THE DAIL1 EVENING TELEGKATO rillLADELPHIA, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 14, 18G7. 2 SPIRIT OF TJ1E PRESS. EDITORIAL OFWIOWK OF THH LEADING JOCBRAIA VTO CUSKBST TOPICS COMPILED KTBBT PAT WB THE EVENING TELKGBAPH. The MJrlF nd h Constitution. FromthtN. Y. nation. A correspondent, whose letter we jmnt else where, expresses in few words what Is the difficulty of thousands of hoDest minds with regard to this dispute between Mr. Johnson and Congress of men, too, who do not ap prove of Mr. Johnson's course, hut who, nevertheless, cannot persuade themselves that he and the Supreme Court have not each as good right to interpret the Constitution that Is, define the limits of their own powers as Congress has. It is, however, quite plain to the commonest Intelligence that whatever a written constitution can do, there is one thing it cannot, and that is, prevent these coordi nate branches of a government frotu coming into collision when each attempts to define its own powers. That these collisions have not occurred oftener, or rather have not proved of much moment hitherto, either here or in Eng land, is due simply to the faot that in ordinary times the subjects on which coordinate de partments differ, and the ends they have in view, are not of sufficient importance to tempt any one department into going to ex tremes. One is almost sure to give up before negotiation is exhausted. Therefore the ar rangements made by a written constitution for preserving the balance of power may ordi narily work well. In this country they have worked well. Until the Dred Scott decision, although the powers claimed for the Supreme Court under the Constitution had excited Jealousy and grumbling, there was no delibe rate and avowed intention not to be bound by Its decisions. But the Dred' Scott decision touohed a point which the majority felt to be Vital, and at once the authority of the Court as an Interpreter was repudiated by the ma jority. So, also, the issues raiaed in this re construction process are folt by the majority to be vital, that is, to go to the very foundations of the national existence, and, therefore, the slightest attempt of the Court to control the action of Congress would certainly be repu diated, and the Court knows it and wisely ab stains from meddling. If the Supreme Court had the power of in terpreting the Constitution under all circum stances and in all cases, the judges would govern the country as a small oligarchy, and reform would be hopeless inside half a cen tnrr. You mav assert that they have this power as much as you please, and the majority in quiet times may aot as if they had it; but the minute troublous times eome, and the ma jority is satisfied that if it obey the judges the ends for which the judges exist will be de feated, It will not obey them. To argue that this ought not to be so, is idle; you might as Well argue that human nature ought to be . changed. Perhaps it ought, but governments are made for men as they are and not as they ought to be, and the wit of man is not equal to the task of devising a written constitution which Shall be obeyed under all circumstances. No thing would secure this result but some occult power that would cause anybody who violated ft instantly to drop down dead. In two thirds of what is written on the sanotity of the "fundamental law," inoluding the long dis quisitions of Mr. Q. T. Curtis in the World, there is a false bottom to the thinking. The reasoning is based on the assumption that the Constitution is the ultimate faot of our system of government. This ia a delusion. The ulti mate faot of this, as of ail .minu, u human nature; and until human nature is totally changed, the majority of a great and free country will not allow one man calling himself an executive, or nine men calling themselves a court, to interpi et the f unda mental law when, in the opinion of the ma jority, their interpretation would be dangerous to the publio safety. But this, says 'Freedom," means a govern ment of "mere majority, and leaves my breath dependent on their will." He is right. .This is exaotly what it means. We do live under a Government of the majority. The Constitu tion is an instrument by which the majority binds itself to refrain from certain aots, but it never gives up its right, in the last resort, of explaining the sense in which it took the pledge, or, in other words, of taking the Pre sident or anybody else whom it finds running about and doing mischief, while professing to take "the Constitution for his guide," and putting him under lock and key, if it believes Lis hermeneutics dangerous to the State. The idea that there is something very horrible in being dependent on the majority of a Chris tian State for liberty and security, which - "Freedom" seems to entertain, is the product of that species of fetish worship of which the Constitution has long been the object. The Constitution, unless 'it be a talisman, cannot have any more force than the majority gives it. If the majority desires to rob and cut throats, there is no virtue in the parchment to Btop it. If it allows Andrew Johnson and the Supreme Court to define their own powers, it is simply because it does not consider it worth While to interfere with them. This fact has always been so well under stood by the highest class of minds, that in constitutional countries the skill of great Statesmen has nearly always been shown in avoiding reliance on the constitution, in per suading the majority into doing or not doing certain things without falling back on naked legal rights. As soon as a King, President, or Minister says, in exciting times, that be will fall back on the constitution or charter, and t on his own construction of it, he shows lilmself as much a fool, and is as sure to be S?1!06' s a single man who should point tola rifle m a regiment. The end and use of SSfSSLs t?U V bringing things to t f?i . he mil"ite the statesman appeals Set majority, the majority Iwldtaffi fitrBU "4 disposed to2.W iu atvr t J?Wn seem8, the Constitution U the lnterPreta"m of says lis interpretation lg ttrvr ' mftting one to be MwZTZlV.At other, who Is to decide lit. J? Supreme Court is simply, when TthT ... lha. a nation is at stake, Sfi8Un.of them T M stake, nine elderlv mZJ "l pose thej y throw themselves on .""P elderlj men would be of L1b way of thinkwf m -tvr. mm, -n VUM ItH T. It n T a UiQhvav v vu", wwuov vvugtona aoes not regard the court as any more competent Intellectually to decide such questions as are raised in the reconstruction problem than Congress Is Itself. If the Court were mo.re competent than Congress to decide suoi' questions, it ought to govern the country completely, and the election and meeting of the Legislature Is a useless ex pense, so that in ts last resort the dispute can only be ended by the majority using its superiority of force to decide and this it is sure to do. This may be a unfortunate state of things, but nobody is to blame for it neither the framers of the Constitution, nor those who live unoW it. In every fre State the maintenance of liberty and justlje no matter what the written forms may ba de pends in the last resort on the character of the majority of the people. "Freedom" would be sure of his liberty in Philadelphia if the Con stitution were abolished to-morrow; he would not le sure of hU head or his purse if he lived in Mexico, though every man iu the country wore the Constitution in a louket around his neck as an amulet. Pharaoh Hardening,' Vow the y. Y. Church Union. Mr. Johnson keeps steadily on in his insane efforts to resist the will of the nation. It now looks as though he wished to make a martyr of himself, in order to get up another revolu tion, and get himself into notice. He stands about the best chance to get hangod of any Rebel in or out of the country, wo Judge, if we read his character correctly, and see what is just ahead of us. That he will fail of be coming a martyr; that he will fail of resusci tating the dead Democratic party; that he will be foiled by the good genius who presides now over our country's conscience, and not be ab e to get up revolution; that the firm but silent man he has gotten into Stanton'B place knows his man, and has him as tight as he had his friends Lee and Davis onoe upon a time; that he will make that public exhibition of his folly before all the nation, so as to eclipse his in- augural spree, and that other stagger round the circle of last summer, we have no doubt. Pray God to harden Pharaoh's heart yet more, and the whole work will be done. The instru ment of God is blindly doing His will, and all that is left undone to completely radicalize this nation will, or we are no prophets, shortly be revealed. God is in this man, bad as he is, just as he was in Judas, in Davis, and in the chosen men who do the will or Satan on earth. Thank God for the madness of Mr. Johnson 1 May he get no better very fast. The Claims of tbe United States Against Great Britain. From the AT. Y. Timet. The interval between the summary closing of the correspondence on the Alabama claims by Lord Clarendon and the revival of the sub ject by Mr. Seward a year ago, was long enough to admit of a careful and unimpas eioned revision of the international situation. In England they had entered upon a domestic struggle which partook to some degree of the nature of a revolution. The traditional pre tensions of the Whigs to tako the lead in Con stitutional Reform were disputed so stoutly as to causae a party upheaval such as had not been witnessed from the time of Canning, aud the minds of British statesmen were so ab sorbed in the pending conflict that nearly every outside question was held subordinate to the rival interests in home politics. The situation here was not essentially dif ferent. For fifteen months we had been tra versing the path where military achievement diverged into that of civil reconstruction. We had enough on hand, for the time, to engage the thoughts, the loyal energies, and the statesmanship of the country. The question of prime account was to see that, alter the war, the supreme authority of the Government should everywhere be established and recog nized throughout t'te Union. That assurance which bad the power of tbe Government to maintain its credit, aud uphold its honor abroad, could not aud would not be called in question. The State Department, it is true, held the same ground as to the obligations of friendly powers lroin the moment belligerent rights were accorded to the belligerents that it holds vo-uay. Xb xicta ibv r l regard to the Mexican tripartite treaty which ended so abruptly at Soledad, and which led so speedily to the tragedy at Queretaro, as it holds now, when Mexico is rid of the invaders. Mr. Seward's protests against the practical alliance of the powers of Western Europe on the question of acoording belligerent rights to the Rebels, and of dispossessing the Government of Juarez, were the same from 1802 to 18GG and 1867. There is not a shadow of turning in the whole line of his reasoning. His argument was the same from the retreat at Bull Run to the surrender at Appomattox. Whatever defect it may have shown, it was eonsistent; and those who are to faithfully trace from a historic point the events of the present revolutionary epoch, will at lea8t be compelled to admit that the foreign policy of the United btates, covering the whole ot that period, exhibited a unity of purpose, a con sistency of effort, a regard to ultimate results and a disregard of passing appearances, such as will compare favorably with the highest diplomatic achievements of this or of any age. Were there proof in detail wanted to sup port this assumption and we do not thiuk that Mr. Seward's bitterest party enemie3 among us demand such proof it might be readily found in as many opposite quarters of the globe as there are civilized Governments in existence. Leaving out of account the disastrous failure of the Kapoleonio policy in Mexico, aud the retraction from its declared policy by the Government of Great Britain, there is enough to sustain the self-respect of every true Amenoan in the positive force of our diplomacy during the last five years. To the resolution and the moral force of Mr. Seward's policy, it is mainly due that San Domingo has not been reconverted into a colony of Spain; that Peru has not beeu compelled to sacrifice her independence to a superior invading force; that the bombard ment of Valparaiso did not result in the esta blishment of a mixed European protecto rate over Chili; that the United States have gained commercial ascendancy in Japanese and Chinese waters within less than two years of the time when we had fair reason to suppose that our commerce was swept from the ooean; that we have got control of the North Pacific division of the continent with more than a reversionary interest in the inter mediate section; and that we enjoy the cordial friendship of the strongest military powers of Central and Eastern Europe. We may make Blow progress with reconstruction.' We may have diittculties to overcome iu the way of civil rehabitation as formidable as tlio?e which weighed upon the nation before Antietam and Vicksburg were fought; but when reunion is onoe accomplished as most surely it will be we shall have (North and South alike) a com mon triumph iu this fact alone, that we stand before the world as a community strong in its purpose and hitntvritv the name of American citizens raised higher than it ever was before. tue strength of a republican system based eW iutlhgence, industry, and freedom, Tl Lere reognlzed. i these lPnFess xnale towards a settlement ot ef Oreat Rrtrent clalms with the Government isfaetory aia cannot be regarded as unsat causeB ii a1 ot tlie natural and necessary has, hows,., i , ? "en already noticed. It time Is on nl.fS to be remembered that our side thus far a' ' ,laarly 1eea on ing Lord Clarendon'. tnay be Been ln cutraHt account with the cm.!Um.Uiary closing of the Jtir-dealing ofllred ?T?ion to reason and 4 b WfeUnky. There re, 'orlvttatrfy looking -to the tax upon human Judgment Involved In abstract dinous Bions opon international rights and obligations no further arguments of a general character to be presented on either side. The Minis ters ef the two countries have come to details. They have got common staudiDg ground, we take it, in this regard, that they ascent to the necessity for a full aud clear set tlement of the claims growing out of the war, as preliminary to a porfect mutual under standing. Mr. Seward's letter of August 27, 18G(i, revives the consideration of the ques tion in terms which not only show a tho rough regard to the comity which should be maintained between the great nations having a common civilization, aud, measurably, com mon aims, but which relieve Lord Stanley of much of the party odium which would neces sarily attach to a Minister who contemplates the revicicn and the partial reversal of his predecessor's policy. With admirable tem per, and in a kindly spirit, Mr. Seward says, upon the British privateering expeditions, and the concession of belligerent rights to the Southern belligerents: "This Government, while it thus Insists npon these partlrulnr claims, In ne'tlier desirous nor willing to assume an altitude unkind or uncon elllatory towards Ureal Brliali . iron her part there are claims, either of a commercial char acter, or or boundary, or or commercial or Judi cial regulation, wnicn tier MHjesty's uovern ment eteeni Important to brlu under examl- nnttou at tba pienent time, tin would In snob cmbb be not on e United suites wllllnK to t ilce tlx in Into considemtlou In connection with the claims which are now presented on their part, and with a view to remove at one time anil by one comprehensive settlement all existing causes of misunderstanding. " Some of the general points of argument in Mr. Seward's August letter Lord Stanley un dertook to answer in a letter of two months' later date, to which Mr. Seward, in the be- ginning of the present year, made an elabo rate reply. But the gist ef the correspon dence (additional to the frank and genial statement of the Secretary of State, as quoted textually above) is found in subsequent let ters. Thus, on the 9th of March last, Lord Stanley writes: "The real matter at Issue between the two Governments, when Kept apart from collateral considerations, Is whether iu the matter con nected with the vesNels out of whoso depreda tions the claims of American citizens have allien, the course pursued by the Urlllsn Gov ernment, and by tbosu who aoied under lis authority, was such us would Involve a moral responsibility on the part ot the British Gov ernment to make good, either ln whole or in part, the losses of American citizens. This Is a plain and simple question, easily to be con sidered by an arblier.aud admitting of solution without raising other and wider issues; aud on this question her Majesty's Government are fully prepared to go to arbitration, with the further provision that If the decision of the arulierls unfavorable to the lirltlsh view, the examination of the several claims of citizens of the United mates shall be referred to a mixed commission, with a view to tbe settlement of tbe sums to be paid on them." Jn another part of this despatch, Lord Stan ley savB that in the proposal of the Queen's Government to arbitrate on the questions at issue, they desire limited reference to arbitra tion in regard to the so-called Alabama claims, and "adjudication by means of a mixed com mission of mixed claims." This proposal Mr. Seward naturally interpreted as meaning that the Alabama claims alone, excluding the de predations of other privateers, were to be sub mitted to a mixed commission; but on this point Lord Stanley, writing on the 24th of May last, thus explains himself: "Mr. Sewaid says clearly enough that the Government of the United States oanuot con sent lo a special and peculiur llmliutlou of arbitration in regard to tbe Alabama claims, such as her Mujusty's Government surest; but, from his next observation, it might be inferred that the oiler, as regards arbitration, made by her Majesty's Government, ln my despatch of the 9lh of March, was understood to have ap plied only to claims arising out of the proceo 1 lr gs ol the AlHbaniM, to the exclusion of those .j ... - - " it t ii rry o t X.lxu Florida, Shenandoah, aud Georgia, ll is Im portant to clear up this, and you will therefore state to Mr. SewRrd that the ofl'er to go to arbi tration was not restricted to the claims arising out of tbe proceedings of the Alabama, but ap plied equally to those arising out of tbe like proceedings of the other vessels that I have Darned." To this the final rejoinder made by Mr. Seward, on the 12th of last month, is as fol lows: "The rresldent considers these terms to be at once comprehensive and suillciently precise to Include all the claims of American citizens for depredations upon their commerce during the lute Rebellion, which have beeu the subject of complaint upon the part of this Government. But the United Stales Government, ln this view, would deem itself at liberty to Jusist before the arbiter that the actual proceedings and relations of the British Government, its ollicers, agents, and subjects, towards the United Btutes ln regard to the Rebellion aud tbe Rebels, as they occurred during the Rebel lion, ere among the matters which are con nected with the vessels whose depredations ore complained of, Inst as In the case of general claims alluded toby Lord Stanley, tbe actual proceedings and relations of ner Majesty's Government, its officers, agents, and subjects, ln regard to the United States aud ln regard to the Rebellion and the Rebels, are necessarily connected with the transactions out of which those general claims arose." The sum, then, of the difference between the two Governments, so far as reaching a fair basis of conference and arbitration is con cerned, seems to be reduced to the question whether the policy as well as tbe acts of the British Government and its agents in relation to the late Rebellion shall come 'under review. 'Ihe matter thus in dispute n it is actually in dispute does not seem material. The policy of the Qu en's advisers will inci dentally come under notice in determining the validity of the claims submitted. Aud we should judge that the principle of arbitrating these claims, if once heartily assented to on both sides, a settlement which shall prove mutually satisfactory to both Governments need not be long deferred. Constitutional Liberty. From the N. Y. lribune. Governor English telegraphs to Governor Haight that his election "will gladdeu the friends of Constitutional liberty the country through." Governoc Haight telegraphs back that "California has echoed the voice of Con necticut. W have but followed where you led in the saored oause of Consti tutional liberty." What do these gentlemen mean by Constitutional liberty f They certainly mean something different from that liberty aflirmed in the glorious pre amble to our fathers Declaration of American Independence, when they proclaimed that "all men are created equal," and "endowed by their Creator with inalienable rights to. life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." stitutiomil liberty is something radically difler ent from universal liberty, its champions themselves being judges. It is not that sort of liberty which Governor English advanoed when, amid the despairing shrieks and howls of the devotees of "constitutional liberty, he voted to abolish and prohibit slavery through out this broad Republic. No, it is some thing very different from that, as the two accidental Governors one chosen such by a lavish expenditure of his own and other mll Honairos money, and the other slipping in through a deplorable feud which distracted the Union party and kept twenty thousand of its voters from the polls very well know. , John C. Calhoun was, for twenty years, the leading champion of "Constitutional liberty." Polk, Pierce, and Buchanan were his timid and cantious disciples. The asserted right of every slaveholder to plant slavery wherever lie might choose, in defiance of whatever local or general repugnance, was a direct deduction from this doctrine of "Constitutional liberty." Abraham Lincoln touched the core of it when, in his canvass with Douglass, he defined squat ter sovereignty thus: "If A chooses to make H his slave, C shall not interfere." God be thanked that this swindling mockery disguised as "constitutional liberty" is not the liberty for which our fathers fought, nor that which their lineal sons are determined and destined to achieve t Democratic Ualus. From the N. Y. Tribune. One who heeded only the uproarious re joicings of the Democratic press over the California election, might think that the Re publican party was about to collapse and pas3 entirely out of existence. But that is not quite the fact. The election of ft Governor in California is the only point gained over which the Democracy have legitimate reason to re joice. We are not certain about Congress men from that State, but it is probable that two of them are Republicans. Now let ns see what wonderful gains the Democrats have made in the only place where gains can do them any good that is, in the House of Representatives (the Senate is beyond their reach for half a century). The relative strength of parties in the last and present Congresses is as follows: XXXlXth Oonpre. XLth Cbnorrt. Main. Ji. JJein. Dent. ralllornii if Cent eel icul 4 Delaware -.. 0 Illinois 11 Indiana 9 lows 6 Kansas 1 Kentucky..... 2 Maine 5 Maryland 2 Massachusetts 10 Michigan 0 Minnesota 2 Missouri 7 Nebraska 0 Nevadu 1 New Hampshire 3 New Jersey 2 New Yoik 20 Ohio - 17 Oregon 1 Pennsylvania ..I0 Rhode Island 2 Tennessee 4 Vermont 3 West Virginia 3 Wisconsin S 0 0 1 3 2 0 0 7 0 3 0 0 0 , 2 0..- 0 , 0 3 11 2 0 8 , 0 4 0 0 1 4 1 3 1 3 8 0 0 7 0 4 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 11 3 0 6 0 t) 0 . 1 . 0 .11 ,. 8 .. 6 . 1 2 . 5 .. 1 ..10 .. 8 .. 2 , 8 .. 1 .. I .. 3 .. 3 ..20 ..1(1 .. 1 ..18 .. 2 .. 8 .. 3 .. 8 .. 5 0 I 40 Total 115 47 117 It appears that the Republicans have gained two members, and the Democrats lost one the Nebraska member making the one extra. With more than three-fourths of each House of Congress, we think the Republican party will manage to survive the temporary check in California. President Jobuion and the Democratic Party. From the N. Y. World. As soon as the result of the California elec tion was known, many congratulations were tendered or sent to President Johnson Whether he has also been felicitated on the Democratio gains in Maine we are not informed; but his share of the credit is just as great in the one case as in the other; or, to speak more bluntly, it is nothing in either. We do not deny that the great reaction ought to give him considerable satisfaction, although nothing he has done had any tendency to produce it. As a patriot bonuatl dvairing tli ru&dmiaaion of the bouthern btates, he must, of course, be glad to see his adversaries weakened. Nothing could well be more churlish or illiberal than to question his right to rejoice iu the joy of the Democratio party. We should be quite willing to beat the bush and let him catch the bird, if tue countt y could thereby be benefited. But inasmuch as President Johnson has no proper luciiuiiwuvii tv jit ll Liiu xsauiuurauu party, anil as a false impression of that kind would be a drag on the reaction, it may not be amiss to place the subject in Its true light. The zeal M'ith which the Democratic press has defended tbe 1 resident, so tar as It deemed him right. must mislead nobody to suppose that he is in any degree responsible tor us, or we for him. He can take no just offense at our repudiating his modes of operation, since he has uniformly discarded and repudiated ours. Mr. Johnson is in no sense a Democratio President. We did not elect him; we have no claims upon him, nor have we ever set up any, except the common claim whioh all citi zens have upon every Chief Magistrate, that he shall honestly support and defend the Con stitution. If Mr. Johnson, elected as a Repub lican, had ever become a Democratio Presi dent, the change would be dated from such a reorganization of the personnel of the admin istration as placed the Government in Demo cratio hands. But no such reorganization has been made. Instead of a Cabinet consisting of men whom the Democratic party respect and confide in, President Johnson has chosen to be surrounded by a Republican Cabinet, from the first day of his accession until now. He has bad occasion to appoint several foreign ministers; but in no case has he appointed a Democrat in good standing with the party. General Dix, the most respectable of his appointees, though calling himself a Democrat, long ago dissolved his connection with the Democratio organiza tion. Mr. Bancroft is a noted libellaut of the Demooratio party. Mr. Cowan, Mr. Raymond, and Mr. Greeley, who have been successively, but unsuccesslully, nominated to the vacant Austrian mission, are highly respectable gen tlemen, but they have never beeu Democrats. General Kilpatrick, lafter carrying New Jersey against the Democratio party by a campaign of venomous scurrility and defamation, was nromntlv rewarded bv the mission to Chili. This was more than neglest; it was more than an ordinary affront; it was an open and wanton insult. New Jersey was the only Northern State which the Democratic party had carried for MuClellan, aud our pride would have been touched by its loss even if it had beeu taken from us by fair means. But when outrageous scurrilities prevailed against us in the home of our chosen candidate, the immediate promo tion of the head libeller to a full foreign mis sion was an act which laid the party under no very deep obligation to the President. We did not complain even of this insult, for we had no claims of any kind on Mr. Johnson, and there was no good reason why a Republi can President should uot appoint to office men who had rendered acceptable services to the Republican party. We must not be under stood to make these allusions, even now, in a tone of complaint. They are intended only as proofs that Mr. Johnson has never been, nor ever sought to be considered, a Demooratio President. We happen to agree with him on a point on which he differs from his party; but that mUBt not be taken as an indorsement of Lis maladroit, uustatesmanlike, unpopular administration. . : r. am m iir n m rr s. ' n L-OGE55T AND BEbT STOCK OK -OLD RYE VH IQinrn F I ti E IN THE LANP IS NOW POSSESSED 13Y HEN11T S. HANNIS & CO.. Kos. 218 and 220 SOUTH FBOHT STREET, WHO OFFER THE SAME TO THE TRADE IH LOTS ON V1BT ADTANTattEOtne TERMS. Their Stock of Hjm W hlikWs, IJI slant, ikd runs through tlie various rntlatc. I". I. literal contract mad for lota to rrlcaon Una Vtliarf.or at Iiovdi cd Carpetins, Oil Cloths, Druggets, Lowest Cash Prices. REEVE L. KNIGHT & SON, MO. 8o7 rnESHCT STREET, (Below the Olrard House). mbstu5m Mr. Johnson not being a Democrat, we are unwilling that, with his great weight of un popularity, lie should be classed as such. The contention between him and Congress is a fight within the Republican party. The distracted condition of the country is chargeable npon the party that elected both the l'resident and the majority of Congress, and we expect no relief or remedy but in the overthrow of that party. The Republicans cannot fix upon us any part of the odium which has resulted from their own success in the elections. Let the fault lie where it may, we are responsible for no part of it. We have not been in power. We are no more answerable lor the Republican President whom we did not loot, and nave not been permitted to advise, than we are for the Republican Congress which has kept np a per petual quarrel with him. Mr. Johnson is your President, Messrs. Republicans, not ours; from your party he has taken all his respon sible advisers; on you he has bestowed all his offices; he has kept you in power by mistakes and blunders more serviceable to you than cooperation; and whether you deem him a blessing or a bane, its origin is, in either case, to be traced to your selection and your votes. In the recent talk about Cabinet changes the Republicans have been willing to favor the impression that Mr. Johnson intends to form a Demooratio administration. Even if he were willing, and representative Demoorats would consent, such an arrangement would be every way undesirable. Its only effect would be to render the Democratio party responsible for blunders and mismanagement perpetrated Against its judgment and in contempt of its wishes. We should gain a few paltry offices without influence, and go into the Presidential election vulnerable by all the weapons whioh the Republicans hurl at Mr. Johnson. As he gave us no aid when he might have aided us, why should we now, when he has no longer anything valuable to give, imperil our own cause by assuming the burden of his unpopu larity 1 Aa things stand, the Republican in vectives against Mr. Johnson Impeach their ability to choose a good President. A man might as wisely think to improve his social standing ly livlns wiOi Bomebodv'a innnilt. ated wile, as for the Democratio party to ex pect any advantage from adopting, in the last uays oi nis unsuccessful administration, a fet tered President, elected by their enemies and popular with nobody. LOOKING - CLASSES OF TBI BEST FRENCH PLATE, In Everv Stvle ot Frames, ON HAND OR MADE TO ORDER. NEW ART GALLERY, F. BOLAND & CO., 8 2 lm2p No. G1X AIICII Street. C. M. NEEDLES & CO., Blavantb and Cheanut Street. HOUSE-rURNISHIKG DRY - GOODS, Bought at the Recent Depressed Prices. MiJrttDS, Pillow, frh.etlng, and Table Uuen. 1 Hble t lotka and Napkin, to match. WineC'li.tl.H. loyllH,Ttiwln and Towelling. WarBtUles Uullts ana Toilet Covers. j.iuU-t. . . Honeycomb, Lancaster, Allendale, Jacnuard, una other bprenUy, , DOMESTIC MDBLIN8 AND HnBUTlSa?, In all qualities and widths, at the lowest rates. 'MOW (lHVMIfl BALTIMORE IMPROVED BASE BURNING FIRE-PLACE IIEA.TEI1, WITH i iMagazlne and lllumlnatlnK Ooora. 'Ilia ij, out Cheerful and Perluct limtr-r In T'mv Tn WM b hud WUoltMulu fc l!tull ot J. H. CLtltU, t lui2i Ko. luuti MARk&l' blrel. l'uila, I BURD, comprliM til lta fivorlU brtBii montba of 1&O5,'O0, and of tlkla ar. an t -P arrive at Paanaylvanla Railroad DanaL. Wriboni(ii aa parties mayalaet. MILLINERY, TRIMMINGS, ETC. MB 8. M. A. BINDER, No. lost CBKHNUT STREET. WILIi OPEN THIS DAY, Trimmed Papvr Patterns, ol entirely new design, for Ladles' and Children's Dressen: also. Importer of Ladles' Dress aud Cloak Trimmings. In very variety and style ol Fringm, new isatln Trim mings, Tansels, Gimps, Braids, Kitibons, Velvet, Uul- en re and Clnny Laces. Crape Trimmings, French orsets, and Fancy Jet Collars and Belts. Dress and C'leak Making in all Its departments. Wedding aud Travelling Outfits made to order In tbe most elegaut manner, and at suck rates as cannot fall to please, t-uiis of Mourning at shortest notice: sets of Pat terns lor Mtrcbuuls anu Dressmakers now ready. tatter us sent by mall er express to all parts of th. Union. ; 11m MRS. R. DILLON, NOS. 383 AXD 321 SOUTH STREET, ns all the novelties In FALL MILLINERY, for Ladles, Misses, and Children. Also, Crapes, Bilks, Ribbons, Velvets, Flowers, Feather?, Frsnn s. eta Milliners supplied. lfl JOURNINC MILLINERY. AXWATB ON BAND A LARGE ASSORTMENT OF M.OTJHMS ING BONNETS, AT NO. 904 WALNUT STREET. 27em MAD'LLE KEOCH. FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS,&C. ER1N0 GAUZE UNDERWEAR OF CABTWmeilT AND WABXER'fl CELEBIUTEU MANUFACTURE. MERINO OAUZE UNDERWEAR ln every var.ety of size and style, for Ladles', Gents', and Children's Wear. nosiEBT. A large assortment ot HOSIERY ot English and German mauntavture, in socks, three-quarter sock, and long hose. GLOVES. In White, Butt, and Mode Color. For sale at HOFMANN'S Hosiery Store, ' tulhr 6. MOKTII EIUIITM STREET. J. . W. SCOTT Ac CO., SRIBT MANUFACTURERS, AMD DIALERS IK MEM'S FUUMISHIMe HOODS HO. 814 CUEMNUT STREET. FOUR DOORS BkLOW THE "CONTINENTAL,' 27rp fHIUDILFHIA, PATENT SHOULDER . SEAM tniUl MANUFACTORY, AKDCENTA..aiKN'M FURK ISUINtJ STORK PERFJlCT FJT11NQ SHIRTS AND DRAWERS tuadelrom mesiiunment at very short notice. All other snlc.es ol UEN TLKMiuN 'd DREHa GOULt ln lull Vartvly. a uaistat WINCHESTER CO., 1111 No. 7tKi CHEbNPT Street GHOChfilfcS, iiTO. FRESH FRUITS, 1867. PEACHES, PfABS, PINEAPPLES, PLUMS, APRICOTS, CHERRIES. BLACK BEBBIES, QUINCES, ETC. PBESEBTEU AND FRESH, IN CANS AND LAS JARS, Put up for our particular trade, and for sale by the dozeH, or ln smaller quantities, by MITCHELL & FLETCHER, 8 10 3m NO. 1801 CHESNUT STREET. SUPERIOR VINEGARS. ( . UA9TVIKE FRENCH WHITE WINK AND ' yi PURE OLD CIDER VINEUARS, - FOB BALE BV ' JAMES B. WEBB, S14 Corner WALNUT and EIGHTH Him. "TIIITE I'EESERVIKG BRANDY, PURE CIO R AND WINE VTNEQAR, GREEN GINGER, MUBTARD BEE D, SPICES, ETO, All the tequlbltes for Preserving and Pickling par poses. ALLEBT . ROBERTS, Dealer ln Flee Groceries, 117rp C'onipr KLKVKNTH aud VINE Sta. HARDNEU & FLEMING, ' OOAOH makers. .' Sl WHItU FIFTH ITBEET, New and Second-hand Carriages for sale. Far tlTilar attention paid to repairing. 6 SO 8 3 L A T E 171 A IJ T E L 8. BLATE MANTELS are nnsnrpaued lor Durability Beauty, trangth, and Cheapness, WjATK Mili'TBlfl, and blata Work Oeuarail mad to order. . . J. B. KIME8 A CO., 112am ;, Nos U26andil28CHE3NTJTSss QEORCE PLOWMAN. OAIIPKNTHK AND IiUIIDKU, , ltEaioyiaiV To No.ia i DOCK Stroot, Jl PHIJLADKLPUIA.
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