THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHIL AD E L L II A, MONDAY", NOVEMIJEK 4, 1807. SPIRIT. OF THE MESS. JDlTORIAt OFIKIONR OT TBI LKADIKa JOURHALP tPOS OCBRBRT TOPICS COMPILKD EVBBT PAT FOB THI BY EN I NO TKLEOBAPB. Moving Towirdi Sped Pnymenti. From Vie JY. Y. Tribune. The lank statement, showing a di-crea'w of Over three millions in the surplus and resorrv, the continued activity on call loans to specu lators, the increased difficulty in negotiating commercial hills, together with the unsatis factory condition of trade and manufactures gonerally, give new interest to the financial action of CongreH3 at its approaching meet ing. As usual, speculators and traders upon borrowed money declare that the salvation Of the country depends upon a further iu ' crease of legal -tender money, and that Congress Should without delay take from Mr. MoCulloi h the power of destroying the paltry sum of four millions per month. As the currency can never le brought to specie by increasing the volume of paper, which causes gold dollars to sell at a premium, and as this fact is now plain to every member of Congress, speculators and over-trade) S on borrowed capital must prepare themselves to see a little delay by Congress, before it commits the fatal and stupid blunder of stopping the moderate contraction Of the currency allowed to the Treasury. Con traction is now plainly seen to be not only the first duty of Congress to the national creditors and to the permanent interests of the couutry, but the popular policy as well. The people only tolerated irredeemable paper money as a desperate mode of meeting the expenses of the Kebellion, and will not long sutler its me, when the credit of the nation is where long five per cent, bonds can be sold at par. The old plan of paper dollars redeemable in gold at their place of issue, and the Democratic idea of hard money for all purposes, are again putting in their claims, and daily find now advocates. All the signs of the times are favorable to a steady return to specie payments, and the solvent part of the country does not expect Congress to put any restriction upon the Secretary's present power to retire the legal-tenders; but at a proper time does not expect to see Con gress enlarge it, and direct him to pay in gold every dollar. Upon the question of currency the annual message of the President and the report of Secretary McCulloch will be iu har mony, and specie payment be declared the Settled policy. These officials will probably re-state their opinions so forcibly that, if Con gress should indiscreetly attempt "financial reconstruction" in the direction of more irre deemable paper, the movement will be delayed At least by Executive interposition. All busi ness which will be harmed by retiring four millions of legal-tenders per month out of the present mass of 36 1,000,000, cannot be closed up too soon, and all banks having more circu lation than they can manage with gold at par should lose noiinie in getting it home. The Indian Treaty. From the N. Y. Tribune. On the 21st of October the Indian Commis sioners concluded a treaty with the Kiowas and Comanche s at Medicine Lodge creek, in Kansas, by the terms of which thor.e tribes were allotted a reservation of about fiOOO square miles in the southwestern part of the Indian Territory. The United States Uoveru ment promises to give each of the savage3 a Suit of olothes every year; to supply seels and implements to those who will un lertake farming; and to distribute annually to the tribes $'25,000 worth of goods. In return, the Indians agree to keep peace and to oloir no obstacle to the construction of the l'acilic Railroad. Saturday we published the still more agreeable intelligence that the Arapahoes and Cheyennes, who at first refused to attend the council, have concluded a similar bargain. These were our most dangerous enemies, the fiercest and most influential tribes of the Plains, whereas with the other two we can hardly be said to have really been at war. It is, of course, too soon to congratulate our selves upon a complete cessation of ludian hostilities; but the success of the Commis sioners, so far, justifies the expectation that a peace of some sort or other is not far distant, ilow long it will last depends entirely upon ourselves. We are by no means confident of its lasting very long, because white men, when they get on the frontier, are apt to become such dreadful ruffians and swindlers. The treaty leaves our old reservation system un touched; it leaves the agency business still open to the lowest class of white rascals: it subjects the ignorant savage to the same risk he has hitherto run of being placed at the mercy of broken-down bar-room demagogues, and robbed for the benefit of petty hack politicians. If we are to go on in the old way, the treaty will be an unqualified evil. It will only be adding' bo many thousand Indians to the already large collection of those who are regu larly and systematically goaded into hostility by theft and outrage. It will just be putting the savages into preserves where we can the more readily get at them. They seem to have understood this prtty well themselves. Our special correspondent describes their unwil lingness to rumove to reservations, their dread Of beiDg compelled to live in houses, their sig nificant reluctance to have (Jovernnwnt em ployes sent among them. The famous Chief Batanta made, during the council, a pointed allusion to official dishonesty, which we should think miht have made the Commissioners blush. "When you is.sue goods," said he, "give all that is our dun to us. Do not hide any from us. Keep none back." The Commissioners of course have no power to change the policy of the (Jovernmeut with relation to the Indians. Their part is only to negotiate a peace Jiut this is merely the be ginning. We have yet to devise FOuie way of amending the whole system of our dealings With the Bavages, and eradicating the abuses which brought about not only this war, but nearly all the pluvious diiUculties. Until we do that our treaties will m nothing but dan gerous delusions, and the Indian problem will be Still unsolved. The Elections and tWa South. From the N. Y. Time. There can be little doubt that the result of the October elections contributed very largely to'the decision of the whites in the (Southern States to have nothing to do with the election under the Reconstruction act. Up to that time there Beemed to be a general and increas ing disposition to make the best of the inevi table, and to do all in their power to secure for their States as good a Constitution as possible, The wisest and beat men of the South were united in regarding this as required by a wise and sincere regard for the rmblio crood. Hut the Deinocritio trains of October in spired, them with, new LopeSi They saw in. them indications of renewed Democratic su premacyto be followed by the repeal of all the reconstruction acts, the withdrawal of the suffrage from the blacks, and a restoration of absolute political power in the Souih to the white classes who had it before the war. In some parts of the South, it seems to be well establisht-d, that they even anticipate a repeal of the Constitutional Amendment by whioh slavery was abolished or at all events pay ment to the owners for all the slaves that have been set free. How absurd and short-sighted all these ex pectations are, every candid and dispassionate man knows full well. Hut they have had a most dastrous eil'ect upon the political action of the Southern States. They induced their whibj citizeus to refu.-e all participation iu the elections, and thus not only threw the whole power of those States into the hands of the blacks, but implanted the seeds of a bitter hostility between the races which may lend to the most deplorable results hereafter. It is precisely here that the worst eil'ect of Demo cratic successes is to be traced. Upon the actual policy and action of the North they can have little eil'ect. They hold forth no pros pect of the return of the Democrats to power in the nation next year, nor can they bring about any change in the party complexion of Congress for two years to come. Hut they betray the people of the South into most lamentable mistakes of policy, and induce them to take a course which will postpone the actual work of reconstruction for many years to come, if it does not defeat it alto gether. It is, therefore, of very great importance that the influence of New York is not thrown into the same scale. A Democratic victory iu this State would add greatly to the tenden cies already so powerful and so mischievous iu the South. The Cotton Crop and Tax. From the JV. Y. 1'ribunc. The returns published by the Bureau of Sta tistics relative to the cotton crop show that upon r,0G7,O25 acres sown, a crop of l,5o'S,:i57 bales of 450 lbs. each has been produced. The tax of 1 fients per pound on this crop would amount to $17,041,016-25, which, deducted from the total value of the crop, estimated at 21 cents per pound ($14,209, 74(J-50), would leave to the producers a net receipt above the tax of ?130,5i;5,7:!0-2S, or s25 per acre for each acre planted. Esthnatiug the crop of 1S5S (3,113,9o'2 bales) as worth an average of 13 cents per pound, the crop of that year would amount to $21G,20S,9G2-S0 in value. The crop of the present year falls below this in value by about $70,000,000, or 30 per cent. The cost of production is also somewhat higher under free than slave labor. Hut in view of the fact that a far less area of cotton, and relatively a far larger area of corn and food crops, have been planted throughout the South this year than during most of the years prior to the war, the above results do not show an unfavorable tendency in Southern in dustry. The South will have less cotton to sell, but it ought to have less corn, grain, and provisions to buy for home BUpport. If such shall prove to bo the case, the South will grow richer annually, despite a considerable falling oil in the cotton crop a3 compared with the crop before the war. Petitions for the repeal of the cotton tax are circulating all over the South, and confident hopes seem to be indulged that Congress will repeal it at the approaching session. Some are even flattering themselves into the delu sion that the portion of tax already paid will be refunded, as if there was something inhe rently outrageous or essentially wrong iu the tax itself. Undoubtedly, one motive in pass ing the tax was to assess some part of the ex penses of the war upon the section and class deemed immediately responsible for the Re bellion. To this extent it may bo conceded to be levied for punishment as well as for revo ime. If this were the only motive which en tered into its enactment, this very fact would now be a sufficient reason for its repeal, espe cially as the punishment falls upon the loyal laboring blacks as well as on the wealthy planters. But there are other reasons which the close of the war does not remove. Although the cotton tax is, we believe, the only tax assessed on an agricultural product, as such, yet it must be remembered that cot ton is the only staple of which the United States has anything like a monopoly; and when a country has a monopoly of an agricul tural product which foreign nations must con sume, statesmen and economists generally have agreed in the proposition that a tax on its production aoes not, aimiuisu mo pruuuu tion in any injurious degree, but is paid by the foreign consumer, it was because Con gress believed the tax on cotton wouia reany be paid principally by the English, French, and other foreign consumers, that they levied the tax. Nor is it fair to condemn it as a sectional tax, because no Northern agricultural products are taxed. It must be remembered that in the present dearth of manufactures at the South, nearly the whole body of our internal revenue laws impose their burdens directly and almost only on the North. The South pays very little of them either as a producer or consumer. Whether Congress should repeal the cottou tax as a matter of national economy may be a very proper question for the fullest agitation and discussion. The notion that they are called upon to pay back one cent of the tax already paid, however, is the wildest nonsense, and those who run any risks on such a con tingency are certain to lose their mouey. It doe.-, not seem, however, to be a very serious gritvai ce as yet that seventeen millions of cotton tax falls peculiarly on the South, when cevei al hundred millions of internal reveuue axes and impoi ts falls just as peculiarly on the North. llauknqit li-.liree--l"trtut Pe. iltluu. Ft orn the W. Y. Timet. The decision in bankruptcy in the case of Patterson is one of the most important which has beeu made under the Bankrupt law. The question was one arising upon the wording of the statute. It was a question whether any property which a bankrupt miy acquire, after he has filed his petition for adju dication of bankruptcy,-goes to his creditors, or is taken by him free from any such liability. It is one of importance to a great many bank rupts and a great many creditors. It may seem that it would be inequitable for a bank rupt to be allowed to take to himself a large estate if he should inherit one the day after bis petition was filed. Bat that appareut in justice is inherent in bankrupt laws. Such a chance may happen to him, at whatever period the point of discharge may have beeu fixed. It is only of importance that that point of dis charge shall be everywhere the same. The result of this decision, if it is acquiesced in, will be to fix the point of discharge at the date of the filinir of the petition. It even ap pears that this must bo the date, no matter whether the petition is made conformably to the statute or not. If La filoa any sort of a petition, with any nort of Bchedules attached to it, his discharge will date from that day, if he gets it at all. It would seem fully as reBFonable to bold that the filing of a petition and schedules which are not according to the statute should not be effective iu this way, but that the petition should not be deemed to b) filed until it at least appeared upon its fane to be according to the statute. However, tint, pei Laps, is not a very important point under the law. Thfi having a uniform rule on tin subject is, however, of very great importance. Seymour vn. I'eudleton. From the JV". 3'. Herald. The two most prominent Democratic favor ites for the next Presidency are Horatio Sey mour, of New Yoik, and lieorge II. Pendleton, of Ohio. They are both distinguished as men of ability and experience in political affairs, and each is popular among the Democratic masses as a faithful exponent of Democratic principles. Seymour, iu 102, on his platform of "a moro vigorous prosecntion of the war," canied the State of New York by ten thou sand majority against a popular Republican General engnged at the time iu the war, but was defeated in 18li4 on the peace platform of tbe Chicago Convention, which also carried down Mr. Pendleton, the associate of General MeUellau on the Democratic Presidential ticket. The war record of Seymour, however, is much, better than that of Pendleton, who can boast w'th Vallandigham only that he never voted a man or a dollar for a war which he believed to be unconstitutional. Hut the war is now smong the things of the past, and the great living questions of taxation and the payment of the national debt are coming into the foreground. Upon the im portant question of the national debt Seymour and Pendleton stand as widely separated as (ireeley and Bon. Butler. Seymour, like (tree lpy, holds to the redemption of the national debt in coin; Pendleton, like Butler, goes for paying off the bondholders in greenbacks. Seymour represents the Belmonts and other Democratic bondholders of the East; Pendleton represents the Democratic masses, if not the masses of both parties, in the West. "Down with the 6ystem which gives gold to the bond holder and paper to the workingman," is a war cry which will probably be as effective, if tried, as was the cry in 1840 against Martin Van Burcn's Sub-treasury system, of "Down with this system which gives gold to the office holders and bank rag3 to the people." At all events, in choosiug between Seymour and Pendleton as their Presidential caudidate next spring or summer, the Democracy will have to choose between the plan of paying off the national bondholders in gold and the plan of paying them off in greenbacks. This is the issue between Seymour and Pendleton, and from the diift of the late election in Ohio, Pen dleton has the inside track for the Democratic nomination. Negro Supremacy Is It an Accident or a Necessity ? From the JV. 3'. Timet. "Three millions of blacks are to rule eight millions of whites" wa3 substantially the cry with which Governor Seymour attempted to fire the Democratic heart of Brooklyn. It is the cry everywhere relied upon for effect by the Northern opponents of the Reconstruction law. And it is undoubtedly calculated to be effective. The domination of one race or class over another is so essentially repugnant to American idea3 of government, that any scheme based upon it could not be expected to meet with peiuinnent favor. What, then, are the merits of this cry f Does It indicate a faot inherent in the law, or is it an adroit expres sion of a result for which the whites can pro perly blame only themselves ? As a matter ot fact, apart from the conside rations in which it has its origin, the supre macy of the blacks in the States which have held elections tor a Convention must be con ceded. In Alabama, Louisiana, Virginia, and Georgia they hold control of the Convention The work of State reorganization will be in the hands of a majority of delegates who could not have been elected without their votes. To this extent, in the States named, negro supre macy is an accomplished fact. That it is preg nant with causes of anxiety, and possibly peril, few except the extremists are disposed to deny. The manner in which it has been produced is a point not quite so distinctly understood, the opponents of Congress de clare it an inevitable consequence of the recon struction plan. But, probably, they come nearer the truth who represent it to be a pro duct of white opposition to the law, aud there fore a consequence of action which, aiming at the defeat of the law, begins witli an effort to make it odious. So far as the intent of the law i3 concerned, nothing appears to justify the allegation of black supremaoy. To render Governor (Sey mour's statement of the case even passably accurate, we are required to assume that black enfranchisement aud white disfranchisement are equal in their universality. Only on the hypothesis that both have been sweeping in their operation, is the asserted domination of blacks over whites intelligible. Nothuig of this sort, however, was contemplated by Con gress in the enactment or the measure, widen, while conferring the suffrage on the freedmen, leaves the great body of the white citizens in the posseshiou of votes. They are widely operating disabilities, unquestionably. Many thousands are debarred from voting and from hold'rig office who might be profitably per mitted to avail themselves of both. Iu this resiect the law is unwisely proscriptive. We have held from the outset that disabili ties of any kind should be restricted to the comporatively fyw who were conspicuous in promoting or conducting the Rebellion, and many Republicans in Congress enijdi tain the same opinion. But though some arf proscribed who cau illy he spared from the pice'of reorganization, it is necessary to remember that the great body of the whites are in no degree affected by the imposition of disabilities. An overwhelming majority m every State are as free to vote now as before the war. The domination of the freedmen, therefore, necessarily occurs only in those States which have a ma)ority of black resi dents. In States whose population comprises a majority of whites, the reorganizing power virtually remained vested iu them. If they have thrown away their privilege by refusing to register, or by Htaying away from the polls, or by voting against a convention, the fault is hollv their own. '1 he motives which have actuated the whites iu pursuing one or another of these courses are various. Some resolved to Stand by their Rebel leaders, and to exercise no privilege from which they are exoluded. Others have taken abstract positions, aud reruso to recog nize a law which, in their judgment, is comti tutionully invalid. Behind and above all other cont-iderations, however, has been and is the hostility of a class, heretofore dominant, to the enacted equality of the race until now in bondage. In this ciroumstauoe especially the "sulky stubbornness" of the Southern whites had its rise. Their horror of negro votes may ue natural enough, in view of the recent rehv tions of the races. But their horr r of nwm equality has been vastly more intense. Their protest agHinst negro supremacy, then, divested of disguisos, resolves itself into a pro- . - : i . i i , . . . icev nauii t" invasion oi their own political supremacy. Their hostilitv to net? povern. ment is less of a reality than their hostility to negro participation iu any government. rtiiu since tue negroes were Vested with the franchise iu spite of them, and were protected in the exercise of votes in defiance of them, they cultivated a "sulky stubbornness," an I allowed the negroes to carry matters in their own way. Such a result is very much to be dcnl red. It daikeus the future of the South and a l ls to the perplexities of a question already greatly complicated. But the difficulties it interposes to the successtul working of the reconstruc tion scheme are not to be accepted as evi dence of its defeats or of injustice in the leu'iiug objects at which it aims. Harsh it is in many particulars, and dangrona, perhaps, in its creation f political power out of iguo- rant, seml-civili.ed elements, lime, however, and the healing influences of a restored Uuion, might be relied upon to gradually remove its harshness; and the danger would have imcni inateiially reduced had the whites accepted tbe situation, and exerted themselves to miti gate its embarrassments. Their obstiuato refusal to do either of these things th )ir rejection of the conditions prescribed anl their antagonism to the equality whioh consti tutes the fiiLdamental principle of the law must deprive them of sympathy to which otherwise they would have been entitled, ami lessen the influence of appeals which they may address to Congress on the subject. Even maimed compliance with the requirements oi Congress would have indicated a spirit to which the North could not have been indif ferent. But the dogged defiance which has thus far governed their proceedings, and the unyielding opposition not only to universal but to partial negro suffrage, are indications of a temper which has slight claims upon the magnanimity or forbearance of the country. The South might have "stooped to conquer" with fair chances ot profit. Its failure to bend even to the inevitable, aud to reooguize lessons which are irreversible, may en tail excitement and trouble, but the heaviest loss will, after all, fall upon its own people. Claim of the Southern Neerroea to the Property of their Late Matters. From the N. Y. World. This week's Anti-Slavery Standard claims for the freedmen the landed property of the South, and the right to hold the highest offices of the Government. In copying the following passage, we solicit attention to the land claim and its grounds: "We do not claim, as Intimated by the New York Times, any special luvor for the negro. Whatever precautionary legislation we ask or Congress in his behalf, is only such as tue pecu liarity of his situatlonJemauds. The question ot tils political siatus is not yet definitely settled. With another adverse turn in the wheel, find ft "Conservative" Republican and Democratic ascendancy la natloiuil polities, the negro would be driven to the bayouot, or to disfranchisement, if not remanded hack ngnin to actual chattel slavery. We eUiin land for him in the South, because under the order of things out of which the Rebellion grew, he was forced to continuous, unrequited soli, aud is, therefore, entitled to compensation, not as a favor hut as a right; becauso, through the perfidy of an uninipeached traitor I'rtihldeut, the present occupants of the lar-e lauded estates arc fraudulently possessed of an undue power, which they now wield, nud will con tinue to exercise to oppress the blacks, and to the great detriment of tlio Unvcrcmdut. T.iere has been war, and not plnyimj at war. Those lauds are now legitimately at the disposal of tne 1'ederal OiviTiinuut, and should ha no appropriated us to put our.ti iiemul tried irlon is at learn, upon an equal looMtig Willi our rod hnmlcd enemies In I ho new dltpnasal ion of 'liecoiiHtrucilou.' Tiled hiiiI trusted in tlio army, ttiigucloiis as he is proving himself at tbe polls, onr conservative friends should prepare to do themselves credit ty extending to tho m gro a graceful welcome, as a fit representa tive of the regenerated South in the IlalU of the H'mse of Representatives end the Senate, aud, ( hou hi 'manifest destiny' ultimately lead him to ii, a seat In the Vlco-fresident'sor 'Presi dential chair. Bueh a culmination Is not with out the range of future probability in a read justment of political loroea." It is but a day or two since we called atten tion to the probable turn of thought which the negroes would bring into State politics under the reconstructed governments, aud pre dicted that they would make inroads upou Southern property. Fulfilment treads closely on the heels of the prediction. If the claim to the Southern plantations is not already in the minds of the negroes, it is in those of their good friends the radicals, who are not slack in inculcating it. Certain it is that the seed will not be scattered on a sterile soil, and it is the most dangerous and disorganizing idea which has as yet been introduced into our politics. We do not propose at present to argue against it, but rather to state the argument in its favor, that our readers may see what is to be tbe next phase of radicalism, and what use the Southern negroes will make of the elec tive franchise now they have got it. We ex hibit the grounds of the claim as a means of estimating the pertinacity with which it will be insisted on. What we ask of the reader is, not to weigh the arguments, or to estimate their effect on Northern whites, but to judge of the impression they are fitted to make on the Southern negroes. For it must be borne iu mind that under the reconstructed Govern ments the negroes will have the power of inde pendent action. ' The party to which they belong will control the State Governments, and the negroes, who form nine-tenths of that party, will control its whole action. The Anti-Slavery Standard uses one argu ment which is of very subsidiary importair-e. Tho assertion that the Southern lauds were forfeited to the Federal Government by the Rebellion is ot no consequence. Die enforce ment of the forfeiture would depend upon a Congress elected by the Northern people; the great body of tho Southern lauds may there fore be presumed safe from Federal confisca tion. The blow will be struck by the recon structed State governments; that is, struck by the negroes, who will use those govern ments as the instruments of their rapacity. It is for this reason that it signifies little how the argument for seiz ing the Southern lauds strikes the white mind of the North; tho thing to attend to is its probable eil'ect on the black mind of the South. If the negroes should Satisfy themselves that they have a just claim to all the Southern property, the Republican party has done its part of the work in putting them in a position to enforce the claim for them selves. All laws relating to the tenure of real estate are pnssed by the State Legislatures; all suits relating to real estate are tried by State courts; and as the negroes will elect the Legis latures and organize the courts, they will have the whole matter in their own handa. The argument for negro ownership of South ern property is very simple and intelligible, whatever may be thought of its soundness. Its fundamental postulate is the wrongfulness of slavery. The chief distinction between freedom and slavery, afc the negroes view it, is, that in freedom the fruits of a man's labor belong to himself, while In slavery they go to his master. If, then, slavery is unjust, the wrong is not redressed, by mere emancipation, All Old Bye im: i.ii?G3:isT and bt -stock of FINE OLD RYE 7 H I ft K I E S IN Till: LAND IS NOW TOS l3KD UY IlENltY S. IIANN1S & CO., ITos. 213 nud 220 SOUTH rSOEX S"EEET, wiinevrii im: najiv 'n tik iiudi: ih e.t. viti ai)VAntaji,,5 a TKKKS. "Thtr fttocK of Hy Whlfclcs,IN BO M D, ot m II ttta tarorlt brntji imut, ! mats tiitouRl tkia various luomtUa of JoV6, and ortlila yaar. an to promt date. w IMtieral contract inada fox lot to arrltr at F a 1 nla Kail road lep;U k ttlurox l.lna ltharf.or at Ub1A V. arthoani, as parties tnayalact. that emancipation can do is to prevent tho ! lllMtpr frnm futikrnrtrtnttnrr tl. futL.. ..:... ' . . - -i i" "i" ...v... vii 11111119 .-uiuiu; of the freedman: but if slavery is unjust, the stripping him of his past earnings was rob bery, or at least extortion, and to the property thus extorted and kept the master has no rightful title. It should in justice be re funded, like all other property wrongfully taken. If the master and former slave are both living, it should pass directly to its true owner, with the accumulated interest. If mas ter and slave are both dead, it should p.iss from the heirs of the one to the heirs of the other, with interest for the intervening period. Slavery being a form of robbery, all the earn ings of which the negroes were deprived during generations of slavery are fairly the property of themselves if living, or their heirs if dead. 1 Jut the accumulated wages of all the negroes during the period of slavery, with the accrued interest thereon, would exceed the whole value of the property now existing in the South; the present property consisting merely of the savings out of the annual products of the slaves, the greater part of which was spent from year to year, aud a large share of the re sidue in the late war. The whole argument may be condensed into a single sentence in the months of the negroes: "If it was wrong to keep us in slavery, our late masters owe us our unpaid wages; all the property they hold is therefore ours; and having become their political masters, we will'eiiforce restitution." This argument is not without plausibility, and the poverty and cupidity of the negroes will give it a ready reception. It is certain to be the pivot of their political action under the reconstructed governments, livery candidate, white or black, who solicits their votes, will be compelled to give pledges on this cardinal question. Now what will be the consoquences of such a claim, set up by a needy race, in whose hands the Republican party are putting governmental machinery to enforce it ? The consequences will be so horrible that humane men will have reason to shudder at the prospect. It avails nothing to say that the claim of the negroes ia just; that their masters, for whom they toiled without pay, really owe them restitution. It is certain that the claim will be denied and resisted certain that the attempt to enforce it will lead to all the horrors of a war of races. It will fill every neighborhood and locality of the South with bloody - violence, exhibiting on an immense scale a state of society like that which existed on a small scale in Kansas ten or twelve years ago, but more horiible in proportion as greater interests are at stake. Men will shoot each other in broad day; they will lurk about each other's dwellings in the darkness of the night, to set them on fire aud butcher the Hying inmates. Courts of justice aud officers of the law will be powerless to stay these horrors. No armies which the Federal Government can raise can arrest the carnage, because it will be scattered over every inhabited square mile of the South. If the negro claim to the Southern property and the attempt to enforce it through the reconstructed Governments do not lead to these hideous consequences, there is no longer any human nature in man. SPECIAL NOTICES. flrgp NEWSPAPER ADVERTISING. JOY COE & CO., Agents lor tbe "TuXKuaAFU" and Newspaper Press of Ine whole country. haveRK MOVKD from FIFTH and CHK8NUT Blreeia to No. H4 8. SIXTH Street, second door above WALNUT. 0-iticich:-No. 144 8. SIXTH (Street, Philadelphia TRIBUNE BUri.DINOS, Now York. TWiMP Jtggr YOUNG MEN WHO WISH TO TRE pare for advanced positions by January uo.t have supe-lor advantages for doing so, at CIUTTKNUKS'S COMMERCIAL CULLKQE, No. 637 CIIKNUT Rreet, corner orsoventh. I'ltAtHCAL BOOK-KEEPINU In all ll8 branches. PENMANSHIP, CALCULATIONS, ETC. KTO, Htudents instructed at Rnh houis us may best suit their convenience. ri0 3'wsmlm Ori N DAY AXH FYKXIN'I. Catalon'ioa Brails. fv OFKICF OP TIIK AMERICAN AVTI JNCKUfcTATIUN COMPANY, No. 147 South l Otltlli Ktrecl. 1'iMi.Anu.i'iiM, October 28. I8W. At o staled hiretlin; of tho lioutd ot Director, held tl H Ouy, Iudh liisiilvfil, 'limt a dividend of FIVE I'KU CENT., In cubSi, be declared out o( tho earnings "1 ihoCoin puny, i itynl Ituu and nl.er November 1 1, lsi". Kexiiived, That Hie Transtfir buoko of the O irupany be tli Hi d ir(m November lirst io eluvpiitn. li;7. lumi-ll 14 71) KA LUKKN. '1 ronsiirer. rr?" NATIONAL 15ANK OPTtlK REl'FllLIC. l'HII.AM.I.f IIIA, NOVCIIllli'r 1. 1NI7. Tlielirnrrt of Directors buvo dt-clan d hividmid of 1 11 1U-.K 1 KH CENT, lor tbe last six uionliis, clu.tr ol liixrti, uo able on ilcinitnd. J'y order of tho Hoard. II 1 .H'.Krir )' V UM l'i II tj ,J ' .ih 1 1 1 e fr'.V'J-5' A SPECIAL M LEUNG OP TUE Stockholders ol the DurU Hollow Oil anil nanRn'iuring cuiuptiuy. u i'l In held nt No. 2I' I.'s ; p street, Monm Nn, 4, Second story. On Till Iti-DA Y, ISovo-Mber 21. Ihi.7, lit 11 o'clock M , to inke hi! ii eoiiHiderul Ion the ml mis of tho oinpiii v. Philadelphia, m;tohnr 1m7. 11 1 171 PCTT" A EI ECTION l'OH DiiiECTOUS, Treasurer, ai d Clerk of rviitiir iJ.iloOuC ial . any will beheld on 'I I' l.M A Y . A ovrtno ir 5. ut 1 1 o e. tk, at the ollit'd of the Company, An, hi tt'AL- M'l hirei-t. in i!-uil Immt K. (SHIPPED. WIEG ANli'S PATENT M'EAM GENE It A TO K Is cheap, compart, economical in use, and AlOLl'TM,Y SAIK FitOM ANY POSSI BILITY OF KXPLOHION Apply at tho Oillce of SAMUEL WC'ltiC, N. K. cor Uertif miltD and DOCK H'rcets. g l4p rfrXT" THK CHANSONS HAVE NOT hH.O s:s-' out tue old Coal Yard, Nu, 5u7 Homh BltOAD Street, below Lombard, as has been repurUid, bul continue Belling tbe HT liUALITlEd OF COAL at fi.Ir prices. ,., i-npcnor LKHTOH and genuine AOLK Jf'A always on hand. iwiuna Ft-7" 1R. J- M. HOLE, OP GHlO. P'f': U dent ol the National 'Medical ' 'b tbe rnlied Suites ol America. ''"ln u a5j those wMiIng medical or surKlca ("jj' A Kril alter the 8Hh instant, nt the 1,1 'j ?u,;ie.i by Pro Sueel, Philadelphia. Pa., foriow y .xui led i.y i r f. KHor Wlllli.lii Paine. Clllee "'" io"i,,,lp 1 P. M . to 4 p. iM 7 r. . :: 3j hair DYE. THIS ,,r'euU'ijliV V-Hrml.s Unliable, Iu. I he only true mill.)"'1"'',' k.. r.,(i,.,,u .i... laiilaiitMMiH. .i'Jta. Bemediea the ill elleoui of 1 f"T vVjor.lea the hair, leaving it soft a id tTnl ii KLOK- All others are mere luillatlous, a id ILLIAM. A. should be avo " - .?'','' ' ' "".. ......l(laal 111111 ItV 1411 111 YMk. 1UUW Will ?3 yy,,?, b'i), SPLCIAL NOTICES. T,Jnt' 1 REHYTKK1AN NATIONAL . 1Jr,1,,';, '0,VKis'lluN will comm.uce Its sessions on W I 1). (. MA Y MOUMNd next, at 11 V,Vlr!JV,l,,r.V,' Kll,vr KKFuKM K.I) PHESHYI K 1UAN CMUKCII (Hev. Dr. VVylles). oil HkVa I Sliert, between Spruce and Pine. The lndlciiloiis are that the Convention will be larrto aud inlhietilliil, A Ot nt ral Praver Meetimt. to Invoke the bles-dii oHed on Its deliberations, will b held Iu the suina '''. on f II KsUa Y KVKNINW. at 7',: o nlook. hiiil bo continue.! on WKDNKSDA Y NOUN I Mi at 10 o clock. 'i theve prayer tneellnirH aud tho day end eventos sps.-.lons of the Convention all are cor diully Inviled, Di legates, on rcnchlni?tho city, will pltaie report to the Committee on I'.uiertaiiiineni, whom Ihey will find In the lecture-room ol tbe Church alterj o'clock, on I LiSDAY. ' . "KOIK II. STUART, Chairman. W. T. Fva. S. creiai y. ' u 2 u r- HORTICULTURAL HALL, B1JOAD Street, below Locust. I'LsiIYAL AND WE.VDET.L PHILLIP 1 lie Irleiids ol Freedom will bold their Aiiuiml Vev tlvai and Social Hathcrini;, to promote the Interest of JMjiial Justice to tho Picedmen. on KRI DAY KV K.N Io. November 8, at JiOHTIOULTUHA L HALL, i lie festival will openatSand close at 11 o'clock P. M. 1 he leading caterers of tbe city have kindly vol unteered their services, which Insures satisfaction, so far as the tables are concerned. Also the Delmomco Band bave volunteered to furnish music. At s o'clock precisely. WENDELL PHILLIPS win address lbs audience on the 'Perils of the Hour." Tickets ad mitting to the Festival and Phillips' Lecture, 60 cents: for reserved scats to Lecture, 26 cents extra. Sale of t'ekets commences at Ashmead's Hook Store, Nu. 74 ClliSNUT Street, and at the Oillce of the Hull, on Wednesday. November H. at m o'clock. 112 01 f THE GREAT R E M E D Y. THE GREAT REMEDY THE CHEAT KKMKDY 1 HE CHEAT It KM ED Y THE CHEAT HKMKIiy THE GltEAT KE.VIEUY For the C'uro of CoiikIis, Colds, Consumption, Asthma, Ilronchllls, Spitting of Blood, Hoarseness or loss of Voice. Night sweats. More Thro'H, Pains In the Side and Breast, Whooping Cough, Palpitation or Dlnease ot the Heart, and all CoiupUltus ot a I'iiIiuo tary Nature, MVAYNE'8 SWAYNE'H BWAYNK'S SWAYNMS SWAYNE'S BWAYNK'S SWAYN E'S SWAYNE'9 COMPOUND SYRUP OF OM POUND BYRUP OF COMPOUND SYROP OK COMPOUND BYRUP OF COMPOUND BY HUP OF COMPOUND SYRUP OF ( (IMPOUND SYRUP OP COMPOUND SYHUP OF WiLD CH ERR Y, WILD CHERRY. WILD 4 HERRY. WILD CHERRY. WILD CHERRY. WILD CHERRY. WILD CHERRY. WILD CHERRY. Brrpaied only hy DR. SWA YNE A SON". No. 3W Notth SIXTH Street, above Vine, Phllade 1. plila. 8 2 mw LOOKING-GLASGSQ OP TBB BKbT FRENCH PLATE, In Every Style of Frames, ON HAND OR MADE TO ORDER. NEW ART GALLERY, F. BOLAND & CO.. 11 1 Jm2p No. !- VltCH Street. GROCERIES, ETC. pRESH FRUITS, 1067. PEACHtS, FT AI1S. PISEAPrlES, riXMSI, Al'KIlOTS, CHKIIIUES. BI.ACKBF.nKIl.ISj, QCIJit E.S, ETC. I'ltLSEHTlD AMD IRKS II, 1 91 CAMS AND jilA JA113, Put op for our particular trade, and for sale by the aozea, or In smaller quantities, by 7.1ITCI.ELL. & FLETCHER, 10 8m no. 10 m:wttUT mtrekt. JAMES R. WE OB, TKa'dEALEB AND OROCEtt, H. (OK. KU.nill AND WALNUT NT. Extra Fine Souchong, or English Breakfast Teas. Superior CI man Teas, very cheap. Oolong Teas or every graiie. Young Hsou Teas ol liuest qualities. All fresh Imported. 14 jSEW JiUCKWIIEAT FLOUR, WHITE CLOVER HONEY, 1 HIST or TUB KEASUX, AI.LLKT C. ltOClXUlM, Dealer In Flue Groceries. J!J;?rt Corner ELEVENTH and VINE Sta. JOHN CHUMP, OAUPKNTKK AND lUJIL,UliI; blaOrat K. ItlS LOD4UE IsTBCET, AUD SO, 178S CXI EM NUT NIBECT, PHTC.ADKI.Pff tA QE0RC2 PLOWMAN. OAUPI NTKKAND MUILDKIt, To No. 131 DOCK Street, IU e ADB'.LPIXIA .1
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers