THE DAIL1 EVENING TELEGRArn PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 1867.- SFIRIT OF THE PIWSS. jprroBiii. opraioss of ths leading jourhalb PPOK CURRENT TOriOS COMPILED STRUT PAT FOB TBI IVKNINO TELBORAPH. Tit Dang' UepbHc Party. From the A". Y. Nation. The result of the elections in Maine and California conveys one or two lessons which, ve feel satisfied from what occurred at the Massachusetts Convention, the Repnblloau party will take to heart. The one la the dancer of relying too much upon party disci Kline, or even the goodness of the principle on which the party is based; and the other M the danger of importing too much of the Puritan spirit into politics. ... , When Connecticut was lost, last spring, the local papers tried to persuade themselves that their defeat was due to their not having been ardent enough in their advooaoy of negro euffrage, and proclaimed that they were going to eeoure viotory next year by working harder for it than ever, and in this pleasing theory they received strong support from the New York Tribune. But nobody whom the horn blowing which precedes and follows eleotiona does not bewilder, ever took this in anything but a Pickwickian sense. We took the liberty ourselves, at the risk f being misunderstood, of suggesting that it was not too little negro suffrage but too much Which caused the disaster, and that it was the over-reliance of the party on its efficacy which gave the State to the Democrats, by causing the Republicans to pay too little attention to other things. For instance, they nattered themselves that mere shouting for equal rights would make such performances as the nomi nation of a professed mountebank in the third district of no consequence; and the Tribune and Indqtendent here thought that, merely by hur rahing and flinging of caps in the air, the rank and file could be made to swallow him. In like manner, in other parts of the State, the approaoh of the election was, with singula want of tact, selected as a fitting oocasion for the enforcement of a prohibitory liquor law Which had for a long time previous been allowed to lie dormant. Now, the reason why it is not safe in most States to rely too much on the strength of the fundamental idea on which the party organi sation is based, is that the whole of the party is soarcely ever completely under its influence. In Connecticut, in New York, in Pennsylvania, and in New Jersey, as well as iu other States, the ardent Republicans are never sufficiently numerous to win an election. They have to secure their majority by the help of a few thousand who are only lukewarm Republicans, whose political feelings are not strong, who are affected in voting by divers collateral con siderations, and who, unless they are well looked after, are as likely as not to go over to the enemy on the day of battle. It is these men who deoide political contests in nearly all the closely divided States. Wc dwelt strongly on this circumstance last spring' in comment ing on the Connecticut eleotior. although it is something for which, amidst the roaring about "armies" and "banners" and "bivouacs" Which the party papers keep up about eleotion time, it is almost impossible to secure atten tion. The writer of the exoellent papers on "Constitution-Making" which have been ap pearing in our columns, also pointed it out In Lis article last week, showing that this State has changed sides in politics five times in the last ten elections "by a few votes iu each precinct going over from one party to the other." In 1862 these few thousand votes cave the government of it to the Copperheads, in the very midst of the war, when the zeal of the mass of the Republican party was at white heat, simply because they were somewhat dis gusted with the military mismanagement and the excessive touching of Mr. Seward's "little belL" Now, as long as the success of the party is dependent on the fidelity of these auxiliary corps, their feelings prejudices, if you will have to be borne in mind in the management . of it. They will support you in the pursuit of your fundamental idea if you do not ask them to sacrifice too much to it. But you cannot work them up to such a pitch of en thusiasm about it as to get them to vote for a '"showman" or pugilist simply because he supports it, or to wink at the total disregard of character in nominations or of purity in legislation. The Republican party, unmindful of this, has, in various directions, of late been making rather heavy drafts on their devotion. In Pennsylvania, for instance, they have been arraying themselves against a judge simply because, in , the exercise of his judicial funotions, he held the issue of legal-tenders by Congress to be, " as a matter of law, unconstitutional a per- ' formanoe which the leading party organ, the Tribune, to its great honor, had the courage to denounce. Now, there are enough Repub licans in Pennsylvania who eare more for Judicial independence than they do for negro suffrage or the Congressional plan of recon struction to be disgusted by an incident of this sort, and either stay at home on eleotion day or go into the Democratic oamp. We know what was done in Connecticut, and what the result was. In California the Republican party has snf- fered itself for five years to be led by noto rious knaves, who, while waving their hats tor Congress and the blaek man with one . hand, had the other thrust up to the elbow in the State treasury. The main body of the party are so much impressed with the gravity of the contest now going on at Washington that they continue to vote for these raacalu while knowing and deploring their rasoality; but the main body are not able to carry the day. There is a sufficient number who would rather see the State lost to the Republicans inansee the State Government in the hands " S2t(0,onilt 18 War Democrat, .opposed to the Congressional nlan of rPnr,i strucuon, imt he U a man of .taini... v.. and nn of h 7 uli'"uliy 01 ouaraeter, tiiTt 7,e!oted Republicans and vi nuiuius Buntir,i i j. . . . , anti-slavery men whom the 'RepubUoaHa "I" m who knows Mr. Haight well and v3 7T condition of California Stoalhe? I th1 us that had he been laWoS JK,But . election he would have voted the ftSoriK We would warn the Republican partv that. the number of such men of men who ri.ii ' ardent friends of equal rights, and thornmri.i.. , convinced of the wisdom of the CoDgresaienul " plan of reoonstruetion, are yet so alarmed an! ' disgusted by the prevailing political corro p. i tion, by the shocking abuses of the nomi nating system, so convlnoed that unless we oau bring more purity of character to bear on the work of politics, neither universal suffrage nor any other arrangement of the political machinery will save our system of govern ment lis increasing,' and that nothing but greater deference for'their -"prejudices" or -'""Bimpliolty" will enable It to keep the field and finish successfully the. great work which It has in hand. ' . .-i : The election in Maine calls attention to another somewhat unfortunate tendency in the organization though it is a fault not very far removed from virtue and that ia its ten dency to introduce a somewhat Puritanio spirit into legislation. Those who abuse Puri tanism are accustomed only to look at its bad side. We, on the other band, it ought not to be forgotten, are accustomed only to look at its good Bide. We read. Maoaula.y's splendid eulogy of it, and eve its wonderful career, for getting that it belonged to en exceptional era, and that as a permanet t spirit in politics it works mischief as well as good. By the ruritau idea we mean a reeling of impatience at Bin in others, and a disposition to repreBB it by the strong arm. It is some- ' thing more than abhorrence of sin or impa tience of evil and Buffering or indignation at the wrongs of others. All these feelings are universal in their nature. Puritanism is purely an outgrowth of Christianity. The ancients had no such sentiment. Socrates : was put to death not because he wa9 a heretic, i but "because he corrupted the youth," and thus undermined the State. The Roman sumptuary laws did not aim to control indi- j vidual character, but to check that corruption I which waa eating out the life of the republic, j But when Christ founded a religion resting on J personal character when personal purity be came the great aim of li'e, and personal sin the one thing to be shunned the feeling of impatience at sin in one's self was not long in passing over into impatience at sin in others, and an eager desire to rescue them from the snares of the evil one. Hence the great mis sionary movements of Christianity, beginning with St. Paul arid worthily represented by j the Augustines, Xaviers, and Brainerds who have succeeded him. Like all other human qualities, this crown ing virtue of Christianity was capable of being transformed into an evil. It is an easy step from a genuine Christian sympathy with others, and a desire to aid them, to a feeling that we have a right nay, are under an obli gation to force our aid upon them, and reform them even against their will. If our neighbor does not see that he is committing a sin, is not that all the more a reason for preventing his involuntary wickedness f This impatience at the sin of others, and haste to deal with it as if it were one's own, i3 the esaenoe of Puritan ism. But it is not confined to the Puritans;' nor is it peculiar to Protestantism. It in spired the directors of the Inquisition as well as the Covenanters of Scotlaud and the "Saints" of Cromwell's army. Wherever people are intelligent, thoughtful, and ear nest, this spirit will spring up spontane ously among them, to give scope to the in tensity of their convictions and the warmth of their zeal. Strength of oonviotiou is in great danger of passing into intolerance. For all people act from mixed motives, and it is not always possible to distinguish this spurious sentiment from the genuine Christian princi ple from which it springs. The sense of pain at the misconduct of others, and of indigna tion at the wrongs suffered by others, are wholly legitimate and praiseworthy feelings. We have a right to prevent others from suf fering from violence or fraud; these are mat ters which concern us all. But when our aim ceases to be the redress of wrongs, and we begin to legislate for the prevention of per sonal Bin, we pass from the sphere of politics into that of morals; that is, bring human laws to bear upon actions which, in their personal nature, concern nobody but the individual man and his Maker setting up our human judgment as the arbiter of right and wrong. At the present moment the Republican Darty is in great danger of Buffering itself to be controlled by the Puritan idea. It is made up in great measure of those intelligent but not broadly educated classes who have very positive convictions and very earnest purposes, but who have not learned to appreciate and respect the rights of human thought. More than this, in the stormy times through which we have just passed, the uncompromising zeal of the Puritan element has been of the most signal service. Now, the situation is changed. We have passed from the revolutionary stage to that of constructing, and we need above all things calmness, moderation, and a regard for the rights of all. The English race seems especially disposed to Puritanism; the Ger mans recognize individual rights more readily than we. The German population in this country was with difficulty won over from the party which promised least interference with their individual liberty. They consented to postpone this to the more weighty issue of universal freedom. Now that this question is settled, they will surely drift back to their old associations if the Republican party is con trolled by the Puritan idea. Puritanism has had a noble history and has accomplished marvellous results. It Is through and through heroic and self-sacrifio-ing, even when it has wandered furthest from the perfect law of liberty. Its career in tne future may be as glorious as in the past if it will free itself from its bad tendencies, will learn that liberty of thought is as sacred as emancipation of the body, and that legal re straints should have nothing to do with moral acts. It is hardly necessary that we should make the application of all this to the attempts which are beiDg made in Massachusetts and Maine to enforce by law a standard of private morals for which, no matter how high it may be, the community ia evidently not prepared. Mexico. FiomtheN. Y Tribune. For the first time in fifty years Mexico is at peace. Since Iturbide, in 1821, declared the country independent, and made good the claim, its history ia one of uninterrupted oivil war. President succeeded President., Dictator fol lowed Dictator; the success of any chieftain created a dozen rivals, and the Government was no sooner set up by one faction than it was pulled down by another. The victor banished or executed the conquered, only to find himself in a short time the victim of his own revengeful policy. No administration was safe from revolt; no leader dared trust his comrades; the army was now the instrument of Guerrero, now of Santa Anna, now of Busta mente. Quiet there was none for the country; it was either at war, or preparing for war, and the only periods during which internal atrife was suspended were those of the Spanish, in vasion, and the aggression of the United StateB. The condition of the nation was, in deed, deserate when it could only be saved from ruining itself by the necessity of repelling its foes, and when the advance of a foreign army was the only hope of union and peaoe at home. ' The cauBes of this perpetual strife are evident. Mexico had never succeeded in re- conciiine her different races; the people were unfitted for Belf-governuient, and assumed all the dangers of a Republic without the ability to secure its blessing. The country was bur aeufcd with Aa ambitious clergy, c iiug, it has hc.a ?u'ated, one-half oi its real Jtate; and if tne eoutier did not begin a revolution, his neg aZTi rtjmediyd by the priest. Nature, too.had thZtr7h"f, in fluiDK U country for the SfnsJTOUedii4- exhaustible 6r mines supplied it. - Thus wars which would have mined greater nations We brthe Mexicans 'with comparative .S evil was not bo much the exUuV tUe country as the paralysis of us Sjrlse and the absolute BuBpennlon of its progress. The condition of Mexico oould hardly have been worse in 1801, when, while the Administration of Juarez waa struggling to maintain itself, the Kuropean alliance was consummated, and that long war begun with France which has ended in the triumph of the republic Mexico had rough training iu this perpetual war, and probably the Trench invasion will mark the Iwgimring of a new and brighter era. The Mexicans owed the usurpation of Maximilian to their own quarrels, and may profit by the bloody lesion. A people who lought ss the Liberals fought, who prized so dearly their independence, and sacrificed so much to maintain it, cannot be incapable of Self government. Radical as their faults may be, their virtues are no longer to be ques tioned. The execution of Maximilian was a proof of weakness, yet it must be admitted that there was cause for retaliation. It was a cruel ending to a oruel war. But with the late llmperor died all the hopes the powers of Europe may have had of establish ing their rule upon American soil; the Austrian fleet which will carry back to his own land the body of Maximilian will bear with it another corpse, and in the vaults of St. Stephen the vast ambition of Napoleon, side by side with its victim, will share the darkness of his sleep. Mexico, by the proof she has given of her strength, has secured long peace with her alien foes; her lead ers have but to unite in repressing domes tic faction to make their republio only second to our own: it is in their power to renew the ruinous Btruggles of the past, or to build en during peace in the future. The task is hard; the character of a nation is not changed by a war; but it must not be forgotten that this war has swept away many evils, and that, as we have rid ourselves of slavery, Mexico has annihilated the political power of the Church. Difficult as it is to understand the Mexioan situation, and impossible to discern the inten tions of the leading generals, it is clear, we think, that the war has united certain factions, and inspired the nation with a higher patriot ism. With the death of Maximilian the pas sion for revenge seems appeased. The trials at Queretaro have not ended in the execution of the prisoners; Escobar, Casanova, Salm Salm, and the rest have been sentenced to im prisonment. General Castillo, who had been condemned to death, has been pardoned. It is probable that the execution of the Impe rialists are ended. In this moderation we re joice, and it is equally encouraging to find that many of the reports of Mexican enmity to the United States had no better foundation than the invention of the foes of the republic. Escobedo has formally denied the calumny that he was in favor of the exclusion of foreigners from the country, and we take his letter as proof that no influential party in Mexico aims to prevent peaceful Immigra tion and friendly relations with other States. General Diaz, it is said, has united with Juarez in the effort to unite the country. It is true that there still are divisions of the Liberals, and the elements that threaten new troubles, but if Diaz honestly sustains Juarez, the party of Union must succeed in the end. Since that letter was written the telegraph has brought the tidings of the flight of Marquez. Thus one danger is averted. It is conceded that while the popularity of the other Liberal chieftains is limited to their own districts, that of Juarez ia universal. It is to him that Mexico must look for deliverance, and he has shown the qualities of a deliverer. Hut whatever may be the fate of his efforts, they must command our sympathy. The people of the United States are not concerned in the civil affairs of Mexico, or in the down fall or elevation of any of her leaders; but in the pacification of the country and the perma nence of the Republio they have an interest which will deepen with time, which no event can destroy. - Debt and Taxation Tl True ratif y. M om the N. Y. Tii,e. The letter of Senator Morton contrasts most favorably with recent outgivings, Republican and Democratic, on the subject of finance. Mr. Pendleton and General Butler have touched it only to disturb and alarm. Both have suggested methods of dealing with the national debt which directly affect the faith of the Government towards the public creditor. Mr. Pendleton's proposition is to substitute for debt as represented by bonds debt repre sented by currency; literally to flood the country with greenbacks, and ruin all inte rests by unlimited inflation. General Butler does not go quite bo far as that. Without raising the question of currency, he insists upon a rigid adherenoe to the letter of the bond, which, with certain exceptions, he reaas as payable in legal-tender paper, not gold. Radical and Democrat, Messrs. Butler and Pen dleton are thus working in the direction of practical repudiation; and we already see the mischievous result of their teaching in more than one Western journal. That, separately or together, they will produce any strong im pression, we do not believe. Wendell Phil lips says truly that any party which shall commit itself to repudiation in any form will be crushed out of existence by the American people. But evil ia nevertheless wrought by the bias which the discussion of the debt, apart from taxation, imparts to the popular conception of finance, and especially by the misapprehension to which these ideas give rise in Europe. . It is satisfactory, then, to turn from the em pirical plans of financial relief which Messrs, Pendleton and Butler have respectively pro mulgated, to the clear statement and whole some reasoning of Senator Morton. The former limit their nostrums to the debt, leaving un touched the matter of taxation, except as it is involved in the payment of interest on bonds. Mr. Morton, on the contrary, addresses him self to the question of taxation as the quest ioa of the day, placing that of debt in a secondary pobition. This is the proper relation of the two questions. The debt, large as it is, is not in excess of our resources, and ere it reach maturity will have dwindled almost into insig nificance, compared with the rapid growth of the country in population, productive indus try, and available wealth. But the present taxation is oppressive, exhaustive, almost un endurable. It represses production, cripples industry, embarrasses trade, and fosters dis content in a degree which no statesman can overlooK, . , The mere politician exhausts his financial capacity when he invents a plan for the re duction of the national debt. The debt is his bugbear, and he ia not scrupulous in the choice of means for reducing its amount. Mr. Pendleton's mode is that of infinite dilu tion, after the manner of homroopathy the bonded debt being lost Bight of in an ocean of worthless paper. And there are others, differing with Mr. Pendleton in all things, who would Jtep the taxation screw In constant operation simply with a view to the paying off of the debt. One would beggar the patient by filling his pockets with rags; the other Would tax the patient to death for the satisfaction of his creditors. Both - methods belong to the quackery of finance, 'Both anticipate danger where none exlbta, and overlook the danger that lies before us. ' " All the iBsnew of repudiation or anti-repudiation are averted by the opinion to which Mr. Morton gives expression. Mr. Wells presented a view substantially the aame in his last report to the Treasury, and it is one that must commend itself to the judgment of those who study the exigencies of the time rather than theory and speculation. So far as the debt is concerned, no necessity exists for immediate action, save in regard to inconsiderable amounts. -A long time will elapse before the absolute maturity of the great body of out standing obligations, and it is the part neillier of economy nor patriotism to anticipate their payment. In the interval between to-day and the dates when the various forms of bonded indebtedness will become due, we nay hope tlm the question of paying in paper or gold will be settled by the gradual return to a ppecie basis. To make that topic an element in political warfare, as General Butler pro motes, is, then, gratuitous folly. The difficulty he combats need never come, if we but suffer the whole subject to rest until the adjustment of it becomes an aotual duty. Just now, there is no excuse for any discussion whatever con cerning it. Only give up the notion of dis charging the debt before the creditors dream of presenting the bonds for payment: growth and prosperity will make the matter easy when that time arrives. Mr. Morton appears to oonsider the pending measure for funding the debt unnecessary aud impracticable. Its convenience to the holders of the bonds, and its tendency to strengthen their value abroad, are points which deserve i-areful consideration. Nor is it improbable that the holders would consent to a long-date bond, payable abroad, if necessary, with all the advantages in the market which would accrue from fixedness and inoreased facilities of negotiation. This, however, is a point which does not affect the general scope of Mr. Mor ton's argument. The immediate benefit resulting from this aspect of the national debt is the enlarged power acquired for revising, readjusting, and reducing the system of Federal taxation. One of the pleas upon which the present burdens are maintained is, that the Treasury should be enabled to acquire the means of steadily diminishing the debt. Discard this costly fallacy recognize the fact that a country emerging from a colossal struggle for its ex istence requires recuperation and from that moment Congress will be able to lighten the load of taxation to an extent that would infuse new life into every branch of industry and enterprise. Mr. Morton's conclusion is on the right side. "I would reduce the rate of taxa tion to the lowest point that would defray the expenses of the Government, economically administered, and pay the interest and matu ring obligations, and leave the principal of the bonded debt to be discharged in other and better times." The present system of taxation will not be tolerated much longer. The necessities which gave it birth excused its rudeness and even palliated its injustice. But the time is over when these can be urged in justification of a system whioh violates all sound principles of fiscal economy, and imposes burdens to which the strength of the country is unequal. Sim plification and. reduction cannot be safely post poned. The former vill no doubt be facilitated by the results of Mr. Wells' European inves tigations; and the latter may be carried to a most satisfactory extent if the view pressed by Mr. Morton with so much force be adopted. Ktftro Suffrage in Otalo The Bin In Q,uc lion wllh JUr. CbMt, aud the Probable Mesult. From the JV. Y. Herald. The political campaign in Ohio, in view of the coming October election, is becoming very lively and intensely interesting. From our observing correspondents in that field, and from the discussions of the party press on both sides throughout the State, it is abun dantly manifest that, while the Republicans are considerably frightened, the Democrats are highly elated with the prospect before them. Chief Justice Chase, we conclude, shares in the apprehensions of his followers; for it ap pears that he is en route to Ohio, and will re main there till after the election. And why not, when his interest in the result is greater than that of any other of our aspiring and scheming politicians 1 lie holds now the whip hand of his party for the Presidential succes sion; but if his own State, with its Republican majority of some forty-three thousand last year, is turned against him, he must be with drawn, as a horae too badly crippled to be entered for the Presidential sweepstakes. Naturally enough, therefore, Mr. Chase goes to Ohio to do his best to save himself in labor ing to save his party in this impending Octo ber election. Doubtless he has not only been thoughtfully calculating the bearings of the late California and Maine elections, but has had a call from his friends to come up to the rescue against the threatening hosts of the Philistines, the Moabites, the Amalekites, and the Egyptians a truly alarming coalition of hostile forces. The issue of the great Constitutional amend ment, upon which the Republicans last year swept the North as by a whirlwind, has been cast aside by Congress aud the party, and the new national issue has been substituted of universal negro suffrage, with all the danger ous consequenoes which must surely follow the experiment of negro supremacy iu the Rebel States. Various side issues have also sprung up, Including some financial proposi tions looking to the overthrow of Mr. Chase's slipshod, unjust, oppressive, and corrupting paper-money system, and embraoing, too, some hostile movements within the Republi can lines against those Puritanical liquor laws which interdict the dispensi i g of lager beer on Sunday. The Democrats of Ohio, upon this Sunday lager question alone, expect German reinforcements in this fight to the numler of thirty thousand, and from the vote of New York city in the last November election, involving the lager-beer interpola tion, we should not be Burprised at a similar manifestation in Ohio. But the main question upon which the political fortunes of Mr. Chase are now depend, fng is the question of negro suffrage, which is distinctly beforejthe people of Ohio in the shape of an amendment to the State Constitution. This may be set down, together with his paper money system, as hia whole political capital a capital etock or formidable strengtn. jjui powerful as ia the politioal machinery he may control through the agenoiea of his finanoial system, especially his national banks, Mr. Chase must succeed in Ohio upon this main issue of negro suffrage, or his Presidential pro gramme will fall to the ground. There are. we believe, only some eight or ten thousand negroes in the State who will be affected by this proposed extension of the suffrage to their race on a footing of equality; but the general principle involved, and the consequenoes to which it may lead in our political affairs, have awakened such a widespread and active oppo sition that the result fu Ohio may at least be considered extremely doubtful. ' ' It is generally conceded that if the Republi cans carry the State on their candidate for Governor, General liayes,, it will be by a preatly reduced majority; but the eleotion of liayes will not save the Chief Justice. On the Old Bye THE LARGEST AND BEbT . STOCK 01! FINE OLD 17 Y E W HI OKI E O IN TI1E LAND IS NOW POSSESSED UY II E N 11 Y S. il A N N I S & C O.. Kcs. 218 and 220 SOUTH FROKT STREET, HHOerm THeaAltETO THE TRADB IN LOT ON VrKr ADTAHTAWeor ' ' ' TRB91. rielr toek of Bye Wkliklti.tll BOND, eemnrltri ail the favorite kmia "druie through the various moathi of lhflS.'oe, and of ttale year, Cp l Liberal rontrart made for Iota to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Den.a. fc.rrltato Ll Vbtrf.or at Bonded M'trihoatii, aa parties an ay elect. CARPETINGS, OIL CLOTHS AND DKUGGET8. EEEVE Ii. KNIGHT & SON, 12tbBtu2m mo. 807 CUESNDT HTREET. separate proposition of negro equality in the matter of suffrage his fate as a Presidential candidate depends. The impression seems to prevail, however, that this proposition will be rejected by the people of Ohio, and by a de cided majority against it, like that in Connec ticut two years ago. If it shall so turn out in the model radical State of Ohio, and in spite of that heavy drawback to the Democracy, Vallandigham, then we may say that not only may Mr. Chase be considered as thrown out of the Presidential fight, but Congress will be fairly warned to choose between a return to the Constitutional amendment, which it has aban doned, and the alternative of an overwhelming defeat in 18(18 upon Mr. Chase's financial sys tem, and upon the equally untenable ground of universal negro suffrage and negro su premacy. YUllcox & Gibbs' Gold Medal Family Sewing Machines. Obvious reasons why Wllloox & Glbbs' Family Be wing Machines are becoming so uni versally popular. First. 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Willcox & Glbbs' invaluable Sewiug Ma chines are cheerfully recommended by all phy sicians. ' .' ; Sixthly. Because they are entirely noiseless, and are operated with perfect ease. "Ihey can safely be used In a sick room-, or by the cradle of a sleeping Infant." I The work is fed from the operator along the line of sight. " ! ' ' v t Salesrooms, Ho. 730 Chesnut Street. 1 Willcox &. Gibbs' Gold Medal Family Sewing Machines. , ; ; Willcox & Gibbs' improved Sewing Machines are rapidly becoming the general favorite. ; Seventhly. Because they are absolutely com plete, and will hem, fell, braid, bind, cord, tuok, gather, and embroider, all in the most perfeot and satisfactory manner. -.. (.. j The hems, fells, etc, are turned under, rather than over, thus bringing the stitching on the right side. . ,' '( '," '. '. 1 Salesrooms, No. 730 Chesnut Street. ! Willcox & Gibbs' Gold Medal Family ' 'Sewing Machines. " j Willcox &' Glbbs' rapid, noiseless Sewing Machines are destined to gain a pre-eniinenoa. Eighthly. Beoause thoy are easily managed; a novice requires no instruction, and but little practice, to become aa s&llful a an experi enced operator. V'V" ' , , , il No sorew-drlver or other tools ate used la oiHng or cleaning machines. . Salesrooms, Ho. 730 Chesnut Street. hidskU Willcox & Gibbs' Gold Medal Family Sewing Machines. Wllloox & Glbbs' most exoellent Sewing Machines are gaining popularity every day. Ninthly. Because they cannot be turned the wrong way, and may be started "with tue foot, while both hands are otherwise employed In holding or arranging: the work. This patent (noiseless) "break," or "stop," ia of incalculable value to beginners. Salesrooms, No. 730 Chesnut Street. Wilcox & Gibbs' Gold Medal Family Sewing Machines. Willcox fc Glbbs' noiseless Family Sewing Machines gain friends continually, but never lose them. Tenthly. Because they are self-regulating and always in working order. They never have "moods," and never vex or ruflle the tomper, even ol the most Irritable. " The hemmers, fellers, braiders, needles, etc, are all self-adjusting. , Salesrooms, No. 730 Chesnut Street. Willcox & Gibbs' Gold Medal Family Sewing Machines. Willcox & Gibbs' rapid, noiseless, easily man aged, durable, first-class Sewing Machines are in excellent favor everywhere. Eleventhly. Because they prove superior to the most sanguine expectations. The most exalted representation is never ex aggerated. Salesrooms, No. 730 Chesnut Street. Willcox & Gibbs' Gold Medal Family Sewing Machines. . . Agents for the sale of Wllloox & Glbbs' cele brated single-thread Sewing Machines are emi nently successful. Twelfthly. Because every machinesold serves as a "telling advertisement." : . : No dlssattsfuotion is ever expressed, but hearty recommendations. Salesrooms No. 730 Chesnut Street.' L O OK IN G - CLASSES OF TI BEST FBEKCII. PLATE, i'J arc ; - In Everv Stlye -of Frames, ON HAND OR MADE TO ORDER. ; NEW ART G ALLER Y, F. BO LAND & CO., -.!; .' I'.LH ". V. : " j . . .' 8 2im2p ; No. 014 AltOH Htreet. ST: AM ENGINE PACKING. The -modern and extremely popular packing, called MILLER' l-UKBICATIVE, oa &OAF-TOBfE rACUIXG, Bss already been adopted by over JO.OOo Locomotive tmdHHtleuury Kugluue, and is beyond quuxilou the ml(-Bt applied, tlm nioat durable, lUe cheapest, aud wettiH the machinery the leant of aoy steam euiilue pi.ckliiK ycl Introduced. It Is uot liable to buru or cut, doe not require oil, aud there Is do waste lu the uoe, as It In made oi all sizes to suit the boxes, from )i lo 2 Inches In diameter. - All persona Interested In the UBe ol the Steam engine are particularly requested to give this pBcklnga trial. liberal discount will be made to a eft. era. i j ; ',)- m. r.NtniKB, NO. 839 ASCII STHKET, PI II LA. A' ' Sole Agent for Pennsylvania and Delaware, emlncate bete w. , ' , . t ( .., " , Ot'jrlCK OF TBI BlTPKRlNTKN DBNTOF MOTIVB " lowjtAnlACJauY'. titiit 1Uii.wav, .' L i . ' , fVKW Youk, eept. !!9 lain F ' My PAm 8i:-In fepkyie your Inquiries In rela. as compared with .Lubricating Packing t ,m ...: will gay mi jieuip i-auKiuK, at an average costof33cenu nr pouud. costs us' a 3 10 wills per rulle run. while fiTi. Lubricating Packing coats, at an aversire cost or i.uumuut tum, nt an average cost of si 2 a cen " . - - -- - . ..... . . . i . uer iiiiih run i n propose I le louse K exclusively for all bleaia htuflW very iruiy yourx, - ix. u, JUUUUK.IS. Buit, M. P. & M. P. 8. The popular IIYURAULIt! IUCKIHV, .. . i.,..,.. ..;,,;., Adaptelto cold-water pump, and made similar to the Lubrli-aflve Packing, but ol dlllereut material, will be furn shed promptly any blze irom U i"i " I'faVV." b iouud a ""Plor "lclo for pumps. V ill ntUID St IZ) A IJJ M one IMPROVED BASE liURNINa FIRE-PLACE HE A.TEIZ, ' ' WITH v MagazUke and . UlumlatlT 'Ilia mi..t I ILurrul .nil l.M.l H enter Id lis". To be had Wholle and lielull ot 4. M. LHHi tlOi2p No. loos JUAltKH bireel. Puda. IS-
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers