snnlT of tiu: ruESs. EOlTPBIAt oriMi'S' OF 1H I BAMHQ J( C11N ALB VtO MlRBISIT TOVKJH CO'IPILKD BTEUT DAT FOH TSI rVFMe TM.BOhAPH. The Heimll'en Parly lu Council. Vow A. ' Is the Bepuhlionn rrtJ ,n tu,s State BO Btrongthatit cau ailorl to alienate any por tion of Us memhers, aud force thein iuto a DSBition of indifferent, if iiot hostility r wine im r,rot,itions for bucU an expenme wut f Id there ft necessity fr reviving former differ ences, vitalizing dimensions which events have in a great measure healed, and provoking ..oia in th iiro.sunce of a united and ij uaiivo s powerful enemy f Tlies inquiries are suggested by the efforts of the Tribune and the Albany Evening Journal to induce the renewal of a proacriptive policy hy the Syracuse Convention. These news papers insist that a section of the party shall he exoluded from its councils, deprived of all hut partial fellowship, and stigmatized as un worthy of confidence. Individuals who never roted otherwise than for the Republicau ticket are branded as untrustworthy, because in the earlier stages of the reconstruction question they differed with prominent members of the paTty. It is not pretonded that they departed from its formally established principles. The mere fact that they entertained other ideas as to the duty of Congress and the interests of the country than those which the Tribune and Journal advocated, is mado by these oracles a pretext for demanding vindictive punishment. The Convention is asked to begin its busiuens by an exercise of intolerance to prepare the way for a harmonious and successful canvass by ostracizing and insulting every Republicau who has at any time dared to doubt the right or dispute the expediency of the course pur sued by others more radical than themselves. On this basis of bigotry and jealousy the party is called upon to construct its organiza tion for the campaign now to be inaugurated. - With the personal feeling which the Tri bune and the Journal have introduced into the discussion we shall not for the moment med dle. It were easy to hurl back the stones they have thrown, and to turn upon them selves the epithets they have used. Mr. Ray mond might confidently challenge a compari son with Mr. Oreeley on all essential points of - party fidelity and service. But the question to be disposed of by the Convention, however it may affect the status of individuals in the ' estimation of that body, derives all its im portance from the spirit it involves, and the influenoe it may exercise upon the future of the party. (So far as the past is concerned, it were folly to ignore the differences of opinion that have existed within the party ranks. Nothing oan be gained by shutting the eyes to the fact that there have been moderates and extremists, or by forgetting the circumstances in which the distinction-was maintained. If a diaposi- . tion to favor Mr. Johnson's course towards the . South, daring the beginning of his quarrel with Congress, is to be treated as an unpar donable offense, it should be remembered that Mr. Johnson was the nominee of the Republi cans, and holds office by virtue of their voles. Whether one section of the party adhered to Mr. Johnson a month more or less than an other section, is a question which doe3 not afford either a valid reason for impugning the fealty, denying the honesty, or assailing the patriotism of the other. The pretensions of the Union League Club, when sitting in judg ment on Mr. Greeley for bailing Jeff. Davis, were not more preposterous than would be the claim of the Convention to excommuni cate those who have not in all things agreed with the majority of its members. The duty of the Convention is with tho pre sent and the future rather than with the past. In the appointment of officers and the selection of candidates, bygone services must be con sidered in connection with character anl capacity. On this subject let the rule acted upon be as rigid as tho most censorious desire It to be; none will complain because tho minority are not permitted to dictate candi dates to the majority. But in constructing the platform on which the party shall stand, and in organizing the machinery with which it shall carry on its work, a spirit of greater moderation and liberality is of the highest im portance. As between Mr. Johnson and Con gress, no differer.ee of opinion now exists in the party. On the question of sustaining the authoiity of Congress in the matter of recon struction, and upholding the law in its integrity as against the interference of the President, the party is a unit. Not since the commencement of the war has it been more .'thoroughly agreed than it is now upon this subject. Is not this enough for the Conven tion f Is not this reason sufficient for the adoption of a State policy comprehending th-j whole party, and pointing to tho hearty corpo ration of the whole in organization and work 1 Heroes ! Clit-flp. From the If. Y. ilethuaUt. Marketing, rtnts, clothing, gold, labor, horses, and most other things are, just now, quite dear. Iudeed, we know of nothing that Is cheap except heroes. They are manufac tured with such rapidity and facility, that the market is quite overstocked, and instead of fussing over a single wight, we may buy a whole gross for an indifferent song. We are not referring to the glorious defenders of the nation, the millions of unnamed heroes who beat down and trampled out the late horrid Rebellion. Nor do we allude to their noble V?8' V?Be numes ljve forever in the can hardlv L .Vj Uwwthy among these them hones? TV t0. nrous, and with dmnotelS:rUnCt1011 13 won by toil We refer to champions of n, i , the billiard-table, tC ho LV P80. flri.t.. th ll , e-rSM. the cock- ns, timid reader, fof tilting tLilbat eh .if i T? thBm nnnfnLa r,ii. BI.lU1,8 hatch all into . : base-1 ml K the same confused pile. Hdoe. aim i i v mn,.uta ,.i.. .: i " r06 Bm hard iv, ODu. vuCn uase-baii and Wr. and ghtii comf orpb racing with, prize-fighting and cock fl.htinT but the point of comparison. rn.h " ?' imk iuo yumu ox comparison, rememl,flr Ta cheapness. Paul Morphy, without doini? Ini thing for the benefit of mankind, has revived" iu Europe huu America, ovauons sucn as have searoely ever been awarded to living geuiaa. A chess literature has emblazoned doz-ms of names for the applauding eye of posterity. Billiard champions, too, have lately come into fashion. There, too, are the boat-races with llamill and Bi own, heroes with crowds of long-eared bipeds to watch their oars, to bet on them, and bawl themselves hoarse In ap lpiause. iiieu comes in base-ball, escaping from the narrow con lines of a school-boy sport, and rising to the dignity of ft national game. Almost every urchin who wears pantaloons belongs to a club, and is brought under rule and regulation, paya his fees, attends club meetings, and aspires to fame. THE DAIL1 EVENING TELEGKaPD PHILADELPHIA,- THURSDAY, - SEPTEMBER - 26, 18G7. Home-racing may be considered as . ! ie less resectable than those it lias, we thinjr, rather ft worse name; and yet It la precisely the f port in which the mont money is rtske.1, nnd the meet florid rsrectnbUitjr emb irked. Lords and princes patronize them in hnropn, and stak thoiiPAiid uni thousands of ponula upon them, while the public press of both heniinpheres rtcoid their triumphs and defeats at greater length and with much more onthu fllafin than is ilifplayed in dealing with Btooks and merchandise. Au in: iguiiloaut lord or duke mounts into a hero, if not a demigod, by simply owning a fust hor.e. The legs of Kas-hion or Lightfoot or Piebald or Dexter con fer immortality even on ignoble blood, and put the obscurest name iuto the throat of Fame's trumpet to be blown round the world. But if the owner is made a hero, how much more the horse 1 We say of a gentleman who is second best in the, home that he is the husband of his wife. Napoleon 111 used to be called the nephew of his uncle, and in like manner those who are apotheosized by a horse are known as tho "owner of Flying Childers," or "the man who entered Tippy Bob," or "the happy master of the noble Dex ter;" so that the man, in a certain sense, be comes the tail of his horse, or, at best, his squire, strutting in borrowed robes, while the worU hurras ior the quadruped. We know it may be claimed, and with some show of reason, too, that the brute is for tho man's behoof, but we may well invite the human animal to ponder the couplet: "'ltehold. savs the man. ' ee all llilnns for my use,' 'Hee niun for mine,' replies the puiupered goose. At all events, however we may settle the question of ownership, there can be no reason able dispute about glory. The man's name is ta ked to that of the horse, not the horse's to his. The horse would sell, perhaps, for two hundred thousand dollars; but who ever heard of such a price for a man f Iu the old times of the auction block for human chattels, prices for first-rate hands were comparatively modest. An old colored preacher, of New Orleans, de livering a sermon to his brethren during the war, on the subject of a particular providenoe, reminded them that the great Master had said that two sparrows were sold for a farthing, and that not one of these should fall to the ground without the Lord's notice. "Now," said the preacher, "If de Lo'd takes care of a little sparrow, that's not worth half a cent, don't you think he'll take caw of you thouaand uollar niggas?" Behold the price of a man ! And see how much better is a horse than his master. The fable of the centaur is realized, only that the horse instead of tho inau is the upper part of the monster. But one of the most wonderful forms of heroism is that aspired to by the prizo-iighter. Only let a man have the needed mettle an I muscle, with the necessary training, and such is the respect with which he inspires a certain numerous and influential class of citizens, that he may violate the law with impunity. When he trains or fights, policemen put on their I leather goggles, and the newspapers have re- j porters on the ground, just as they would at the concert of Blind Tom or even a session of i Congress. So popular and so perfectly con ceded are these contests, and so honored, that j when the victor returns with his laurels, in i the shape of a split nose, a closed "peeper" ' or two, a couple of swollen lips, and his head generally in a somewhat gelatinous condition, he is awarded an ovation. Some douLie-flsted orator delivers hiiu a personal panegyric, and lays the wreath ou Lis hifahly ornamented head. Why, at this very moment the names of these heroes are filling the newspapers; their class stands lip boldly in Congress; their referees occupy places iu the city government; and crowds of admiring urchins read nud dis cuss their prowess at the street-comers and in the saloons. We have not space for the cock-fighters. Their contests are only smaller, not lower iu the scale of morals. These are the heroe.i now filling, to a geat extent, the popular eye, whose feats furnish the chosen reading of a large class whose influence is eating into the very heart of public morals, whose smart capers are applauded, or whose brutality is winked at, whose supply, from the facility of manufacture, is inexhaustible, and whose mission is to carry us back to anarchy, and render tyranny the only possible form of gov ernment. It out e- Auotlicr Vr tucli luterveutlou -Kurope. War lu From the A. 1'. Her eld. A' cable telegram yesterday informs us of the arrest of Garibaldi by Victor Emanuel, ou the eve of an expedition agaiuat Rome, and we hear from Paris that French troop3 have already left for the Eternal City. This is startling news, since the events it chronicles may disturb the peace of all Europe, and in view of the delicate relations betweou somo of the great powers, may change the whole established order of things on the Continent. For some time it has looked a little as if Victor Ematuel and Garibaldi had a tolerably fair understanding jia to tho latter'a threateniugs of the Roman territory, w hich each, perhaps, tqually desires to wrest from the authority of the Pope if it cau be dona with safety to Italy. Napoleon, that "eldest son of the Ci urch," is the great obstacle to the destruction of the Ja-4 vestige of the Pope's temporal authoiity, and has guaranteed the integiity and safety of the Roman territory in case of Victor Emanuel's failure to prevent the departure from Italy of hostile attempts. But a period seemed to be reached when the King of Italy and tho hero of Aproraonte might count on complete freedom from French interference iu consequence of the attitude of Germany. Prussia's maim-uvres to extend her dominion over the (States south of the Main, in defiance of the tieaty of Prague, it was thought would so far engage France's attention as to put any care for the Pope be yond all possibility. There cau be no doubt that this topic of Prussian ambition was a sub ject of deliberation between the two Emperors in the recent Salzburg eonlerenoe; and rroin what was given out by Von Roust's organ, it seemed natural to infer that the one thing that France and Austria together would not stand was any further attempt to extend Prussian dominion. But Prussia keeps up her efforts, and recent declarations from Bavaria and Baden show that the Northern power is carry ing on a very active diplomatic campaign. All this, it was thought in Italy, wouia Keep napo leon too busv: but it seems that matters have been pushed forward too rapidly in that land of hasty councils, and this premature firing of the mines may give to the Emperor a chance to settle the Roman question oujo more, and still have his hands free before the more, and still have his hands free before W" ,n"au Ideation cornea to an open issuo. n is very likely that these events may etnl the trench and Italian Governments; Yet embroil for since wanbaldl was arrested bv Victor Eoia- Till! T ha ik ... i " . Ci?? lias '"ally not arisen iu which F qutstion of . "V "8ul to act. This will raise a 01 inaigmty towards Italy, and if relations wh.li iruui. i wn, rrance'g bl! S U itV11 be.V?ue th "tS-r for this Velil. it is impossi bU ir. ii evei this dilliculty may be solved, yet it U cer tainly quite possible that it Vay precipitate , yet it is car may preoipitati that tremendous collision between France and Prussia that has so long seemed inevitable. Amtrta will then be into the. fight by reason of her position; and, with Franoo, Prussia, Austria, and Italy iu at the commencement of iuob a war, who can fay where It will end, or What powers it may not carry down f PnMIe Dlgutty. FVom the If. Y. Tribune. It Is not a small matter that any public event of rcppectable importance, belittled ami besoiled by the undignified carriage of those who participate in it. should ia?s into our chronicles with the taunt of degrading reminis cence. The Antietam consecration is a case , in point. We do not every day dedicate such i ft cemetery; it is not often that wo euoounter i such a demand for grave, decorous, and ele ! vated propriety; the ceremonial is an occur rence which mustjpass into history; and yet we began with advertising for a poem, and ended with a speech by Mr. Johnson. Yet this is j one merely of many similar instances. The Western tour, with its many horrible viola i tions of good taste and good breeding, was quite as bad. The Masonic solemnity in ! Boston was even worse; and it will be ft long i time before tho brethren can open a lodge I for the despatch of business in their new ' and beautiful temple without thinking unpleasantly of Brother Johnson's rheto rical struggles. These days of restora tion and ol reconstruction, of tho national new birth, of a fresh start in the country's career, should have becu among tho most splendid in history; and so they would 1 ave been if Mr. Lincoln, who was one of nature's own gentlemen, had been spared to us. He had no aitilicial manners; he was in capable of doing or of saying anything for effect; he pretended to no polish, nor was he by any means an accomplished orator; but the sweet sincerity of his character, the touch ing simplicity of his instincts, the unflinching integrity of his heart, made him seem elevated in his demeanor and courtly in his carriage, and won for him a respectful affection which any public man might be proud of. It is won derful how such an example elevates the whole tone of a national mind. The mean, the mercenary, and the malicious kept iu their daik corners while Mr. Lincoln was living, or merely emerged tbertfrom to be encountered and 'put to rout by indignant majorities. Men were ashamed to be irresolute in their patiiothn1, to be swayed by class prejudice or by oiuworn hatreds, with such au ex ample of catholic humanity constantly be fore them. With the new President forced j upon us by destiny they raised once more their ignoble heads; they grew meai. ly hopeful and disreputably active; place bunting and all the expedients of faction be came the order of the day; haters of human liberty, doubters of man's capacity for self government, sueerers at social equality, lifted up once more their hateful voices, and politics, which had been only another name for patriot ism, lapsed into the old conventional ruts, with occassional triumphs of the bad and the base, and with constant vigilance and labor for the honest and intelligent. Nobody supposes that we could possibly have had this condi tion of affairs if Mr. Lincoln had lived; nobody hopes that we can be quite rid of it until Mr. Johnson be at least politically dead. The faults of the man have tainted the country, have contaminated publio fueling, and have warmed into life a crowd of creeping creatures who enjoy, or who hope to enjoy, the Treasury lksbpots. It is a curious fact that what men most dieadcd in Mr. Johnson should be precisely the opposite of that fault iuto which he has helplessly fallen. It wa3 thought, and his publicly uttered words gave sanction to the opinion, that he might be too unrelenting in i Lis treatment of treason, andpostpoue reunion , by his uncouciliating policy. It turns out that he is too easy, too soft, too forgiving, and too ! forgetful. The man who is one thing in the ' morning and another in the evening is the victim of a lack of character; and having set ' tied this, we are at once let into the secret of ! Mr. Johnson's mournful want of personal , dignity. It is not merely that he does not I compiehend the situation. The trouble is that he does not and cannot, having been denied i certain qualities of miud, rise to the nobleness I of the gieat occasion. He is proof against re- sputable emotion''. He has none of that 1 poetical feeling which helped us so much iu ! the day of our darkest disaster. He does ' business in the White House as he used to rfo it in his little law office, and he issues procla mations with the same facility with which he foinuerly issued writs. He is in thi embarrass ing situation of a small lawyer with his prac tice suddenly and boundlessly enlarged. Therefore he flounders. Therefore he inllates himself like the frog in the fable. Therefore, with but few qualities to provoke admiration, he expects to be exceedingly admired. AU feeble men are apt to be fussy. And Mr. Johnson is notLhig if not fussy iu the extreme. We never had a President before in precisely such a j redicament, and Divine Providence grant that we may never have another! We began by saying something of ofTuial (b'f-iji'y, and we eiul by assuring the people that dignity in the lxecntive quarters is just the cue thing nLich it is folly to look for. In order that no more fine occasions may be spoiled, no more rambling and incoherent peeiLe8 refolded in our annals, no more mor ticing additions niade to our history, we beg leave to suggest that if there be any more cemeteries to consecrate, any more Masonic ten, pies to dedicate, any more monuments to hallow, the business, if it cannot be accom plished without the presence of a Prctident, had better be postponed until after the next Presidential election. At any rate, let U3 have no more twaddle over the graves of our de- raited heroes. Thev mnv not hear it, and hflppv are thev in not heaiintr it. But some thine is due to the livinir. Something is also due to the memory of the doad Silence is always golden let us have no pewter speech ! more brass or The Preldut'i Potty. Ft om the N. Y. Tribune. The telegrams from Washington are often KiifTicim.tlv ciniiiinir. and never more SO than D, - . . t when they undertake to furnish certain infor mation of Mr. Johnson's m.st uncertain move merits. According to the latest intelligence, he intends to cive the republic a fresh, new, and vigorous party, which will spring, all armed and resistless, like a young goddess from the brain of the White House Jupiter. It is the coolest proceeding upon record. The "good man getting up in the morning, while shaving aud washing and putting ou his pau taTuous, and criticizing their fit with a profes sional t-ye, concludes to have ft party a hnmlv thine to have with an ulterior iuteu tion, we presume, of being elected to the next Presidency a nice thing to be elected fn. il has hardly swallowed hia first bottle of soda water before his plans are all finely ,i niinmilnirlv dried: and he is burst ing with impatience to commuuicite them to five thousand confident Ul friends aud all the newspapers. We can imagine him say irg: "My dear friends and fellow-citizens, having observed the situation, which, indeed, It seems that the Union leing in danger, and to we must fall back, my friends, upon the Constitution, and I will vindicate the flag of our country which I have always vindicated, end mean to vindicate, even after I lay sleep ing in peace iu my tomb, where I shall not bear au more addresses and prayers and hjmns, being one of the illustrious dead, but mean now to live in friendship and peace, and as it weie," etc etc etc After this the party will be foimed, and will march to triumphant victory in all those States in which it does not maich to a dissolution pretty nearly con genital. Then it will "sleep silent iu its giave yes, It wl 1 sleep in sile nee and peace, afier the eainest oonllict has ceased; yes, it vi ill sleep silent in its tomb." TLe new party, if we understand tho matter, is to be au amalgam of rehabilitated Rebels and of Northern Democrats supposed to be in vincible by themselves ypon the ntrength of a recent gain of about two thousand votes. But there is nothing specially novel about this. Put all the Rebels and all the Democrats to gether, and the "demnition total" is nothing more than the old Democratic party which for years has been almost a nonentity. If you take out all the Northern Democrats who are dead, or have become Republicans, and all the Rebels who are dead either physically or poli tically, it seems to us that the prospects of the Johnsonian party do not become any rosier for the subtraction. The old Democrats were beaten without much dilliculty in the full flush of a pretty extensive vitality. Where is the evidence "that they cannot be beaten again, although they take to their reviving bosoms all the Rebel vipers, all the reoreant Republi cans, and all tho Johnsonian nondescripts iu the land 1 Perhaps the President's recent necrological studies have given him ideas somewhat over-lively of the chances of calling the dead to life; but we can assure hiin that' though there may be a resurrection of men, there can be no resurrection of parties. His faith is charming, but he must not trust in it too confidently. He should not be so sure of the dead when he cannot even be sure of the living. His Excellency has, no doubt, heard in his day of squeezed oranges. He has seen the dry and discarded fruit rotting in the gutters, despisf d of the hungriest boys, and rejected of the least fastidious beggars. He may not know it, but very soon he too will be a squeezed orange; the Democratic vampyre, are long, will have absorbed all his juices, and he will be tossed into Tennessee to grow old at his leisure. He does not believe it now; he would not believe it now, though the Angel Gabriel I should come down to impart to him the dis tasteful information; but his political demise at an early day is just as sure as the taxes. YV hen he comes to make his mixture, he will find that one of his ingredients is suddenly missing. lhe rorUiern Democrats may be willing enough to unite with the Rebels, but it will not be under the leadership of Mr. Johnson. Would he like to know the reason ? Well, one of them is that Le doesn't know enough; another is that he doesn't carry guns enough; a third is that he isn't respectable enough. fctill another is that he has professed to be a Republican. Lastly, nobody would vote for him. The Democratic leaders are too shrowd to commit themselves to the support of a renegade Kepublican; and the gentlemanly Democratic magnates will like to have a candi date who is also a gentleman. Mr. Johnson they will use; we expect them to use him; but j'.einamm K Uutler s chance of their nomina tion for the Presidency i3 a3 good as his. Some mournlul day, in his retreat, when he has nothing better to do, he may read this predic tion, and, with tears in his eyes, confess that for once we were right. Meanwhile, we shall await the birth of the new party with considerable interest, and shall watch with anxiety for its christening, should it live, poor thing, to be christened at all. We have seen many brats of this sort iA our time; various were their names, and curious their constitutions; but they were all cs short-lived as tho Ilea, without exhibiting the ilea's energy. Number three always conies to grief, and number three, Mr. John son's party will certainly be; while number ci.e will take such excellent care of number two that its alliance shall hardly be worth asking for. Politics promise to be a little confused; but we rely upon Republicans to keep matters mainly right. "The World" and President Johnaou. From Vie If. Y. World. We have copied from the National liUelli yettccr a leading article, partly critical, partly hortatory, on the attitude of the World to wards the President. We attach no import ance to the reputed connection, or crganship, or whatever the relation may be, between that journal and Mr. Johnson, aud shall treat the article as if we were replying to any other re spectableand respectful oontemporary. So fara3 it is critical, it is in a tone of plaintive regret without any trace of censorious invective, and its advice is teuo'eied in language of almost supplicating persuasion. .We shall try to answer with equal courtesy, but still with the honest fretdom which befits political discus sions. Wo will first consider the critical or iuoul patoiy, and aftei wards the advisory part of the aiticle; or, in ether words, we will vindi cate our past before attending to the future. First, then, what has the World done which the Jit:llig(ncerso seriously regrets aud repre hends ? It has declared that President Johnson does not belong to the Democratic paity; that he is neither responsible for it, nor it for him. We might be induoed to re consider the grounds of this declaration; but there is certainly no possibility of our retract ing it. The reason is simple, and as con clusive as it is brief : an opinion may be altered, but a fact caniiot cease to be true. If we should profess to believe that President Johnson was elected by the Democratic party when in fact he was eleoted by the Republican, we should merely stultify ourselves without at all changing tho fact. If we should confess that President Johnson, when Congress quarelled with and insulted him, reorganized his Cabinet, filling it with Democrats of standing who enjoy the confidence of the party, such a confession would be a feat of generosity as quixotic and surprising, as would a recollection of fads that never occurred. Aud so, if we should credit Mr. Johnson with using hi3 patronage, while he had patronage, in favor of the De mocratic party, we should be as much out iu our memory, as the Knight of La Maucha was in his imagination, when he mistook the bar ber's brass basin lor a helmet. Facts equally remain facts whether we keep our eyes open or Bbut them, and when a statement is founded on fact there is of course no room for recan tation. It is idle enough to speculate on "what might have been," except for tlo purpose of illustration; but a supposition will enable us to place in a clear light the expectations uatu THE LARGEST FINE. OLD IK THE LAKP IS NOW TOSSllSSED BY -EE NUT S. II ANN IS & CO.. Hce. 218 and 220 SOUTH FEOKT STJIELT, wno orrr.i iiicMinicTo in: tiiauk in iots on tcut aivaktaoec TURKS. Vfatlr Utoek of K. Wblihln, IB COUP, tmitliii all tb favorlt. itaitt, .Let run. tbroufcb Ik. various most Ln of 1S6,'C6, and of this .r .T.i 1 U riel odIiiiU t1 for loti to nrrlva at Pauasy Ivanla Railroad Uin.i frritr Mb Vliaii.er at lioxtcd AY arcbov aa partial may alact. OARPETIKGS, OIL CLOTHS Y IV 13 D1IUGGETS. REEVE L. 812 tbatu2m rally formed of a Democratic President. Sup pose, then, that we had elected General McClellan. Suppose, further, that he had re tained every member of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet; that he had admitted no Democrats of emi nence or standing even among his back-stairs advisers; that he had appointed only Republi cans or unreconstructed ex-Democrats to foreign missions; that he had given no aid to the Democratic party in elections; that he had tried to form anew party to supplant and absorb it. and had instigated a Conven tion at Philadelphia for that purpoFe; sup pose, we say.that General McClellan had been elected, and had trod in the very tracks Mr. Johnson has done, does anybody think the Democratic party would not have been incensed f Such conduct in a Democratio President would be wholly inconsistent with his maintaining any further relations with the Democratic party. Had General McClellan been elected and given us the same treatment we have received from Mr. Johnson, there would have been no bounds to Democratic de nunciations. Why, then, have we treated Mr. Johnson with so much kindness and forbear ance f Just because we have never regarded him as belonging to our party; because we had no claim upon him for any kind, of favor or support; and his conservative views on re construction being of grace and not of debt, we acknowledged them with the same disin terested magnanimity with which they were given. It Mr. Johnson wishes to join the Demo cratic party, we suppose the doors are open; but that he is at present, or has been during the last two years, within the Democratio or ganization, neither he, nor anybody for him, can truthfully pretend. In proceeding to discuss the future, we can not cut loose from the past and declare it a "by gone," for that would be to reject the aid of experience; which wise men never do. The same style of argument or exhortation which the Intelligencer now addresses to the World, was addressed to the Democratic party last year, by the promoters of the Philadelphia Convention. The argument then was, as it is now, that in so great an emergency those who think alike should consent to act together. Nobody can dispute so persuasive a truism; but as it was misapplied then, it is proper to ask if there be no danger of its misapplication again? The World opposed the Philadelphia Convention until a number of leading Demo crats were seduced by this plausible appeal, when we acquiesced in the experiment. The result, iu last fall's elections, was not so brilliant that we feci very strongly inclined to surrender our judgment again. No knot of politicians has any authority to speak for the party, or to commit it to any new or unusual course of action. Iu the Democratio party we all claim to be peers, every member being en titled to an equal voice witu every other in determining its policy. Our State conven tions speak for us in tho States; our quadren nial National Convention in the ailair of the Union. In these bodies all is done in the full light of publicity by the authorized represen tatives of the party, nor will the party acknow ledge as binding any engagement, compact, or bargain, made without its knowledge by any other agency or in any other way. Indi viduals, be they three, five, seven, can do what they please, the party has no power to restrain them; but it will no more ratify their unautho rised or uuderhaiid arrangements, than it would of any other three, five, or seven mou, acting of their own motion and without autho rity. Paity leaders or publio journalists who3e heaits beat in unison with the people, can predict by fellow-feeling what the people will do; and those who, besides this sympathy, have perspicacity to form sound opinions on new subjects, and facilities for addressing their fellow-citizens, can also make true pre dictions founded ou their faith in popular in telligence. The II oiid deems it of lar more value as a means of political iullueuce, to know how the people feel, and what they cau be persuaded to think, than to be in the secrets of all the scheming cliques in the country. All that cliquism can do is to make lipples, or, at most, waves, on the sur face of politics; the movements of the people are the heaving tide which lilts up the whole mass of the ocean. The HWii claims no in fluence, desires no i lluence, nay, it despises all influence, which does not result from its ability to present tiuth to the people In a con vincing light. We come now to the question of co opera tion with the President. The country cannot be redeemed by him, nor by anybody whom ho can put into or turn out of olfice. It is to be redeemed, if at all, by the people through the elections; or, in other words, by the Democratio paity recruited by the few thousand vote3 re quiied to niake it a majority. The President ton rationally expect the restoration of the Constitution in no other way. Now how can he best assibt it ? Would the Democrats be any more staunch, resolute, or united, in a coalition which would lower the tone of the paity, than they will be lighting independently under their own colors 1 Nobody Who knows anything of the upright and downright char acter of the Democratio party can suppose it. A coalition, then, is an unpromising ex pedient for keeping tip the spirit, vigor, zeal, unitv, and pride of the Democratio party. The only remaining question Is lhat of new recruit, a question which it is dilllcult to handle with the requisite plainness without a seeming violation of delicacy. liut (the question lis iu our way, ud we must a-k it) what body of supporters Las President Johnson in the Uepublioau paity AND BKfcT STOCK OWZ RYE Vv H 1 G !t I E Q KNIGLTT & SON, KO. 807 UltSMJT STBKET. so attached to him and his policy that they are ready to follow him into the Democratio ranks? How many are they in number, and w here are they to be found? The President has, to be sure, some remaining patronage; but we honestly doubt whether he can inllu ence any considerable number of votes by any other means. But we need more votes than patronage can buy; and it does not seem to us probable that a hesitating Republican would change sides with any more alacrity for the sake of accompanying the President. We suppose it to be a fact that the Republicans consider Mr. Johnson as more odious than any Democrat, not even excepting Mr. Vallandig ham. The question whether they would be more attracted to the Democratic party, or re pelled from it, by such members, is a question easily answered. We say nothing of the Jus tice of the odium in either case; but it cannot be disputed as a fact. We suppose there are few Republicans who could not more easily join the Democratio party if Mr. Vallaudig ham did not belong to it; but if Mr. Vallandig ham, even in his insignificance, 13 an impedi ment, what would Mr. Johnson he as its recog nized official head? For our part, we do not believe that there are any Democrats of standing who desire a Cabinet office under Mr. Johnson, or who could accept it without a complete sarifloe of in fluence, if they did. They would take their risks of confirmation by a Reyublioan Senate, which would not confirm them unless it was judged for the advantage of the Republican party. To sum up and conolude : we Bee no way out of the present difficulties except by Democratio success in the elections, and in our opinion, a coalition with President Johnson would not conduce to success. LOOKING - CLAO SE3 OP TIIB EEST FBEXC-U PLATE, In Every Stylo cf Frames, ON II AND OR MADE TO ORDER. NEW AliT GALLERY, F. SOUND '& CO., 8 2 lm.Zp IV o. Ol-l AllCl-l Ktreet. QTEAM EKGIHE PACKING. The modern nud extremely popular pack lug, called NlLVIin'M 1-l'BRIt'ATlVE,' OH SOAP.TOXE FAtlilXO, Hhs n!r.-6ily bi en adrpted byover20.000 Locomotive aud Mulicuury Kngims. and is beyond qtumllon tlie enhlPNt hpplied. the uuimi durable, the cii-apest, and vNeaiailie machinery Hie leant of any steam engine packing yel lulioduoed. It is uol liable lu burn or cul, Uuua not require oil, and there Is no waste lathe use, uh It la mud nl all nines to suit the boxes, from Li to 2 iucliea lu diameter. All persoua interested In the imn ot Ibe tiHui engine are particularly requested to give tills packing a trial. A liberal discount will be luade to uta era. . M. '. SlIJLKIt, NO. 039 AKCII STKKET, lIIIt..l. Sole Agent lor l'enuaylvauia aud Delaware. tee ctrllilcate below. OyyicK of thk Scpkiitntfvpkntof Motive " A'UW tK AMI iiAC JliMtKY. KlllK lUlLWAY, - JJJCW Yohk, hept. W, 1HUB.J My jieaii 8ik: In reply to your Imjuirlea in rela tion to the comparative economy of lieuip PackUiK as compared villi Juhrlcuilug Packing, I win say lhat lli-iiip Packing, at an averagt costot 38 cents ier Jioiind, cunts us 2 3 10 mills per mile run, while the .uluicaiing Tucking costs, at an averxge cost of bl 2 a cents pe pound, 1 l-lo mill per mile run We propose to use ft excluMvely for all bleatu bt'uffinir lsoxeB. Very truly you i x, U. U. 1UIOOK8. Btipt. M. I'. & M. P. B. The popular II Y DUAL LIC I'ACIUSIiJ, Adaptfd to cold-water pumps, aud made similar to the Lubiic alive PacKlng, but ol dl Herein material jMi! be luiii H iHd promptly any M from H lo 2 Inc ,ph and wi 1 be found a superior arilole lor pumps. B A L T I f .1 ORE V'"' ;T V vj IMPROVED BASE BrjIWIXU h-M SlElll'IKE-rLAOIi LTE A.TE2, WITH Magazine auil Illuminating l he mou f'hffrfiil and TVrtu i iiiup In ITfe. To be bad Wholes? ana Detail nr -. K. '.' W, lw2p No. loon alAKK JLtfriri'"1!. Q R I F F I T HTp A G E, NO. COO AUO II bTKEKT. NEW miG IIKlM'BOOr. lUirTAWSflA'tVAHK. uoriK.FUitNifcim tooi.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers