THE DAIL1 EVENING tELEGKAriT PHILADELPHIA, MS EDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 18G7. SPIRIT OF THE rRESS. EDITORIAL orUHONS Of IU LEADUIO J0UBNAL8 DAT FOB TUB KVBNINO TKLBOBAPH. cctitlv RaannaM-UcpubUcaia Mod- MiiDm from the N. r. Timet. ( Mr. Jolinsou were really intent upon exe cuting tbe plans wbich are attributed to him by writers known to occupy an Intimate rela tion the country mignt coupler itself on the ey9 Of revolution. It is bad enough that we are threatened with the delay of boutl.ern irnn tin r? vi t But. these are sma . : the bold strokes ior p"" " ". . .7 Johnson's scribes are trying to familiarize the innntrr Nothing less than a grand coup d'itat nX&of Ts the finale of his conflict with CWress. The setting aside of divers laws on the alleged ground of unconstitutionality, aud the scattering of Congress at the point of the bayonet, are features of the entertainment which Mr. Johnson is Baid to have in contem plation for the inauguration of his winter campaign. . 01 course no man in the possession of his senses believes that the President, with all his rashness, seriously entertains the purposes whuh his newspaper friends persist in im puting to him. No man not a tool supposes that the conflict, bitter as It is, will be carried by the President to a point that would neces sitate his destruction. Anything like belief in euch a programme would react upon commer cial nnniidence in a manner not to be mis understood. For although a certain degree of nervousness exists, as the condition of the cold market proves, it proceeds rather from I general conception of the mischief which the President Is perpetrating, than from any faith in the reports touching his revolutionary intentions. The reliance upon the strength of Congress and the sagacity of the people is more potent than the apprehension of Mr. Johnson's evil purposes; and hence the ab Bence of all positive alarm. At the same time It must be admitted that for this prevailing 8enseof safety the country is in nowise in debted to Mr. Johnson. The cool judgment and inflexible determination of the people have enabled them to endure, as for a brief season, annoyances and measures which at any other period would have produced formi dable trouble. Upon the Republican party the effect ha3 been almost everywhere wholesome. Some violence of language here and there appears in newspapers and in speeches, but in the main a siugular moderation of temper has been observable. Thia has arisen from no in difference to Mr. Johnson's aots or their pos sible results. In regard to both there is an abundance of plain speech, and the verdict which has been rendered is not to be mis taken. But the ' absence of all misgiving as to the final issue the assuranoe that not withstanding all Mr. Johnson may do, the time and conditions of reconstruction will continue under the control of Congress are facts which have kept down undue excitement, and have enabled the calm judgment of the party to assert its supremacy. Under the influence of judioious counsel, the paaty is rallying on im pregnable ground. It refuses to entertain propositions that might endanger unity. It evinces a marked unwillingness to en cumber itself with new controversies until the vital question of national restoration be abso lutely settled. For the moment occasions of difference have disappeared. Extremists hold their opinions in abeyance. The necessity of avoiding every causeof weakness or division, iu order that Congress may be sustained and its plans perfected, despite the opposition and bad faith of Mr. Johnson, is universally ad mitted. The consequence is that- the party recognizes the wisdom of the counsel that would exclude local questions, and minor ques tions of every sort, pending the completion of reconstruction. Till that be finished, and finished according to the letter and spirit of the law, the party is disposed to look with little favor upon whatever is calculated to pro duce division in its ranks. So much service, at any rate, Mr. Johnson has unintentionally rendered to the Republicans. To this 'fixed purpose to discard all issues save that between the enemies and the friends of reconstruction, must be ascribed the slight attention which the recent Border btate Con vention has received at the hands of Republi can Journalists. With the general objeot of the Convention the establishment of impar tial suffrage in all the States the whole party sympathizes. But there is a commendable unwillingness to encumber the party with the responsibility "of propositions looking to the interference of the national Government in the State matter of suffrage. At the proper season, an amendment to the Federal Consti tution may make sure the national fact of Eolitioal equality, regardless of raoe or color, leanwhile, however, the great work of Con gress is with the excluded Status, over which jts authority is complete. The party cannot afford to endanger, that even to oblige the mem bers of the Border State Convention. In regard to impeachment, moreover, Re publican moderation is very plainly shown. ; That the President's course has added im mensely to the feeling in favor of that mea sure is indisputable. But with this increased readiness to sustain Congress even to the ex tent of impeachment, lias come a more cor rect appreciation of the grave responsibility involved in the proceeding, and of the im propriety of urging or conducting it in a spirit of angry partisanship. Mr. Bout well's address to the members of the Massachusetts Convention, the other day, failed to induce . the incorporation of the impeachment project into its platform. It is positive, indeed, in its pledge to uphold Congress in every measure which events may render neces sary for the peace and safety of the Union, but impeachment itself finds no place in the resolutions. The appeal of Mr. R. II. Dana doubtless contributed not a little to thia result. Witheut uttering a syllable against the measure without saying a word to pal liate the offenses, of Mr. Johnson he insisted that on so grave a subject popular fooling should permit the House of Representatives , to take the initiative with exclusive reference to national requirements, and with none to passion or partisan expediency. The Massa- setts delegates adopted this view of the case, and the party in other States cannot too closely follow their example. It is for Con gress to determine its own course when it resumes business. In the interim, we have need of all the prudence the party can com mand, to insure to Congress the moral as well as the material and political support of the Male it represents. inwuljr Rud Pardon. : Yowl the K. Y. Tribune. Much interest has been felt in the country upon the question of the powers of the Presi dent to issue his late proclamation to restore the higher classes of Rebels to their rights, as well as what may be the legal effect of this action. The right of the President to do what he has done depends upon the question: first, whether his proclamation U au act of amnesty and pardon in pursuance of legislative authority, or whether it is a pardon simply as an executive act; and secondly, whether, uuder the well-known rnles of law, he can pardon, even in the form in which lie has chosen to attempt to do. If his proclamation is au act of amnesty, then it would seem to be clear that, as the Executive, ho ha no power to issue it. The Constitution empowers him only, "to grant reprieves and pardons for ' offeiiFes against the United States" not ; amnesty. Now, what is a pardon? Chief Justice Marshall, delivering the opinion of the Supreme Com t in the case of the United State3 vs. Wilson (7 Peters), defines a pardon as "An act of (trace, pvoooeilliin from the power , intruHlcU wlih Hie execution of the lawn, I which exempts the Individual on whom It in bestowed from the punishment the law luflints : lor a crime he has commited. IMs the private, ' though olIlclAl, act of the Kxeoutlve Magistrate, ! delivered to the Individual for whose b'-neflt It ! is intended, And not communicated olllolally j to the Court." "A pardon Is a deed, to the validity of which I delivery Is essential, and delivery Is not com- ; plete without acceptance. It may then bo re jected by the person to whom it is teudered; i and If it be rejected, we have discovered uo power in a Court to force It upon him." I It will be seen, therefore, that the Presi- ! dent's proclamation has none of the elements ! of a pardon as distinguished from an amnesty, i It is not a deed to the individual exempting j him from punishment. It is not a "private though official act of the Executive Magistrate ' delivered to the individual for whose benefit it I is intended," but a publio proclamation, as in ; terms it exempts whole classes in the commu nity, and, if of any avail, obliterates their j offenses. It does not leave to the individual the option to accept or reject its benefits, as he would have a right to do if it were a pardon. Indeed, it professes on its face to be an exten sion of the Acts of amnesty and pardon issued by Presidents Lincoln and Johnson, on Decem ber 8, 1863, March 26, 18G4, and May 29, 1865, in these words: "I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United Stales, Uo hereby pioclaini and declare that the full pardon described in the said proclamation of the 20th day of May, Anno Domini 1S5, snail henceforth be opened and exlen-icd to all rersons who directly or Indirectly participated u the late Rebellion, with the restoration of nil privileges, immunities, and ilghtsof proper'y, except as to properly wit h r.sard to slaves, and except In cases of legal proceedings tinder the laws of the United States."' It is, in fact, a proclamation of grace and amnesty. What, then, is an amnesty ? Bou vier, in his "Law Dictionary," defines am nesty to be "An act of oblivion of past offenses, granted by the Uovernvueut to those who have been guilty of any neglect or crime, usually upon condition that they return to their duty within a certain period." "Amnesty and par don are very different." "Am nesty is the abolition and forgetfulness of the offense; pardon is forgiveness. A pardon is given to one who is certainly guilty, or has been convioted; amnesty to those who may have been so." "Pardon is always given to individuals, and properly only after judgment or conviction; amnesty may be granted either before judgment or afterwards, and it is in general given to whole classes of criminals or supposed criminals, for the purpose of restoring tranquillity in the State. But sometimes amnesties are limited, and certain classes are excluded from their operation." 1 It will be observed that amnesty proceeds from the sovereign power, and not from the Executive "power only, save, perhaps, in time of war, when, for the purpose of suppressing a rebellion or civil commotion, sovereign power for this purpose is vested in the Execu tive. Amnesty is an act of Government which in fact repeals the law whtoh defines the crime. Pardon is the act of the Execu tive which remits the punishment. Pardon operates on the individual by deed ; amnesty upon the community by law. All previous proclamations of pardon and amnesty by President Lincoln or Johnson were authorized by and in pursuance of an act of Congress, which act has been repealed at the late session for the very purpose of prohibiting Johnson from doing this very thing. Chief Justice Marshall again; says : "As this power of pardon had been exercised from time immemorial by the executive of that nation whose language is our language, and to whose judicial institutions ours bear a close resemblance, we adopt their principles respecing the operation and effect of a pardon." jnow. acts oi amnesty nave ueen as immemo rial in England as grants of pardon, and it will be found that, save when proclamations of amnesty and pardon in time of civil com motion have been issued by the King for the purpose of inducing rebels to return to their allegiance, as an exercise of the war-making power, all the English rebellions have been healed by acts of grace and oblivion coming from Parliament, sometimes, though erro neously, called "pardons by act of Parliament." Of these, being parts of the public law, Courts must take judicial notice. Marshall gives the reason for this as follows: "The reason why a Court must, ex-ollicio, take notice of a pardon by act of Parliament, is that it is con sidered as a public law, having the same effect on the case as if the general law punishing the oiiense naa been repealed or annulled." In earlier times the Kings of England, bor rowing the practice from the Pope, undertook to issue dispensations, both to individuals and to communities, for the commission of crimes and suspension of the execution of the laws; but the last of such dispensations was issued by James II, and coBt him his throne; and in the first year of William and Mary, Parliament enacted that no such dispensation or general pardon by the King should thereafter be granted. And the first subsequent attempt has been made in this constitutional Govern ment by President Johnson. As illustrating the difference between pardon and amnesty, it will be observed that the Con stitution empowers the President "to grant reprieves and pardons." The one power is as broad as the other. A reprieve is a stay of execution of the punishment of an offense for a limited time. A pardon i3 a remission of the punishment for au unlimited time. Would not the country receive, whh a universal smile of derision, a proclamation to reprieve all the Southern Rebels for sixty days t Yet his con stitutional power is as broad in the case of reprieve as pardon. Pr.,,dentU1 I"trKue at Washington Air. Chase Maturing the Situation. From the N. Y. Herald. With the appointment by President Lincoln, in 18C1, of Mr. Chase to the Treasury Depart ment, he began to engineer and zealously set himself to work for the Presidential suooes slon. To this end the enormous political power placed in his hands of furnishing the funds necessary to carry on a gigantic war, w,eir?,??,Bkl.lfully managed that in the spring of 1804 he boldly claimed the right to the suc cession against Lincoln himself. . His calcula tions in this view proved to be singularly defective; but he had done too much and had advanced too far to abandon Lis grand design. Tbere has, consequently, been no abatement in his efforts to remove all impediments and to secure vety instrument calculated to make him master ot the situation in 1808. Mr. Chase's financial system, including his one-dollar greenbacks, was skilfully contrived as the nucleus of a powerful Chase party. But in the vast disbursements of the War Office, and in the populaiity acquired aud likely to be acquired by our army heroes, there was something to be looked alter. Mr. Cameron, as the War Secretary, was not, in this view, the man adapted to Mr. Chase's purposes. Hence the removal of Cameron and ihe appointment of Stanton iu his place. Stanton, whatever may have been his own ambition, from the start became a zealous coworker with and confidant of the aspiring head of the Treasury. Between them the removal of General McClellan, when his popu larity threatened to bn dangerous, was con trived aud finally accomplished; though in a very bungling and blundering way. Having thus succeeded in shelving McClellan, Stan ton, in the interest of Chase, undertook the same game with Sherman, and would have displaced him but for the kindly intervention of General Grant. Politically, however, Sher man was damaged almost beyond recovery; and if now we find General Grant in a position from which he cannot turn to the right hand or the left, nor yet move straight forward, nor stand still without danger, the credit, such as it is, belongs to Mr. Chase aud his faithful colaborer, Stanton. But the entanglement of Grant in the recon struction meshes of the War Department has involved the shelving of even the faithful Stanton, and here doubtless Mr. Chase has made good use of the confiding Mr. Johnson, and likewise in the removal of Sheridan and Sickles the only men among the Southern military commanders whose abilities, public services, and popularity were to be feared in looking over the complications of the Presi dential ohess-board. It will be thu3 perceived that Mr. Chase may be said to have cleared the track very adroitly of some very serious obstructions, in disposing for the time being of Cameron, McClellan, Grant, Stanton, Sheri dan, and Sickles. Nor do his successes in mastering the radi cal situation stop here. In the very outset, his management aud displacement of Mr. Seward as a rival aspirant was a masterly achieve ment, though he did not succeed in the at tempted removal of Seward from Lincoln's Cabinet. I or mu3t it be forgotten that upon the heels of Lee's surrender Mr. Chase, in a Southern missionary tour, secured a preemp tive claim to negro suffrage. Backed up by this power in the South, and supported by Mr. Johnson passively, and by Secretary McCulloch actively, in his financial system, Mr. Chase may surely be pronounced master of the radical situation at Washington as mat te) s now stand. His most dangerous rivals, in their popularity and in their claims upon the public gratitude, have been set aside or neutralized by knocking their heads together. The negro vote of the South, in the next place, is a great radical card, and this belongs to Chase by right of preemption. But all these advantages gained are only secondary to the stupendous political power pledged to Mr. Chase in the financial system which he put in motion, and which the administration is pur suing as zealously as if also pledged to its de signer for the succession. From the historical events recited, all neatly dovetailing together, aud all consistently work ing to the benefit of Mr. Chase, we may safely conclude that he has'the Republican Conven tion of 1868 fairly within his grasp, and that his defeat therein can be aohieved only by a chain of events in the interval to next spring wholly unlooktd for by Mr. Chase and his radical assistant managers. As for President Johnson's impeachment, the report and the testimony, we dare say, whatever may be Mr. Chase's obligations to Mr. Johnson, will be used in the interest of the Chief Justice as a good campaign document. Such is the grati tude of scheming politicians. The Main Question. jFVcwi the N. Y. Tribune. "Shall four millions of our countrymen be henceforth serfs, and outcasts in the land of their birth, with their descendants through all generations ?" Such is the great question remaining to be solved by the judgment and votes of the American people. These four millions are not even accused of having forfeited the common rights of human nature by any crime. The gravest accusation lodged against them is that of ignorance; and this by the oracles of a faction which has systematically es eluded them from common schools and made teaching them in any way a felony. No people ever welcomed instruction more eagerly or profited by it more signally than do the blacks of this country; there are more of them learning to read to-day than of the poor whites of the States wherein they mostly live; and their general anxiety to learn renders their speedy enlightenment a moral certainty. No white man is denied political rights in the South because he is ignorant; the blacks are proscribed only because they are black. The blacks are a full eighth of the American people. They have been a fifth; they will soon fall to a tenth, and so to a smaller and smaller proportion, only because of our immeuse, per sistent immigration, which is wholly white. They have done their full proportion of the work of clearing off the timber, fencing, aud otherwise preparing the soil for civilized use, yet they own scarcely au acre or a habitation. But this is their country as well as ours: here they were born, and here they will live and die. It is idle to talk of expelling or extermina ting them. Europe tried this with the Jews through a thousand years of systematic spoli ation, scourging, torture, and massacre; yet here are the Jews to-day. They were hated, scorned, cursed, reviled, execrated, worse than the blacks have ever been; pious Christians have felt it their religious duty to avenge on them the Saviour's execution; children spit on them in the market and stoned them in the street; nobles and priests conspired with popes and emperors to destroy the detested race; tke Inquisition racked and burned them; the rabble hunted and robbed them: yet they outlived all, holding their ground throughout Christendom. The negro has like vitality, and win enaure as tney did. The blacks will live and will remain in this their native laud. Fr nf their nower. in view of their fewness and their poverty, would be despicable, even if it were not the basest hypocrisy. Having been dragged hither by iorce ana violence; having been longer iu America, in the average, than the whites have: havinir dorm their Blinm to make this land habitable bv and bosnitable to civilized men: havinor fan oh t rallntlv to uphold a Government avnwedlw l Maori nn the inalienable rights of man, they mean to stay here and share the MitfiKirurn their lmva worked and fought to achieve. He who, having desired the triumph of the Union in our late struggle, would now exile them to Africa or elsewuere, is at once a villain and a fool. It is a happy circumstance that the white Republicans cannot afford to betray the blacks or deny them the jlpbts of ruauhood. We do not believe those ol Maryland or of Kentucky really meant to do so. The only said to each other, "There is a strong prejudice against negro suffrage, which we cannot afford to brave just yet; let ns rest on emancipation for the present, and advance to enfranchisement by-and-by, when it will be easy and safe to do so." Pope's expression "binding Nature fast in Fate" hits their case very closelv. i'hey considered only when they could afford to be just to the negro; not suspecting that such justice was as necessary to themselves as to mm. neu tney woke to the actual con dition, they were fetteied aud completely in the power of their adversaries. They waited for a more favorable time to enfranchise the blacks; the Democrats did not delay for an hour the enfranchisement of the Rebels; and now their States are ruled as with a rod of iron by the paroled soldiers of Lee's, Bragg's, and Jo. Johnston's armies. Tennessee was warned in time by their fate; Missouri is pre paring to follow her example; West Virgiuia seems inclined to hold off; and, if so, will Boon be where Maryland and Kentucky now are. A party which dare not be true to itself has no right to endure. Two years ago, one-quarter of the Republi cans of Connecticut fancied that they could afford to deny the right of suffrage to the two thousand colored men who reside in their Sfate. Last spring the State ticket aud two members of Congress were beaten for want of those two thousand votes. This was a right eous retribution, bo far as the Republicans who voted against manhood suffrage were con cerned. And like results may be confidently expected in every State which evinces a like spirit. "But a good many Republicans are hostile to negro suffrage." Certainly. There were a good many Repub licans hostile to emancipation. They con detuned the publio requirement of it at Presi dent Lincoln's hands as untimely, unwise, perilous. Again, when the blacks were sum moned to bear a manly part in the war for the Union, they croaked that Kentuoky would secede, all the Border States would follow her, and the nation would be no more. Their pro phecies were defied, and thus the republio was saved. The party which saved the Union by daring to be just and faithful may lose a few State elections by persistent fidelity to the vital, vivifying principle of equal rights for all men It may even fail to elect the next President. But while any course has its perils, and the results of great political struggles are seldom obvious from the outset, we shall any how verify the Irishman's axiom that "Ihe best way to avoid danger is to meet it half way.' If we triumph on our most advanced line, our victory i3 conclusive; if we fail there, we shall soon recover; but if we seek to ignore man hood suffrage and are still beaten, we shall probably go to pieces. Whether an act of Congress could operate to establish manhood suffrage throughout the whole country, we will consider in its order; but, whether in one way or another, the right of each citizen to a voice in making and modi fying the laws under which he lives, must be affirmed in our platform and maintained in our canvass. In a struggle for that principle, we should have at our command the whole armory of Democracy as it is understood by publicists and defined by lexicographers; we should have tne Hopes ana prayers ot the lour millions whose rights were at stake; we should have the active sympathy of the Republicans of Europe, the approval of our own consciences. and the respect of our adversaries. Better even defeat on such a platform than success won by paltering and trimming. But as emancipation and arming the blacks, though each was at first an offense to weak brethren, led to victory and safety, so manhood suffrage, heartily accepted, frankly a-rowvd, and fear lessly delended, will bear us on to a grand, enduring, beneficent triumph, not for our party alone, but for all humanity. The National Banks and National Cur rency. From the N. Y. World. There is profound and wide-spread dissatis faction with our present financial and mone tary system. It is Inevitable that great and cardinal changes in it will be carried, in some shape or other. It behooves as well those who profit by the system a3 those who suffer by it to examine the ground on which they stand. We shall resolutely oppose any violation of the faith pledged to the publio creditors; but every amelioration f the oppressive system consistent with the national honor will have our hearty support. One of the first and least questionable changes to be sought, is the up rooting ot the swindling, and rotting it not already rotten, national bank system. We trust there will be no war on bauk oapital or legitimate banking business. But every bank must stand on its own bottom; on the unbiased estimate formed by the community of its solidity and integrity. The prestige which weak and mismanaged banks derive from their connection with the Government must not much longer delude people into risks and losses like those incurred by the creditors of exploded and exploding institutions. We raise the old Democratic cry of a divorce of the Uovt-rnment from the banks. When the ill- omened nuptials were proposed, we forbade the bans, and we shall do our best to secure a dissolution of the tie. We desire a return to the specie basis; but we do not expect to see it until Mr. Chase's brood of monsters is exterminated. The sys tem was not devised to furnish the country with a sound currency, but to create a new market for the Government securities. In this view, it was perhaps of some utility as a means of propping the publio credit auuu. the shocks and concussions of a great war. But it was so wrong in principle and fraught with danger, that we opposed it, as we did the arbitrary and dangerous measuies which origi nated in the State and War Departments, which also claimed justification by temporary exigencies. However much opinions may differ respecting the merits of the banking system, nobody will dispute that it had its origin solely in the desire of the Treasury De partment to create an additional market for the Government debentures. We concede its adaptation to that purpose; but it is certain it would never have been thought of as a means of supplying the country with a sound cur rency. This was a mere pretext. At the very best these institutions were a temporary soaf folding to the publio credit, aud now that the building can stand firmly without them, why Should they encumber and disfigure it? As between national bank notes and green backs, the greenbacks are altogether prefer able. If I hold a note even of the very sound est of the national banks, its value consist! in the fact that I can go to the bank and ex change it for a greenback. I can pay no debt with it unless my creditor chooses to take it; l.nt if I tender him a greenback. I am pro- ter.ted from all further legal consequences of the debt. Greenbacks are therefore a better sin KvaiinV tnr the Tieonle than anv other kind of irredeemable paper. The substitution of OldMye WIiisMcs. 1 HE LAHGEST AND BEST STOCK OP! . FINE OLD RYE 7 H I 8 K 1 E O IN THE LAND IS NOW POSSESSED BY HENKY S. IIANNIS & CO,, Nob, 218 and 220 SOUTH FRONT STREET, WHO OFFER THE NAME TO THE IBADE IS LOTS ON VEBI ADVANTASEOV TERMS. Their Stock of Iljre Whisk lea, IN BOND, lomprliti all the favorite braada extent, and runs through the varloua months of 169, '06, and of thia year, ud tm itttut date. Liberal contrarta made for lot to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depnti JLrriceeon Line Vtfaarf.or at iionded Warehoneee, aa partlee majrelect. national bank notes for them must be justified, i " " " iuii oiuer grounds man publio convenience. We hone that Comrross. nt it next session, will forbid any further issues of them, and fix a reasonable but limited time for their withdrawal, and the substitution of as large an amount of additional green l acks as may be required by the business of the country. There is no reason why the Govern -netft Bhould not have the profit of our irredeemable circulation instead of the banks. What title have the banks to the eighteen or twenty mil lions a year which are thus taken out of the pockets of the people ? The Government ah turdly gives to these banks the u,e of an amount of funds equal to their whole circula tion. By substituting greenbacks, it would relieve the people from the burden of precisely that amount of debt. We prefer the ereeu- backs, indeed, only as a choice of evils, and because we are not likely for some time to return to specie payments. I'robably we shall never return to them so long as the national banks are permitted to issue currency. The banks and the business community hold to each other reciprocally the relation of debtor and creditor, the community owing the banks in the aggregate more than the banks owe the community. In such a state of things, a return to specie payments cannot be forced witnout ruinous consequences. The same kind of money must necessarily be a legal tender to the banks and by them. The banks can pay their debts only by collecting from their debtors, and it they are compelled to pay in specie they will collect their daes in specie to get the means. As the community owe the banks more than the banks owe the com munity, this liability would bring on univer sal alarm and distress, and precipitate the country into a commercial convulsion from which it would take years to recover. Specie payments cannot come by any forcing process, or by any sudden, dislocating jerk; but only by gradual steps directed by wise foresight. The national banks, as now organized, are a hindrance and impediment, instead of a help. Let the Government issue the whole ourrency, and it will have complete control of it. The banks cannot then put their screws upon the people and thwart the Government, when it chooses to reintroduce payments in coin. With the bank issues out of the way, the Government can gradually assimilate the value of greenbacks to gold, and by its great facilities for obtaining the latter it can safely lead the way and set the example of specie payments without any ot the jolts, shocks, or distress which a great affiliation of obstructive banks might easily occasion. MILLINERY, TRIMMINGS, ETC. MB 8. M. A. BINDER, No. 1031 CHKiSNUT STREET, WILL OfEN THUS DAY, ' Trimmed Paper Patterns, ol entirely new design, for Ladles' and Children's Dresses; also, -- Importer of Ladles' Dress and Clonk TrlmmlnM. la every var ety and style ol Friuges, new Satin Trim mings, Taosels, Gimps, Brnlds.Kilibons, Velvet, (im pure and Cluny Laces. Crape Trimmings, French Corsets, and Fancy Jet Collars and Bella. Dress aud CiraK matting in an us departments. Wedding and Travelling Outfits made to order In the most elegant manner, aud at such rates aa cannot fall to please. Hulls of Mourning at shortest notice; sets of Pat terns lor Merchants and Dressmakers now ready. tbtitrns sent by mall er express to all parts of the Union. 9 2 lm ggS MRS. R. DILLON, SOS. 823 AND 321 SOUTH STREET Has all the novelties In FALL MILLINEKY, for Ladies, Mitses, and Children. Also, Crapes, Silks, filbbons, Velvets, Flowers, Feathers, Frames, etc. Milliners supplied. 8 103 O U R N I HC MILLINERY. ALWAYS ON HAND A LABOE ASSORTMENT Off MOTJXX1NIIVO BONNKT8, AT NO. 04 WALNUT STREET. 827m MAD'LLE KEOCH. FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS.&O. p( HOFFMANN, JR.. MO. 825 ARUM STREET, FURNISHING GOODS, (L- itG. A. HolTman, formerly W, W. Knlgtit,) FINE SHIRTS AND WRAPPERS, IIOSIEHT AND CI LOVES SILK, LAMBS' WOOL AND MERINO 8 8(mwem DNDERULOTIIINO, JJ. W. SCOTT CO., SHIRT MANUFACTURERS, ADD DKALUKS IN MEN'S EURNISMINtt UOODS NO. 814 UUESNUT STREET. FOUR DOOllH BLOW 1HK "CONTINENTAL,1 & 27Jrp PHILADELPHIA. PATENT SHOULDER. SEAM SHIRT MANUFACTORY, ANDOENTLEMEN'SFURNISUINOSTORll PERFECT FITTING BH1RTS AND DRAWKKH mtide Iroiu measurc-meut at very short notice. All other articles ol hknT.h:m VN'H DRESS OCHJi-b lii lull varlrly. WINCHESTER Ot CO., ni No. 7U CHKSNPT Street GAS FIXTURES. C ALL AND BUY YODH GAS F1XTUBES lium the uiauutucturers, VANK1KK B MAKSIIAIjIj, No. 912 AKC11 blreot. VANK1KK & MARSHALL, No. 912 ATIGI1 btrefcl, manulacliire and keep all styles or (1 Fixtures and Chandeliers; alno rellul-th old fixture. VANKIKK & MABSHALL' HAVE. A COM plete stock of Chandeliers, Brackets, Portable glands, and Bronees. at No. H12 AHUH Street. VANKIRK & MARSHALL, No. 812 ARCH btreet. give eteolal attention to fitting up Churches. Public Halls, aud Dwellings. PlfK HUN AT THK I.OW1.XT BATKH. GOLD, GILT, AND ELKCTUO SILVER, plalid Uas Fixlures, at VANKIRK dt MAR. SHALL H. No. 912 A HI H Street. All work guaranteed to give Batlstar-tlm. None but Jlml-class workmen eiuployeo, lulzw uiwlm GROCERIES, ETC. FRESH FRUITS, 1807. rEACHEN, PEARS. PINEAPPLES, PLUMS, APRICOTS, CHERRIES, BLACKBERRIES, QUINCES. ETC PRESERVED AND FRESH, IN CANS AND Put UD for our Dartlcular truia mil v. v.- .. dozea, or In smaller quantities, by MITCHELL & FLETCHER, 910 3m NO. 1804 CHESNUT STREET. 3 U P E R I O R VINEGARS UENUINE FRENCH WHITE WINH AND PURE OLD CIDER VINEOARS, FOR BALK BY JAMES R. WEBB, M Corner WALNUT and JKIQHTH Hta. T11ITE PRESERVING BRANDY, PURE CIDER AND WINK VINEGAR, . GREEN GINGER. MUSTARD SEED, SPICES, ETU All the requisites for Preserving and Pickling pac poses. ALLERT C. ROBERTS, . Dealer In Flue Groceries; " tirv Cornpr FLKVF.NTH and VINE 8t. LOOKING - CLASSES of raa BEST FRENCH PLjfrE, In Everv .St vie of Frames, ON HAND OR MADE TO ORDER. ' NEW ART GALLERY, F. D OLA H D & CO., 8 2 1m2p No,614ARCHBtreet. UUUkl) RJr E. M. NEEDLES & CO., Eleventh and Cbcenut Street. HOUSE-FURNISHING DRY GOODS, Bought at the Recent Depressed Prices. -rLh'ii'y.f'.H"10 h,eU.nK' and Tab,e Linens. Table Cloths and Napkins, to match. Wine Cloths. Doylies Towels and Towelling. Marseilles Quilts and Toilet Covers. Blankets. H nnAVmmh T.nnnae.A. A 1 1 .1 t . and other bpreads. ' DOMESTIC MUSLINS AND SHEETINGS, In all qualities and widths, at the lowest rates. MOK OHVHTO BALTIM ORE IMPROVED BASE BURNING FIRE-PLACE HEATED, WITH Magazine and Illuminating Uoori, Tlie most Cheerful and Perfect Heater In TTs. To be had Wholesale aud Retail ot f. N. CLAKK, 6 lruL'p No. loos MARKET btreet, I'll II a. QEORCE PLOWMAN, OAIiPBNTERAND BUILDEH REMOVED To No. 134 DOCK Street, 111 PHILADELPHIA. JOHN CRUMP, " CAKPKNTKH AND BUILDER. SHOPHl NO. MS LOIKJE STREET, AHO WO, lIMi CMEMBi W HTREET, PHILADELPHIA. GARDNER & FLEMING, COACH MAKERS, SO, 81 KOUTII JMVTH MTREET. ' New and Second-hand Carriages for sale. Par tlcnlar attention paid to repairing. 8 80 8 WI L L I A 51 8. GRANT, COWMIHSION MERCHANT, NO 83 S. DJH.LAWAHK Aveuue, Philadelphia. AUKNT FOH Dupont's Gunpowder, Refined Nitre, Charcoal, Etc W , linker & Co.'s C'hoTOlale, J woa, and Brouia. Crocker Bros. & Co.'s Yellow Metul bheatltlng. Rolls, aud Nulls 1 2 I COTTON AND FLAX. BAIL DUCK AND CANVAH. Of all muuhurs and brauds. Tent, Awrmg, Trunk, end Wukou t'ovnr Duck. AIho, Paper Manufacturers' Drier Fell, from one to sevtral itt wide: Paultns, KHtlncr. KhII Twiiie, etc Anv v ' i'ifilV A CO.. Set jKo. 1US JUMl Al.eA
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers