmanship are equal to the problem, in the present im proved tone of publio sentiment, we will not permit ourselves to doubt. The first important preliminary is a national conference composed of men of moderation aud character representing all the various interests. A mode can easily be contrived for bringing such a conference together, if publio opinion shall indorse its expediency. Nor would there be any difficulty in designating many of the men who ought to participate in ltd aenuera tions. The South should be represented by such men as Wade Hampton, Alexander 11 Stephens, Governor Orr, ex-Governor Brown William C. Rives, General Dick Taylor, Gene ral I.oncstreet. and others of similar mo.lera tion and standing. .0,ur.objct..of course is not to provide a list, but specimens. There is no greater reason for deploring the death of the late uovemor Andrew than that sucu a oon ference cannot have the assistance of his conn sola Had eloquence. Ji'ut Uit JWpuMc;vfl party has many men capable of a similar liberality. Without going beyond our immediate vicinity for samples, we venture to name Hamilton I ten, William C. Bryant. Henry Ward IWcher. and even Horace Greeley, as men who could meet the representative;! of the South in ami cable discussion, with a sincere desire to reach mutually satisfactory results. The Demoorats would send their soundest and wisest men. A conference of this kind, consisting of sixty or eighty men of eminent standing, ripe expe rience, ana persuasive temper, would sucoeed n lir.Uing some solution of our national diffi culties which would lift the Union out of the plough of party politics, and re-establish it ou the only basis whereon it can stand that of ompreheusive, all-adjusting equity. Any propositions which a conference so composed hhould auree in recommending would proba bly be so intrinsically fair, so marked by con siderate and reconciling justice, that they would command a popular support wide enough to put them into the Constitution, if that Bhould be deemed their fittest embodi ment. Thus much for the initial stages of the method; we will now proceed, with more hesi tation and diffidence, to hazard some hints re lating to the substance. It is, of course, not what we suggest, but what the proposed con ference might after full consultation agree in, that we fhould expect to stand by. 1 he negro question being the knot of the difficulty, it would be futile to offer any sug gestions which did not include that. from the very nature of the conflict, all parties must abate something of their claims as a means of securing permaueuce for wh.it is granted; just as m entering into civil socioty men relinquish some of their natural rights to secure the protection of the whole body for the remainder. What is yielded on the negro question may also be in part compensated by concessions gained on other points. J. he extreme negro party on one side demands that negro suffrage shall be immediate aud universal. But this party i3 confronted by an obstacle it cannot icnore in the demonstration, just given in the elections, that the public opinion of the country does not support its claims. As friends of the negro, they had better accept a postponed and gradually extending sun rase, guaranteed by common consent, than take the risk of getting nothing by prematurely de manding all. The extreme party, on the other side, demands the permanent and urn versal exclusion of the negroes from the suf frage. But this party cannot ignore the fact that the Republicans are in possession of the Government, and that time enough will elapse before they go out to consolidate the negro race m such rooted antipathy to the white, as to preclude, or postpone to another generation, all hope of harmonizing the interests of the two races. The prompt restoration of the Union is an interest of such magnitude as to be worth a sacrifice, but this healing prompt! tude is not attainable without considerable concessions in favor of the negroes. Our own plan would be, to require a live years' probation from the date of their emanci pation, as we do of the more intelligent white immigrants who come hither from the despo tisms of the Old World; and then admit the first generation on a very small property qualification (say half of what was required of the first generation of, white freemen in this State), and Jin the second generation, when a majoiity of heads of families will probably have become property-holders, make the suf frage universal. The necessity for these dila tory precautions lies in the fact that the chief evil to be guarded against in the State govern ments is extravagant expenditures and oppres sive taxes an evil against which there is no other protection in a republican government (and even this protection is not very efficient) than that they who lay the taxes shall also feel them. Universal suffrage is safe in the North because a majority of our citizens are owners of property; but republican govern ment would not long survive among us if the avenues to competence were closed against industry and thrift. We shall not stickle for this compromise of the negro question; but without some compromise there can be no durable settlement. Another conciliatory measure which we venture to suggest, is the adoption of certain provisions of the Confederate Constitution. If there is not manliness enough in the coun try to recognize what is really good in that instrument, our people are greater bigots or noodles than we deem them. We do not say that a man is a political bigot who contests the excellence of the provisions, but only that he is a carping idiot if he objects to a thing acknowledged to be good in itself because it has that particular origin. One of the provi sions of the Confederate Constitution which we recommend for consideration is this: "The principal officer in each of the executive de partments, and all persons connected with the diplomatic service, may be removed from office at the pleasure of the President. All otber civil officers of the executive depart ment may be removed at any time by the Pre sident or other appointing power, when their services are unnecessary, or for dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency, misconduct, or neglect of duty; and when so removed, the removal shall be reported to the Senate, together with the reasons thereof." There is perhaps no change which w ould contribute so much to the stability of our in stitutions as the incorporation of this provi sion into the Constitution. It would prevent the country from being convulsed, in every Presidential election, by the reckless and selfish scrambles for the control of the Federal patron age, which is doing more than all other causes to corrupt the people and undermine the Gov ernment. The South can easily accept it, having already given it their solemn approval. The Republican party should be willing to accept it, as a rational substitute for their Tenure of Office bill. No conjuncture will ever again occur so propitious for its adoption; and betides its eolid merit, it would be a link of harmony between both of the chief parties to this unhappy controversy If there wete joined with it the provision of the Confede rate Constitution extending the Presidential term to six years, and making the inoumbeut afterwards ineligible, our Presidents would no longer be tempted to subordinate the inte rests ot the Government to the hope f a re election. We also recommend the following excellent ;rovisions of the Confederate Constitution: "Congress shall appropriate no money from the treasury except by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses, taken by yeas aud nays, unless it be asked and estimated for by some one of the heads of departments, and submitted to Congress by the fresident; or for the purpose of paying its own expenses and contingencies; or lor the payment of claims against the Gov ernment the justice of which shall have been judicially declared by a tribunal for the inves tigation of claims against the Government, which it is hereby made the duty of Congress to establish." "All bills appropriating money shall specify the exact amount of each appropriation and the purpose for which it is made; and Congress shall grunt no ex.ra compensation to any pub lic contractor, officer, agent, or servant, after such contraot shall have beoa made, or such ! nerrico rendered." OLD Rt Y E ; Til F, LAB Or ST AND F I G OLD RYE WHISKIES In the Land is now Possessed by IIEN11Y S. IIANNIS, & CO., Nos. 218 and 220 euth FRONT Street, wno oritn tiik wasie 10 tub mAwi,in lots, on vehv advantaueouh TEUHS. Their Stock of Rye Whiskies, in Bond, comprises all the favorite brands extant, aud runs through the various months of 1805, '6'!, and of this year, up to present date. Liberal contracts made for lots to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot, Kricsson Line Wharf, or at Bonded Warehouse, as parties may elect. ENGLISH CARPETINGS. NEW GOODS OF Oi n OWN IMPORTATION JUST ABBIVF.D. ALSO. A CHOICE SELECTION OF AMERICAN CARPETINCS, OIL CLOTHS, ETC. EBftlifh. Druggctlngi, from half yard to four yard vrldei Mnttlagi, Rugi, Slat. Our entire stock, including new goods daily opening, will be oflered at LOW PRICES FOR CASH, prior to Removal, in January next, to New Store, now building, No. 1222 Chesnut street. REEVE L. 11 14 tbstuzm "The President may approve any appro priation and disapprove any other appropria tion in the same bill. In such rase he shall, in signing the bill, designate the appropria tions disapproved, and shall return a copy of such appropriations, with his objections, to the House in which the bill shall have origi nated; and the same proceedings shall be had as in the case of other bills disapproved by the President." There Is no other provision of the Confede rate Constitution which we should wish to see adopted. The adoption of these wholesome provisions would be a just and manly recognition of Southern wisdom. It would be a compliment without any concession; or if a concession, we should take more by it thau we should give. It would not only be an evidence of kind and respectful sentiments, but a valuable improvement of the common Constitution under which we are all destined to live. Universal amnesty and exemption from all disabilities in consequence of the war would be granted of course. If this programme, or one conceived in a similar spirit, should be adopted, party strife would be hushed in the coming Presidential election. The congratulations of all real patriots would make party spirit an easy sacri fice on the common altar; and some man who has accpuired the confidence of the country without party identification would be taken to secure the steadiness of. the ship in the be ginning of her new course. Happily, the man is less difficult to find than the measures, but neither can avail anything without the other. If the old battle is to be fought out, it will be necessary to run party chiefs. Nothing could be more absurd or incongruous than a fierce struggle of contending parties for the success of contesting policies, led by neutral candi dates. The cause must be embodied and truly represented by the man; party candidates must head a party canvass; "to this com plexion it must come at last," unless there shall be a harmonizing compromise before the meeting of the political conventions. L COKING-CLASSES OF THg BEST FRENCH PLATE, . fn Every' Style of Frames, ' ON HAND OR MADE TO ORDER. NEW ART GALLERY, F. COLAND & CO., 11 1 Jm2p No. 6141 AH CH Street. QTEAM ENGINE PACKING. Tbe modern and extremely popular packing, called iniLl.KIt'M JLl'imiCATlVE, OB KOAF'kTOKE FAt'IilMU, Pas alrpHily been adopted oy over 20,000 Locomotive and Hlulluuury Kiinlues. aud U beyond question ttia etuW'Kl j 1 1 1 d . the motu durable, the cheapest, and wears tbu machinery tlie leum of any steam engine pucklng yet Introduced, it nut liable lu burn or cut, dom not n quire oil, and there la 110 wunle lu the ue, ax 11 la made, ot all ttlzes to null the boxes, from )i to 1 Inches In diameter. Ml persons Interested lu the tin ot tbe steam engine are particularly requested toKivelhU packing a trial. liberal discount wiil be made lu u.a;era. M. C.MilM.F.K, NO. 030 ARCH KlltKCT, fHlL.A. Sole Agent for Pennsylvania aud Delaware. tee eertlticute below. 0rl K OK TIIK St'l'KIIIKTKNDKNTOr MOTIVK 1 1'OWtU AtiU ilAClllNHtV, tHIK Kailwav, Kkw Yuuk, bept. 2, 1MJ6.J My Pkab Sih: In reply 10 your Inquiries lu rela tion to Uih comparative economy of Hemp Packing, as compared with Luhrlcaung 1'acklng. I will say ll.nl Kemp 1'acklug, at an aveiatte cost of. 33 cents per pound, c-oms ns 3 10 mills per mile run, while the l.uliricaijify racking co-its, at an average coat of biz scents per pound. 1 1-lu mill per mile run. We propose to tiKM li exfit slvely for all bleaiu btuOlug licjea. Very trul," yours, 11. O. 1UIUOKS. Supt. M. P. A M. P. S. The popular 11Y11KAVI.IC PACHINVi Adapted to cold-water pumps, and niadeslmllar to the l.nbrii alive. Packing, bul ol diUerrul material, wlil be furiilnhed promptly any size roni , to 8 Inches, and will be found a superlur article tr pumps, v 'tX slutu Ht2p M. u. a. c 0 K N K X 0 HANG E BAG MANl.Amiii. JOHN t. luii.ti fc to, N. K. comer of ii'kk'ctJ WATER Btreets, l'Dilttdtflphia. DFATFIIS IN JlAl' AND BAGGING rUU('r,v; inscription, fur Grain. Flour, feu, niiwr-JMiospljai of Lime, Bone ' , Imst, r.lc Larce and small GUNNY KAOts constantly on baud, v-.'Jl Also,, YfOOL SACK.. . - Ivan X, DAJLlt, . JAUW CAStADBK. .' WHISKIES. BEST STOCK OF KNIGHT & SON, NO. SOT t'llESNCT KTBGET, GROCERIES, ETC. pRESH FRUITS, I 8G7. rr.Acnrs, peabs, pineapplkb, PLI'ItIN, APBICOTS, CIIEBBIF.S. BLACKBERRIES. O.VIJNCES, ETC. PBISEIIVKD AND FRElf, IN CARS AMD VLAsN JAllS, Put op for onr particular trade, and for sale by the dozen, or In smaller quantities, by MITCHELL & FLETCHER, 9108m AO. l0i CIir.SXVT WTKKET. JAMES R. WEBB, TEA DEALER AND GROCER, S. E. COB. EIGHTH AND WALSDT STS. Extra Fine Souchong, or English Breakfast Teas. Superior Cbulan Teas, very cbeai). Oolong Teas of every grade. Toung Hjson Teas of finest qualities. f All fresh Imported. 8 14 SJEW BUCKWUEAT FLOUR, WHITE CLOVER HONEY, FIRST OF THE SEASON. AEEERT C. ROBERTS, Dealer In Tine Groceries. U75rp Corner ELEVENTH And VINE St. SOAP. MFCRTAfcT TO THE UDIESU I'o 31 ore Dread of Wash-Day!! t irnrwinin ELECT 11 0-31 A GNE TIQ SOAP. "WASHING MADE EAST." Accomplished without boiling or rubbing. Tbe finest and most delicate fabrics, as well as the coarsest, made beautifully clean without boiling or rubbing, saving In tne process half the time, labor, soap, AND ALL THE FUEL 1 1 This Is the best Soap ever Invented for washes purposes, We offer this Soap to the ladles, confident that thej li will find, after the first trial, that.they cannot do with- out It, I enT TlBV ATT. flUnOTTTJfil in n. I INSTRUCTION. gTETESSD ALE INSTITUTE. BOARDING SCHOOL FOR VOUNQ LADIES. Terms Board, Tuition, etc. per scholastic year.fsoo, NO EXTRAS. Circulars at Messrs. Fairbanks & Ewlnats, No. 711 f CHESNUT Street; also at Messrs. T, B. terson Brothers, No. 806 CHESNUT 6treet. Address, personally or by note, N FOSTER BROWNE. Principal, 10 8 thmtf Bouth Amboy, N. J. LEGAL NOTICES. uin.. i.i nth iuAiir.it yjv ruis 'j PHILADELPHIA KTEAM. PUMP AND TOW. S liU lUJUfAAl. CM- Notice la hereby given that the rercrt of the An. I tor appointed by the l onrt of Oommoilmu for tii. dltor appointed by the lonrt of Gommoulf.eas for the i'liy ana couuiy or i-nuaueipuia, io repot upon the petition to dissolve tbe sum corporation, and settle Its allairs, w as filed lu tbe said Court on the lSiMi day of October, A. D. Idti7, and unless exceptions are .Uled I'liy and County of Philadelphia, to repot upon the inereio ueiore ine jum uay oi jovenioer, A. D. Iir7, the said report 111 be continued, and the corporation By order of the Court, ' T. O. WEBB. 10 M ths St Pro-Prothonotary. REMOVAL. 1 K M O V A !..- KHOV1L, C. W. A. TltUMPLER HAS. EEKGVED HIS KUSIG STORE FROM fclVI JiTII AND CUUSXVT SIS. TO ATe. 926 C1JESAUT STREET, "12 PHILADELPHIA. BOARDING. 1101 (UKAItl) MKliKT. UB.TWEENV i. lill Chtwuut aud Klarket and Eleventh and Mwentn streets centrally locate.!. Accmiwjioaallon for permanent, traimleut. aud table Bourdera. JSLUui TOIUVY WELLS-OWNERS OF rROPEUTT X 1 he only place to gn Privy Wells clcauud. aud iuilulectfcd at very low prions. A. 1 Ki HON, Manufacturer of l'mlrelie. c