1 PUBLISHED EVERT AFTERNOON. (RtrMDAYS XOPTKD) AT THX KVKMINQ TELKORAPH BUILDING, . MO. 10S S. THIRD OTREETi ' Price, Thres OenM per Copy (Double Bheet), or Eighteen Cents per Week, pajeble to tbe Carrier, and milled to Bobscrlbers oat or the city at Nine DolUra per Annum; One Dollar and Fifty Cents for Two month. Invariably In advance for tbe period ordered. TU15SDAY, OCTOBER 1, 18C7. The Two "Plans Contrasted. Thk problem of reconstruction la the great political problem of our times; and tbe ques tion witb every good citizen should be, ho to seoure loyal civil governments in the late Rebel States. We showed yesterday that the Democratic or Johnsonian plan would Inevita bly result in establishing a Rebel oligarchy in eaeh of the late Rebel States, which would dominate most unjustly over the loyal ma jority (deprived of power through the disfran chisement of the most of its members), and Which would be hostile and dangerous to the peace and stability of the Union itself. Mr. Johnson and the Democrats propose to dis franchise the great majority of the loyal citi zens of the South. This would, of course, make the Rebels supreme in each of the late . Rebel States, and would give them the balance Of power in the general Government. Such a ; result of the war would be as disastrous as Would have been the triumph of the Rebel armies under Lee, and in its ulterior effects it "might be even worse. The only safe plan of reconstruction is to neutralize the Rebel element by the loyal element. This can only be done by giving every loyal man the ballot. It would be the height of absurdity to disfranchise loyal men and let Rebels vote. If any disfranchising is to be done, it should apply to those who have Bought to overthrow the Government, not to those who have defended it. . Now It so happens that the loyal element of the South is composed largely of colored citizens. If any loyal Northern man is squeamish about negro suffrage in the Rebel States, then our reply to him is that we must work with the materials we have. We are fihut np to one of three courses of action: First, to a continued occupation of the Rebel States by the military power of the general Government; secondly, to the establishment of a Rebel oligarchy by the dis franchisement of the majority of the loyal element; thirdly, to a safe and loyal recon struction through the enfranchisement of the colored citizens ol the Rebel States. These are the enly alternatives before us. Military occu pation, as a permanent policy, is not to be thought of. It is inconsistent with our form of government, and would be dangerous to our free institutions. The establishment of a Rebel oligarchy is equally inadmissible. It would be impolitic and dangerous to the last degree. We are left, therefore, as our only resource, to loyal reconstruction through the enfranchise ment of all loyal citizens. There is no other road out of our difficulties. So far as the disfranchisement of Rebels is concerned, it is a question of pure policy. No man who has lifted his hand against the Gov ernment has any right to demand the enjoy ment of political power under it. By the strict ruleB of justice he has forfeited, by his treason, not only his political rights, bat his oivil rights, and his life also. The Govern ment, however, is to be guided by. a wise dis cretion, and from motives of sound policy should exolude from political power only those would be. especially dangerous to a safe and loyal reconstruction. This is what Con gress has arrived at in its policy. The Recon struction acts disfranchise only those who In going into the Rebellion broke solemn oaths which they had previously taken to support and defend the Constitution of the United States. The great masses of the people are left untouched. The policy has been one Of enfranchisement rather than disfranchise ment. The loyal element, left unfettered, it is believed will be able to hold its own and to bring back the revolted States pledged to un swerving fealty to the Union. According to the precedent of the Johnsonian policy, we should have been perfectly Justified in ex cluding the great mass of the Rebels, for we certainly have as good a right to exolude Rebels as he had to exclude loyal men; but Congress was wiser and more hu mane, and extended kindness and good will to all except the leading and pro minent Rebels. The broad dividing line between the Democratlo policy and the Re publican policy is, that the former would create a Rebel oligarchy in the Rebel States, by disfranchising the majority of the loyal citi zens, while the latter, by impartial suffrage, coupled with the disfranchisement of the Rebel leaders, would lay broad and deep the foundations of a loyal and lasting recon struction. ' It is true, this includes the idea of full citizenship for the colored man in all the Rebel States; but in that measure lies the nation's only reasonable hope of future peace and tafety. Bound policy here coincides with the highest dictates of j ustice. If Rebels vote, loyal men must vote also. That is the whole sum and substance of the argumeut. As General Sickles truthfully and eloquently remarked in his great speech a few nights ince, had this measure prevailed ten years ago we should have had no rebellion. Adopt it now, and we shall never have another rebel lion. Carry out the Johusonian-DeiuScratio pplicy of creating a Rebel oligarchy to sway the sceptre of despotic power over the South, and to hold the balance of power in the nation, and another and more tremendous struggle than the one we have just passed through U as inevitable as that effect follows cause. THE ' DAILY EVENING TELEGRAM! PIIILADEIjPirtA, TUESDAY. The Democrats and Their "Soldier Can. didates." ' It is scarcely less amusing than disgusting to see the Democrats now affecting friendship for the Union soldiers, and making -them candi dates for office. But it is perhaps yet more disgusting to find men who fought in the field against the Rebels now accenting nominations for office at the hands of those who, during the war, rejoiced over fiebel victories and Union defeats. It is safe to say that a large majority of those who now support Lyle, Leech, and Ballier would have rejoiced at the defeat or even death of either of these ofHoers, while they were aiding to save the Union and conquer secession. We remember what occurred during the war, and we feel it to be our duty not to let the loyal citizens of Philadelphia forget who were the enemies of the country when it was struggling to preserve its existence. They who are now Bhouting for their "soldier candidates," and endeavoring to cajole those who served in the ranks of the Union army to vote the Democratio ticket because certain sol diers have stooped to accept places upon it, were as bitterly opposed to the Union army when it was grappling with the sworn foes of the Government, as were the bitterest secessionists of the South. They hated even McClellan while he was in the army, and rejoiosd when it became evident that his efforts against Richmond were abortive. When he was com pelled to "change his base," and take refuge on a gunboat, these men were as happy as they were subsequently when Burnside was defeated at Fredericksburg. They laughed in bitter scorn wnen tne loyal press attempted to cover up McClellan's shame by saying that he had bettered his position. They saw that McClellan was really badly beaten, and privately, in their coteries and cabals, they rejoiced together over the fact, and drank toasts in high glee to Davis and Lee. Then McClellan was the same to them as Grant, or Sherman, or Sheridan, or Siokles, all of whom they hated in their inmost hearts, as they did McClellan's subordinates Lyle, Leech, and Ballier and all others who were fighting to defeat the Rebels and save the country. Tlicir admiration for McClellan began when they found that he was useless to the Union cause, and when, in the bitterness of his disap pointment, he too became a sympathizer with the enemies of his country. But their hypocrisy in supporting him for the Presi dency in IS 04, was not so great as it is now in supporting Lyle & Co. for office, because, to tell the truth, the latter continued true to the Union cause longer than did McClellan. Thesa military gentlemen, who are now the pre tended favorites of the Rebel sympathizers, were hated by the latter some two or three years longer than McClellan was. While we are disposed to give due honor to all who served in the war, we detest the course of those who, after the conquest, seek to de stroy the fruits of viotory. We would honor the man who would save our house from the. flames, but we should despise him if we saw him, next day, the intimate friend and asso ciate of the incendiary who llred it, and per mitting this enemy to society to patronize him I The insincerity of the Demoorats who have nominated Lyle, Leech, and Ballier is too ap parent to require argument in proof of it. These men are put forward to aid in the at tempt to restore the defunct and despised De mocratio party to life, and they have suffered themselves to be used as the instruments of bankrupt and oft-repudiated politicians to re surrect their "lost cause." The Democrats, in placing Union soldiers on their ticket, acknowledge -the hopelessness of their own cause if honestly advocated and the soldiers they have selected, by accepting the places offered them, confess to the world that their desire for offioe is greater than their love of conBistenoy or of country. When they shall have learned, as they soon will learn, that they have loBt character, and failed to gain the expected reward for deserting their flag, they will realize that the people agree with Franklin, that "he who deserts principle for plaoe deserves to lose both place and principle." What a Vote for Judge Sharswood Ueally Means. judge dharswood is a gentleman ana an honorable man," cry the Democraoy, "there fore, as public-spirited citizens, it is the duty of all to vote for him as Supreme Judge." Such is the argument which has been made again and again on the part of the Democracy to secure the assent of Re publican voters to the attempt to plaoe the opposition candidate on the highest benoh in our great State. By reiteration it has almost grown into respectability, and our people have learned to pass over the flagrant sophistry which it contains, and even while they refuse to assent, they do not see the puerile weak ness of its logio. Are wisdom and honesty and courtesy the only requisites necessary for such a position ? Is not patriotism one of those qualities which in all times has been de manded ? Does not Jefferson plaoe among the cardinal essentials for office a love of our coun try f And can we esteem one wLo has opposed the war for the Union in all its phases, who has opposed the force requisite to subdue Rebellion, who is consistently a Calhoun Democrat, to be a patriot in the true meaning of the word f But granting that all these qualities of ability, integrity, and learning belong to Judge Shars wood, can any one deny they also belong to Judge Williams ? Has a word been breathed against him, except that he was born in Con necticut? We therefore concede these claims of the friends of Judge Sharswood; we say to them all you claim for your candidate we claim for ours, and in addition we have a mau who is thoroughly true to the great interests of the nation, who is soundly settled on all the questions, the ' living questions of the day, and who does not quote Calhoun or his contemporaries to seewhetherhis actions, In the light of the present, are or are not ac cording to law. We need a man who is a live man and who deals with live questions, and not with the United States Bank or the tariff of '32 or '44. Our candidate does not prooeed to renew the discussion on the subject of slavery, and base his opinions on the effete learning of Chief Justice Taney. The war has settled many legal questions, and by the deci sion of that great tribunal we want our judges to abide. In addition, however, to what has been the expressed opinion of Judge Sharswood on the national issues, we have the legal declara tion of that gentleman on the subject of finances. We do not propose to speak with any warmth of that opinion in Borle vs. Trott; but would calmly ask those who intend to vote for Judge Sharswood if they know what it means f if they realize to what a danger they are exposing themselves by supporting its author? Judge Sharswood, in that famous decision, declared all issues of Government notes to be illegal. By that ha says that if any of us have five-dollar "greenback," we have not the value of $5, but only a piece of rather dirty paper; that all the currency and all the notes we have in our possession are a clear loss to us; that we have invested our money in paper, and that paper is now worthless. The mechanio who has hoarded up his wages until he has accumulated a few hundred dollars has not gained anything thereby. Judge Sharswood says he has seoured a bundle of old paper, and he has wasted all his labor for months. The capitalist who has in his pos session thousands of dollars in Government and national bank notes is thus compelled to lose them all. lie does not possess a cent's worth of value for all the currency he holds. Every man, woman, and child would, by the decision of Judge Sharswood, be a loser to a greater or less extent, and a loser beyond all hope of recovery. In voting, therefore, for that gentleman, it behooves eur readers to think what they are doing. They are exposing themselves to a loss of all their property in United States notes, and to all that com motion and overturning of the finances of our country which would follow such an upheaval. It may be said in reply that, even if elected, Judge Sharswood could not make his views succeed; that he is overruled by his brother jurists, and that therefore we run no risk in giving him the office. Are the Ameri can people willing to reward with offioe one whom they are afraid to trust alone in the dis charge of its duties ? Shall we disgrace our selves so far as to place in position a gentle man who cannot be left on the benoh with safety, for fear he will make a deoision ruinous to the nation, when we have the alternative of either placing such a man in power or of giving the place to one who is so true that, if the whole voice of the Bench was to be centred in him, we would feel safe in the result ? That a man cannot do harm is no argument for giving him plaoes of trust. It is worse than unsound, such a dootrine; it is insulting the judgment of the community to use such an inducement to our support. If you, a business man, were to Belect a clerk, and he was to apply who had certain peculiar views on the subject of contracts, and of the possession of property, would you give him a place of trust, and feel warranted in selecting him over a thoroughly honest applicant, merely beoause you had a cashier who balanced your books once a week, and there fore your clerk could not get far astray before he would be discovered, and brought back ? We think not. So it is with the office to which Judge Sharswood aspires. lie holds peculiar views, dangerous views. And because all his deolsions in Nisi Prius can be reversed in the Court sitting In banc, is no reason why we should give him the high office of Judge. Let the people think of what they are doing. Let them calmly think of what a vote for Judge Sharswood means. And then, in view of the honor of the nation and their pri vate fortunes, let them vote and work for him with what zeal they can. To the Trades' Unions. Has it ever been the policy of the trades' unions to kiss the hand that strikes them ? Have they ever given support to one who is their enemy their open and avowed enemy ? Do they follow strictly the Biblical doctrine of turning the other cheek to the smiter ? If they do then they will support Judge Ludlow in view of his decision, rendered in 18C4, in regard to a suit brought by an anti-trades-union man in the offioe of our Democratio contemporary, who was struck hv a member of the Printers' Union. On that occasion Judge Ludlow sentenced the culprit to the full term, and went out of his way to denounce the whole system of trades' unions in the most violent and abusive terms. We will lay his whole decision before our readers at an early day. In the Sixth Legislative District, Colonei Charles Kleckner is nominated by the Repub licans for a representative's seat at Harris burg. We feel no doubt of that gallant sol dier's election. The change made by the con ventions on the legislative nominations of former years has greatly improved and strength ened our ticket. The Colonel will receive all the votes of the soldiers, and is an able and honest man. He is opposed by Barnard McNally. Who Bernard MoNally is we can not guess, and we fear that after the election we will have no cause to inquire. The only thing at which we can guess is that gentle man's nationality. The name is not an Ame rican one, nor does it sound either French or German, nor yet Italian. Are we not war ranted in surmiaing that it is Irish ? If Mr. McNally will announce himself as a candidate for the Fenian Senate, we pledge him our sup port. For an American Legislature we prefer an American soldier. Tin N. Y. Tribune to-day is rather dolorous over our chance of carrying Pennsylvania. It says: 'In Pennsylvania the Domoorats have the BdvaDtnue In that ttiolr leading, candidate Judne Khamwood, has long been on the bench' iinu, bi lPK ajurlntof undoubted ability a well an cxpprlenc-, will win some Hepubllcan vote from Mr. Williams, tile Republican opponent who la comparatively a new man. True, Judge Woodwnrd was beaten under fiko circum stances In lWit: but Governor Curtln's name then bended the Henublloan ticket; while Woodward's recent ueolMon (In which we believe J mine Khaiewood oonourred), nul lifying the Conscription net, was reason enough for his defeat. If ever a disloyal opinion was read from a bench, that was out; for, If the people of Pennsylvania had not reverse d It, unailng Judge Woodward, the M ar for tbe Union stood paralyzed, and the Rebellion must umvo become a successful revo lution. To elect Kharswood. now It loupuold Woodward, who la running for Conaien, and virtually decide Unit the Rebellion ought to have succeeded, ibeie nre other local Issues that help the wrong aide, so that we have ap prehf ndort Its succpnp; but our later advices are more cheering, aud Justify hope of a Republi can triumph If a full vote can be drawn out. To this end, we entreat every PennaylVHuUn who atnnds for Jusiice and equnl rliihts lo do bis very utnjOBt In the struggle of next Tuos day." We have but one word to say to our con temporary. Let Pennsylvania alone. She can take care of herself. All we ask is that New York will do as well in November as the Keystone State will do in October. Pennsyl vania is emphatically all right if the Republi cans exert themselves, and they are exerting themselves. Wh ekorbt to understand that Colonel James Page is condescending to mix in local politics, and has been opposing certain neoes sary changes in the places of voting in the Fifth Ward. The Colonel, as a supporter and wire-puller in favor of the "young person by the name of Mullen," is something out of his usual gentlemanly political course. We advise Colonel Page, for whom wo have a sincere respect, not to defile his hands by having his name connected with the manoeuvres of Mr. Brooke's young man. REVELATIONS OF RITUALISM. Curious Practices la the Church of England. tfome remarkable evidence has been given before the Ritual Commission in England. From the ofllcial report of the proceedings just pub lished we gather the following account ot the ceremonies in the ritualistic churcbes: TUB EUCHARIST. The ritualist service is distinguished from that which is customary iu the cathedrals and college chape in by the greater prominence given to the EucuariHt. Mr. White, of St. liarnabaa, wears colored stoles, which are varied with the altar clothes, according to the season of the year; but be does not use the special Eucbaristic vest ments. He uses the sign of 1 be cross over the watt r in baptism, and In defense ot' the practice of bowing at the Doxologv he mentions that it was the custom ot the old people in the parish church of Wantage, where he was once curate. In all these chinches the sexes are separated, and both Mr. White and Mr. Le Oeyt, ot Stoke Newingion, assert that such a rule Is essential In Iree and unappropriated churches. "The Eucbaristic vestments" are the cbasuble for the celcbrutinK priest, the dalmatic and tunicle lor tbe deacons. Tbe cope U a processional orna ment, hut it is also customary to put it on in the evening service at the time when the Mag nificat Is sung, and If only one clergyman is ofliciiiiing be adopts this vesture at the critical moment. At tbe same instant it is custoaiary to burn Incense, which Is also Introduced at three other times in the service. The custom of "censing persons or things" has been given up by tome of the puny, but the Incense is still brought in, and is allowed to burn itself out. "TUB D OLD KB FEATUBES." Rev. Mr. Nuecee observes special services on even the Black Letter days in the English calen dar, such as those of St. S within, tho Venerable Bede, and 1st. Cecilia, lhis gentleman confines himself to what he calls "the bolder features of ritual," but he certainly makes them very bold. He introduces a "sott hymn" at times during the administration of the Holy Communion. The best Idea of this gentleman's ritual will be furnished by an extract from a memorial pre sented by nearly one hundred and eighty of his parishioners to the bishop. He was examined as to its truth, and he only corrected one or two minor particulars: "The church was lighted by numerous candles sup ported by candelabra decorated will) flowers. Tbe congregation at In silence lor about fifteen minutes; tueu sinning was heard without, becoming more dls tlDot until the door on the southwest was reacted. 1'lien the congregation rose en nuue, and a proces sion entered. Jflrsl came a pemoa dressed In white bearing a brass cross, suspended on a pole, painted In various colors. lie was followed by two acolytes In scarlet and white, one of whom bore a brass Imple ment like a mason's trowel, and the other a censer, which be swung to and fro, tilling thecliuroli with tbe smoke and rumes of the Incense. About twenty choristers chanting 'Jesus Christ is risen to-day,' were preceded and followed by men bearing elaaoeale ban ners. The Reverend George Nugee, the Vicar of Wymerlug, with book In hand, closed the proces.ilon. lie had on a black robe reaching to his feet. This robe was covered by a wblta surplice reaching to wltlilnUveor six Inches ot the ground, and he wore on bis bead a peculiarly shaped hat, which we are told Iscalled a 'blretta.' ''The procession moved np the church In very slow order; the banners were placed on each side of the chancel, and tbe choristers took their seats, after which the service begun. The uhalms and responses were chaLted by the choir, ana some of the prayers weie omitted, before tbe communion service a number ot tan (lit s In the chancel were lighted In addition to those already mentioned as burning. U vicar retired, and again appeared, now wearing a while satin cune, which had a large c oss both beiore and behind; lie also wore a chasuble, and some, thing like a hlb of violet color.whlchweuudersiu.ua Is called aa alb. -.' The two acolytes now walked up to the com munion table, and the Incense having been lighted, the censer was handed to the vicac, who waved It atom tbe communion table, lie also took the bread and wine and held them out once or twice toward the table, and then SDwed. All this time the choristers weie chanting 'Uhrlstvur Fassover.' After tbe com munion service Mr. Nugee preached from St. John II., 1U and 21 'Uestryy this temple, ad la three days I will raise It up; but lie spake of the temple ol Ills body.' The object and the aim of ibis sermon was to eulorce the ductrlue of real preseuca In the Sacra nieutof the Lord's hopper. Alter tiia sermou Mr. Xune returned to the table, the choristers again (-hauling. When Ibis ceased seven or eight 'Misters oi Mercy' went up and kueeltd and the sacrament wus administered," TUB CONFESSIONAL. There is another practice which all the chief ritualists aow. Mr. I.eUeyt encouratros con fersion in bis preaching, and receives It If persons come to him. Confessions are fre quently hesrd In Mr. Nuarce's Church (YVymer iup, near Portsmouth). They are heard at the rail of tbe sacristy door; the priests sit within the rail, and those who confess kneel outside the mil. In Mr. Bennett's church (at Frotne, confessions are received in tbe sacristy, or on occasions like Lent itmtgbt be in a little chapel. 'We have," he says, "three or four chapels in our church quiet places where we might go for that purpote." Mr. Clay, of Brighton, states that he was sum moned on ooe occasion to a widow lady In great distress. The vounpeat daughter, eighteen years of aae, was lu the bablt of undergoing severe penances which had been imposed by an Kng lith clergyman then olliclating In London. Tho night previous she bad knelt on a marble slab, bare-kneed, for four hours, repeating certain penitential psalms and prayers, whiDb were im posed b a penance to consequence of r having contested to some sins ot temper. : Mr. Watmer, of Brighton, slates that he attends in his church three days a week at certain hours for the purpose of hearing con lections. He hears them in the vestry. I'euauceB, be says, are imposed. He doubts if he ouiibt to say whether or no corporal pcuanccshave been imposed. Ho has not lux- OCTOBER -1, 1867. posed them himself, but other t may htro done so. 1T1I VlSTHKNTa. The Bishop of Iondon asks Mr. La Oeyt about his vestments, "Where did tbe pattoru of them come from t Who made them? How did you know what vestments to ftetV They are said to be derived from the old English pattern of vest ments preserve! In pictures and brassna sod various other sources. They are not quite the same as those in tbe modern Church of Home, but the "old Catholic shape." Dr. Htanley fol lows the bishop's lead by asklnn Mr. Le Oeyt whether he has proof that tbe colors and pat terns which ho uses are those that were used In the second year of Edward VI? Is he snre about the colors t Mr. Le Ceyt says be is sore about the patterns, but not so certain about the colors. ' There Is a jrreat difference about tbe use ol colors in what Is called the Saxon use and the Iioman use, wbleh 1 do not pro'oss to under stand thoroughly." BOW TUB INNOVATIONS WBItH INTRODUCED. The manner of introducing these lunovatlons was very fully explained. Tue favorite plea ts that they are dun to tbe urgent request of the congregations. Mr. Le tjcyt said that when he came to his church the lights on the alUr had been given up; but the conererraUon "were clamorous tor them," and within twelve months he introduced them. It is only within the last two years that be has introduced the vestments. These were purchased by the congregation, and presented to hi ra with a request that he would use them. Mr. Bennett, in the same way, laid before the Commissioners tbe memorial by which he was requested to Introduce the vestments. But one expression in this memorial throws a new light on this part of the subject. "You have always taupht us," they say, "that with the restoration of tbe material portion of our Church should be included tbe restoration of the beauty and dignity of Christian worship withlu its walls." Mr. Bennett accordingly admits that "he always told tbe people that this was the correct usage of the Church of England." This memorial is signed by twenty-one men, thirty-five women, and two church-wardens, outof a nominal popu lation of five thousand, of whom three thousand are dissenters; but it is tair to add that Mr. Bennett offered to poll the parish and send the rcBuit up to the Commissioners. Incense, in tho same way, was introduced upon ft request which was not puonciy maae. The follow ins is Mr. Nueee's account of the manner In which the vestments were Introduced into hts church: "The way I did It In the first Instance, with regard to tbe vestments, was this: it was Kaster Tuesday at the vestry, and after the election ot the church-war dens j said, 'Bow, gentlemen, i nave got a question to bring before J ou They said, 'What Is It?' Isald, 'The fact Is this; certain articles belonging to the chuich are missing.' They said, 'What are these articles?' They looked much alarmed, 'is It tne plnte?' 'No,' I sntd, but there are many other articles;' and tben I produced my list, which I hid got from the Becord oilicn. Mr. Mackensle Walcott sent It to me signed by the vicar at the time, In cluding all the personality ol the church, and I said, 'Now tbe law supposes that you, Mr. Church warden, are in pos aslon of these things at tlie pre sent moment, Where are tney ? Vou will probably ask me what they are. I know right weU what they are; but. gentleman, I wauc to ask you where they are' Then they drew veiy long races Isald: 'Well, to cut tbe matter snort, etthe- you must reuore these tlilnsH, or the parish or I must restore them, but 1 will make you all h pp ; I have so tar restored them.' And on the next nundav I adopted them; but since thai they have glveu me various things as regards vealtrenla and ornaments ol tbe chiircn, and I am sure If I wanted a tunicle or da'matic to-morrow, tbey would be too glad to give it to me." Tbe expense of these observances varies. The vestments may, of course, ba rendered enor mously costly. Mr. Le Geyt has known a chasu ble cost forty or fifty pounds sterhna, and they are sometimes ornamented with precious stones. Hut tbey are aho made very cheaply, and Mr. Nugee savs that be is at no additional expense. The cost of choirs is very various, Mr. Le Ueyt's is supported entirely by amateurs, not even the boys being paid. Tbe choir at St. Luke s, Ber wick street, costs about one hundred pounds sterling a jQr, while that of St. Andrew's, Wells street, of which the staple is professional singers, costs aa much as one thousand pounds sterling a year. The Facts about the Church of England, The LoLdon Times says that the aggregate revenue ol the bishops of the Church of England is 162,000 a year; ot tbe chapters probably 250,000, and deans eet from 1000 to 2000 a year; canons from 500 to 1000. Tho cost of keeping up the cathedrals varies from 400 a Tear at Llandatl to 12,000 a year at Durham. There arc 12,888 parochial benefices. The whole number of parochial clergy is 17,809, of whom 4S81 are curates. The alphabetical list of the cleriry contains 23,000. Tbe patronage of 6103 livings is private and salable; of 6486 is uusal&ble. Of th 4080 pri vate patrons 1046 are clergymen. The crown has the eilt of 0C7 livings, the bishops of 2088, tbe chapters ot 911, the colleges of 851, paro chial rectors and vicars of 908, other bodies or persons of 670. There are 465 livings which contain a population above 8000. lhey are served by 1164 clergymen, fone to every 700 houses, or 4300 persons. Tbe livings with po pulations between 8000 and 4000 are 882 iu number, served by 1814 clergymen, one to every 630 houses, or 2760 persons. The livings with populations between 4000 and 2000 are 1143 in number, with 715 curates, so tbat there are 1858 clergy in charge of the 3,600,- 000 people in these parishes. This affords one clergyman to about 2000 persons, or 350 houses. The livings with populations below 2000 are 10,308 in number, with 2G45 curates, and the population in their charge comprises 7,600,000 persons. In these livings there is one clergy man lor every COO persons. The minimum income for the English clergy serving in parishes containing more than 4000 souls is 300. There is a probability that this minimum will be extended in a tew years to the case of parishes including a population of more than 2000. With regard to the remaining class 01 parishes, the Crown has takeu steps for rais ing the Incomes of the poorer livings in its gill; the colleges have long been gradually improv ing the incomes of the college livings; there cognition ot looal claims prescibed by Parlia ment will take ellect on a very large proportion of the Episcopal and capitular livings. Those which are private have no hope except from the enlightened liberality of their patrons. The limes concludes as follows: "Thirty ears have elapsed since the First Minister of the Crown, iu no unkindly spirit, advised the Bishops to set their houses in order. Bishop Bloom field accepted tbe ad vice, and at tbe close of a generation much has been done iu the right direction. As tbe Quaker dress is almost indistinguishable, because the public taste approximates to it br discarding swords and pink-heeled shoes and p' nch-colored coats, sott may be that the Wesluyans may be rendered indistinguishable by the energy o( tbe clergy in the discbarge of duties which the Wesleyang onl v undertook in consequence of tbe careless neglect of the Church of Euglaud." The Best Diane la the Country. . Professor Blot, in the Galaxy, says tho dinner given to General Grant at the New York Cluo was the most elaborate thing of the kind given for mauy years in New York ; that it was a dinner one could "really eat;" and tbat it took seven French cooks ten days and nights to prepare what tbe company consumed lu two or three hours. At this rate one can only get some thirty odd dinners, actually eatable, in a year. Singular. The other day the rare instance of a burial thirty years after death occurred at Berlin. The doad who lingered so long above ground is Itachel Levin, the celebrated beauty, author, and wit, the wife of the late Ilerr von Varnhagen, well known as a Prussian diplo matist and writer on contemporary history. Having a mortal fear of being buried alive, the lady ordered in her testament that the upper part of the coffin should be made with a glass window, the coffin constantly watched for a month after death, and deposited in a special hall for a period of thirty years. All of which was duly carried out. Sir Frederick Bruce's niece, Lady Emma Thurlow, dispensed the hospitalities of hia house in Washington until she went home some month ago. ('' s 519 CIIESMJT STREET. 51J) FINE CARPE TINGS AT IlEDUOEl FRIOKS. WE WILL BELL OUR AXIIINITERN, ROYAL WILTOHH, TEIiTF.TIi EXU1MSII BBtMEU, TAPEHTBT RRUIMEL, TIT It EE FITS, NITER INGRAINS, VENETIANS, RBCffSELS AND DAMASK HALL AND STAIR CARPET8, WITH EXTBA BORDERS, ENGLISH OIL CLOTHS, IH SHORT, EVERT DESCRIPTION OF DESIRABLE CARPETINCS, At Greatly Reduced Prices, With a view to BELLING OFF OUR ENTIBE STOCK, AT OUR RETAIL WAREROOMS, No. 519 CHESNUT Street, Prior to Ben oval on first of January next, MCCALLUMS, CREASE & SLOAN, 10 1 tuths2mrp NO. 519 CUES NIT r ST. AGENCY OF THE Union Pacific Railroad Company. OFFICE O DE HAVEN St BBOTIIEB, HO. 40 SOUTH THIRD STREET, Philadelphia, September 20, 18CT, We desire to ca ..attention to the difference In the relative price or the First Mortgage Bonds of Unloa Paclflo Railroad, and the price of Governments. We wonld to-day give theee bonds and pay a 611 rerecce of i 191-68 taking In exchange V. a As ofissi. 221-58 do. do. 6-aoilHfli 175-ss do. do. -ttof iw. 1 821 do. do. B-20S ol ls. )lAl(l do. do. ft-aisor'w. ovm uu. o 4 cent lo-Kis. !l7'i'?2 .20, 2' a-l0Cy. June issue. IU6 88 do. do. THOCy. July luue. (For every thousand dollars.) We offer these Bonds to the public, with every con fidence In their security. 10 1.1m DE HAVEN & BBO. 1867. 1867. BONNET OPENING. WOOD & CARY, No. 725 CHESNUT STREET, WILL OPEN FALL DON NETS, TDCBSDAY, OCTOBER 8. 9 302mrp 1867. 1867. gIMON C.OLTON & CLARKE, S. W. COR. BROAD AND WALNUT ST., Axe now opening a fresh assortment ot Fine Delicacies for Tabie Use, AMOKQ WHICH ARE: Olive Oil. Curled Haccaronl, French and Spanish Olives, Ollvf Farcies, Capers, BardlDes, French Peas and Mushrooms, Trull! ea. Potted Vests, Baucea, Pickles, HAVANA AND ENGLISH PRESERVES, JAMS AND JELLIKS. For sale by I he Package or Retail, at the lowest prices poMlbla- H tnlh4p Q L O T H HOUSE. . SNOD GRASS & CO., KO. SOI Til SECOND STREET, COMPLETE STOCK OF CIoths,Coatings, and Cassimeres, rOR I.ADI1.S, GENTLEMEN'S AND DOTS' WEAR. SPECIAL ATTENTION lITEN TO LADIES' LOAUINU AND SACKINC1N, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL. 10 1 Imrp pR AN C'S AMERICAN CIino3IOS IN IMITATION OF OIL PAINTI. ' : Published by L. PRANG ft CO.. Boston. Hold in all Picture Stores. Seud lor Catalogue. lOltulujiua
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers