THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 18G7. SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. EDITORIAL OmiONB OF Tn tKADINO . JOUR5AI.8 VrOh CCKBKST TOPICS COMPILKD KVEBT DAT FOR TBI 1VBNINO TELEGRAPH. Tht AuRtiit Debt Statement. From the N. Y. Com and Financial Chronicle. If any persona have doubted whether Mr. McCulloch has had a Fettled policy in managing the pnblio debt an examination of the succes sive monthly schedules registering the move ments of that debt, will effectually settle the question. The policy adopted haa not, per haps, in some of its iniuor details, been the best possible, but there has been such a policy, and that it has been pretty consistently worked out, Ir. McCulloch has given abundant proofs during his two or three years of office. One of the great necessities which controls this policy is, of course, the consolidation of the debt. Money . was borrowed during the war by the issue of many different kinds of securities. These obligations are either to be paid off as they mature, or else they must be consolidated into bonds. It is this process of paying or funding which constitutes the chief popular interest in the monthly debt state ments. In that of August, which is now before us, we find that nearly thirty-seven millions of Seven-thirties have been funded into Five-twenties, while thirteen millions more have been paid off in cash, together with seventeen millions of compound interest Dotes. This is the first point of interest in the statement; a second is the contraction of the greenback currency to the extent of four mil lions. This contraction, however, is of small immediate importance in the existing plethora of the money market. Another important fact which has been much discussed is the rapid depletion of the currency balanoe, which has fallen to 47 mil lions, and may perhaps go still lower. So long as the Qovernment has to pay eight per cent, for money, it is deemed inexpedient and contrary to sound economy to hold any larger amount of idle currency than is absolutely in dispensable, in the coffers of the Department. It is evident that those who have most earnestly contended against the policy of holding heavy balances have overlooked the reasons which forced that policy on the Secretary, and for bade him until now to abandon it. So far as the consolidation of the public debt is concerned, we have just reached, and have safely passed, what for two or three years has been looked forward to as the most critical and dangerous period in our national finances. In the fall of 18G5, as a consequence of the disbanding of the army and the closing of the war, we had a vast sum due to Trea sury creditors which was liable to be de manded at almost any moment. There were the call loans for which we were paying 5 and G per cent, interest, the aggregate being over 3.06 millions of dollars; the one and two year notes amounted to thirty-three millions, aud the one-year certificates to eighty-five mil lions, all of which were rapidly maturing. The embarrassment produced by such short loans were so severe when they. were from time to time paid off, that the greatest possible anxiety was felt as to the other short date indebtedness, and the fact was pointed out that Buch obligations fell due in the autumn of the present year to a heavy amount. In one month 300 millions of three-year Seven-thirties matured, and a part of the 211 millions of three-year compound interest notes. The aggregate was variously estimated from 3150 to 400 millions, all of which, under certain contingencies, might be payable in cash. The inevitable result it was supposed would be, that the Government would be forced to issue an indefinite amount of legal tender notes to extricate itself from its en gagements. Such were the sinister predictions of the croakers lu 1800. The Treasury was sure to have the greatest possible difficulty in meet ing its maturing engagements, and to be kept in perpetual embarrassment until at length the trouble culminated in further inflation of the currency, with all the loss and derange ment to business which such a mischievou3 expedient would bring on the country. Mr, McCulloch had at that time been for a few months only at the head of the Treasury De partment. But he had set in operation the machinery for consolidating the public debt and averting the predicted catastrophe, which, if it had occurred, must have depressed Gov ernment securities below par, besides intro ducing an element of perturbation, incertitude, and distrust into all commercial and financial engagements. . To see how this consolidation machinery worked, let us pass on to the fall of 18G6. During that interval of twelve months the aggregate of the debt had fallen from 2874 mil lions to zyus millions, the temporary loan lmd liaPTYrwxirarl fmm I I m 1 ' I III' II II I Pilous of compound notes nau neen T. iUiaraWD, wen n Bi.ai,jr-uiiw mniiuuo rf" 1 11 r,iv.v Ana vrtillmna fT Seven-thirties. Such was the signal manner in which the fears of financial trouble were disappointed, and what was most important of all was that the greenback circulation, instead of increasing, was curtailed irom !hw,iw,ou on the 1st September, 1865, to $391,603,692 on the 1st September, 1866. In the report which has just been issued we see the same policy carried one step further. The temporary loans have been paid off, a3 have all the short-date securities which have matured, with the exception of a small amount of unolaimed clearing house certificates, com pound notes, and seven-thirties, none of which will cause the least anxiety to the Treasury. The greenback currency has been reduced to 365 millions, or about 100 millions less than it wa3 in 1864. The compound notes have fallen to 91 millions, none of which will mature till October, when the 3 per cent, re serve certificates will, if necessary, be avail able to pay them. In a word, we have already passed the severest test to which our national debt is likely to subject the financial machinery of the oouutry, and such is the force of that machinery, so great its elasticity and recupe rative power, that the whole of thij gigantio task haB been accomplished without a single jerk or spasm being complained of in the money market. A glance at the debt statement will show, however, that muoh remains to be done in the consolidation of the debt and in the simplifi cation of Its numerous short securities into a few descriptions of bonds at long dates. The debt amounts at present to 2505 millions net, of which 800 millions are unfunded. A year ago the unfunded debt was nearly 1300 mil lions, and two years ago 1650 millions. How soon the whole amount shall be funded is one of the matters respecting which Congress will have to decide, as it involves questions touch ing the cancelling of greenbacks and the con rafinn fit the currency. It is sufficient for the present to know, that within a year from this time all the floating debt, exoept such mart of the outstanding greenbacks as Con- m dMa to leave alloat. will ie con solidated in such a form as to cause no such . w,i.ia tn th Treasury Department as will necessitate the keeping of the large balance of idle currency which for some time paai uas been more or less necessary. Trial by Jnrjr. Ftvvi (he Wnthinyton Star. Among the institutions of the mother coun try which retained a foothold in our lan 1 after we had achieved our independence, there was not ono which was held so sacred, or soemed more likely to endure, than the English jury system, which demands the unanimity of twelve men. Under Kdward III it was first decided that the verdict of leas than twelve was a nullity, and the decision haa stood un questioned from that time almost until the present. Now, however, the subject of a re form in the system has attracted some atten tion in Iiugland, and is being agitated in this country, and the opponents of a unanimous verdict argue with some plausibility that the ends of justice would be more certainly at tained if the verdict of two-thirds or three fourths of a jury of twelve should be valid. There are some who prefer making the judges of the law judges of the fact also; but this is a plan which, although it would have its ad vantages in many cases, does not meet with much favor. The New York Commercial, Springfield Jirpub'ican, and Cincinnati Uazeite, all ably conducted newspapers, are calliug for some reform in the present system, nu 1 it is not improbable that a change will be made in some of the States within a year or twe. The matter has been brought before the New York Constitutional Convention by Dr. Francis Lieber, who proposes that "Each jury shall consist of twelve jurors, the agreement of two-thirds of whom shall be sufficient for a verdict, in all cases, both civil and penal, except in capital cases, when three-fourths must agree to make a verdict valid. But the foreman, in rendering the verdict, shall state how many jurors have agreed." He brings forward many cogent reasons for the proposed change, and, alluding to the practices of other countries, says: "In Scotland no unanimity of the jury is required in penal trials; nor in France, Italy, Germany, nor in any .country whatever, except England and the United States; and in English law it has only come to be gradually established in the course of legal changes, and by no means aocording to a principle clearly established from the begin ning." At any rate, if the change is made in one or more States only at first, it can be seen whether it works better than the old plan be fore it is universally adopted. That the pre sent system is far from being perfect is now generally admitted. A Convention of Governor. From the Chicago Republican. The project for a convention of the Gover nors of the loyal States, which haa recently been broached, to take into consideratiou the present condition of our national affairs, seems to meet with very general approbation from all true friends of the Government. There is warrant and precedent for such a Convention in that which was held at Altoona, Pa., in the second year of the war. That excited the malignant hostility and misrepresentation of the Rebel and Copperhead press, both at the North and at the South, but it served to con centrate the power of the nation, and aided materially in securing the removal of McClel lan, and the adoption of that policy which finally led to the suppression of the Rebellion. We do not doubt that a similar Convention at the present time would assist in the suppres sion of the new rebellion which President Johnson is now organizing. The situation at ' Washington differs materially, it is true, from 1 that -which existed in 1862, when we had a ! man in the Presidential chair In hearty syui- j pathy with the loyal sentiment of the people, tut the people still rule now as they did then, ; and will make their power felt in the oud. i The following Governors would, no doubt, participate most heartily in en oh a mon- j ment, via.i Chamberlain, of Maine; Harri- i man, of New Hampshire; Dillingham, of Ver- 1 mont; Bullock, of Massachusetts; Burnside, ' of Rhode Island; Fenton, of New York; Ward, j of New Jersey; Geary, of Pennsylvania; Cox, ' Of Ohio; Boreman, of West Virginia; Baker, ' of Indiana; Oglesby, of Illinois; Crapo, of i Michigan; Fairchild, of Wisconsin; Marshall, i of Minnesota; Stone, of Iowa; Fletcher, of Mis souri; and Brownlow, of Tennessee. Its action would also, undoubtedly, receive the indorse ment of Governors Wood of Oregon; Lowe, of California; and Blaisdell, of Nevada, though they might be prevented by distance from attending, while Pierpont, of Virginia; Patton, of Alabama; Flanders, of Louisiana; Murphy, of Arkansas; and Pease, of Texas, though probably excluded by the status of their States, would sympathize with its objects. It might be instructive and profitable also to in vite English, of Connecticut; Saulsburv r Delaware; PwnVinf fituckv. and other Johnsonian Governors of the unreconstructed Rebel States to be present as spectators, though they could not consist ently aspire to participate in the proceedings. By all means let the Convention be held, and let Andrew Johnson be instructed by the re cognized representatives and heads of a people who never rebelled against the Government which he is now striving to control in the in terest of traitors. Tbe Race Between Prussia and France. F. om the JV. Y. Tribune. Prussia does not wish to be outdone by France in assurances of pacific intentions, and a pacific note has consequently been issued from the Prussian Foreign Office, in which the recent note of M. Moustier, the French Foreign Minister, is alluded to as highly satisfactory to the Prussian Government. No one, of course, believes in these assurances, aud least of all the two Governments of France and Prussia, which not for a moment lose sight of the fact that their rival claims to superiority are still undecided, and which do not cease their preparations, if not for an immediate wer, at least for an increase of their military strength. This preparation of the two great powers of Europe is now the leading question of European politics, and we are naturally Hooded with innumerable rumors concerning it, the great majority of which, it is safe to say, are false or untrustworthy. There are, however, a few undoubted faots, which throw considerable light upon the progress of affairs since the Salzburg Conference. One of these facts is the speech of the Grand Duke of Baden on the opening of the Diet, in which he strongly urges the speedy union of the South German States witu the North Ger man Confederation. As the Grand Duke, in this question, fully agrees with the majority of the people of his country, we have here the first reply of one of the three. South German States to the Franco-Austrian plan of a new be uth German Confederation, under the lead ership of Austria. Bavaria and Wurtemlarg are likewise known to be opposed to this Con federation, although they are less determined with regard to their entering the North Ger man Confederation. But it is evident that the determination of any of the South German States to unite with the bulk of the German nation must accelerate the union of all for it must appear impossible to all sensible men in one or two small States to keep up a respect- able independence, and'if only the alternative is left to a closer unln with Trussia or an allianoe with Austria aud France, few will be found to choose the latter. Another fact of considerable importance is the invitation by the Prussian Ambassador at Florence to Garibaldi to dine with him. It is the first time that the Prussian Government openly courts the allianoe of the Italian Party of Action. The Government of Italy has for some time leen on bad terms with both France and Austria. New negotiations have been going on between Florence and Berlin. The Italian Minister of War, Cugia, ha3 been on a special mission to the Prussian capital, and the Prussian Minister at Florence, the Count de Usedom, has. gone there at the same time. One of his first acts on his return to Florence is the invitation to Garibaldi. The meaning of these movements is plain. Italy is only held back by fear of France front opnly joining the alliance with Prussia and Russia, by the aid of which powers she has reason to hope for the annexation of both Rome and the Italian provinoes of Austria. The Party of Action, therefore, must eagerly embrace this alliance, and the invitation to Garibaldi is a significant hint that, if the Italian Government should hesitate, Prussia would not disdain even the services of the Party of Action. But it is too clearly the inte rest of Italy to seek the friendship of Prussia and Russia, to suppose that she would resist the strong inducements which such an alli ance offers. In concestion with the above facts, it Is re markable that the Italian movement begins again to show itself very strongly in the Italian and the German movement in the German provinces of Austria. All this looks ominous for Austria. Callfornla Election. From the N. Y. Tribune. California was organized as a Democratic State, and bo remaiaed till the breaking out of the civil war, save that it was carried in 1855 by the Know-Nothings. It was always under the control of a "ring" of Pro-Slavery wire workers, known a "the chivalry," and call ing themselves Democrats, though many of them had been Whigs in the slave States whence they migrated. In 1S56 the Demo crats from the Northern States, who had for years submitted with ill grace to this Southern rule, were so skilfully organized and so ener getically led by David C. Broderick, a gradu ate from Tammany Hall, that they achieved the control of the party machinery, and chose Broderick a United States Senator; butanother seat falling vacant just then, Broderick was induced to assent to William M. Gwiu's elec tion thereto, under a promise that Gwia would defer to him in regard to all Federal appointments. This promise wa3 made to be broken, and was broken, as might have been foreseen. Under Buchanan, "the chivalry," led by Gwin, had their own way at the White House; and, when Broderick made fight, they read him out of the party, broke him down, and one of them challenged and shot him. In his death the Northern Democracy were tem porarily obliterated. The Lecompton struggle renewed their vital ity; but Gwin still ruled the party, and headed an anti-Douglas delegation at the Charleston Convention. Douglas being nominated, how ever, the Northerners rallied, and, under the prestige of "regular nominations," beat "the chivaliy" in the Presidential vote of 1860. When the tocsin of rebellion was sounded, the chivalry openly took the. side of the Rebel lion, hoping to secure at least the neutrality of the Pacilio slope, if not its actual adhesion to the Confederacy. Failing in this, through a pretty general rally of the Douglasites to the Union standard, many of them (including Judge Terry, the slayer of Broderick, General Albert Sidney Johnson, who was killed at Shiloh, and Philemon T. Herbert, ex-M. C.) made their way over to the Confederacy, and did good service in its ranks. But every such Hitting helped the Union cause in California, while the eloquence and zeal of the Rev. T. Starr King, who had just migrated to that State, powerfully aided to bring many Douglas Democrats into its support. Thus an invin cible party was gradually consolidated, which, for the last two or three years, has ruled the State by 15,U)0 to 20,000 majority. In 1663-4 a United- States Senator was chosen to replace ex-Governor Latham, a "Chivalry " man, though born in Ohio. Messrs. T. G. Phelps and A. A. Sargent, Representa tives in Congress, were long the leading can didates, with nearly equal strength; but the rivalry between them was so keen that the choiceultiinately fell on John Conness, an Irishman, who had been - a Broderick and Douglas Democrat, and is a citizen of marked integiity, ability, and worth, but who seems to labor under a chrouio inability to regard those who are not his personal adherents as incapable of stealing whatever they can lay their hands on. His colleague being a Demo crat, and the victim of an unfortunate habit, Mr. Conness was thus constituted a power in California politics, and his sway has raised up a host of implacable enemies, resolved at all events to defeat his re-election by the Legisla ture to be chosen in 1S67. At the Union State Convention of this year, the fiieuds of Conness were barely successful his enemies say, by foul means. They charge that the Conness men elected their delegates from the great counties of San Francisco and Sacramento by stuffing the boxes with Demo cratic votes. They charge that George C. Goibain, whom the Conness men nominated for Governor, was a lobbyist, and had re peatedly been engaged in legislative jobs to enrich individuals at the expense of the pub lic. We do not know that these charges were true, but they have certainly proved effective. Gorham is beaten, as any Conness man would probably have been; the bolters setting up a man of straw, but casting their votes directly for Henry H. Haight, the Democratic candi date, who is a leading lawyer in San Francisco ata an unexceptionable citizen. Tne faotjuai llaight was an early and prominent Republi can, for some years Chairman of the Republi can State Committee, was made to tell in his favor, though, if he does not prove a bitterer and more venomous Copperhead than any ori ginal, consistent Democrat, he will prove that there is no rule without its exceptions. Of course, the bolters who control the Associ ated Press despatches, as they controlled all the leading California journals say that, if liidwell had been nominated for Governor, he would have been elected by 20,000 majority. So he might have been, provided the Conne33 men had supported him as the anti-Conness men failed to support Gorham. On this point, all is wuess-work and speculation. . A judicial eleotion is to be held next month, when an effort is proinued to retrieve the dis aster of last week; we shall see with what success. A great party, long excluded from power, is not apt to be defeated in the first Hush of an overwhelming victory, which its opponents have,' by quarrelling, thrown Into its hands; and the patronage of the newly chosen Governor, State ollicers, Legislature, San Francisco municipality, etc etc, will stimulate the Democrats to do their utmost. The probability Is that the Union party cannot be rallied and reorganized until the Presiden tial canvas next year. The following is the aggregate vote of the State at the most important elections: IKV...Bcit .r,,ii7 Pierre 4B? 1II...... 100 lsw..lohl nun. I" !MH Mil ler S t7 Ih H...I''renionl So 91 I ucliHiinii. 6 am Fillmore....!! Ifi." lMM...I.Inroln...li'.i.lTX liooglas SH.oio lr ck'r'K.X4,U4 iHKI'.Mnnford.MO'fl V mien S0 1M4 McCunutll.lM.lMl lw.'t..Hwei... 61 2T) Stevenson.. 21,114 ISfi:-,. Jrf.w.. M.4I7 liowiifV 41.710 ls4. .. Mucin. . ,V I ' McClpil D. .43 8)1 1wM..HHtirier'nx:i.t?ll -Hurilpv 2H.M5 Uuveruor. tSuperlntemlent ol instruction. JJuJuo The Greet Itane The Nation Agaluetlhe Puritan aud the Nigger. From the N. Y. Herald. The result of the election in California is the knell of the Republican party, announcing the absolute repudiation by the people of all the dangerous men who are its leaders. Tarties that no longer have the will of the people behind them may linger feebly on the stage for a while, but their end is not at all distant. When all the successes of an organization must be secured by corrupt means, when its triumphs are due to bargains, not to innate force, when its jmrpoRes are not the people's purposes, it is evident that its real power is gone, and that it must be hustled from the sight of the nation. The first President of the United States whose election was not an expression of the national will, but was a defiance of that will and the result of a bar gain, was John Quincy Adams. Before the people the decision in 1824 was in favor of General Jackson Jackson had the largest popular vote but as the election was not secured by the people's voice it went to the House of Representatives, and there the Presi dency was handed over, by bargaining, to a candidate who had not been the first favorite with the people. Mr. Adams had a popular vote smaller than Jackson's; Crawford and Clay had each a still smaller vote; but through the influence of Clay a combination was made on Adams, and the popular will indicated in Jackson's plurality went for nothing with the scheming leaders. Adams wa3 President and Clay had the first place in the Cabinet. This association, for such a purpose, of Adams and Clay, was wnat John Jtiandolpn caned a "cor rupt coalition between a Puritan and a black leg." The people agreed with Randolph in their opinion of this game, and did not forget tbe men who had sold them out. Not one of those Involved in this bargain ever recovered the national confidence. All, even Clay, with his great abilities, were remembered, to be kept from all places of high trust and power; and four years later, when the people chose a President again, they gave their most unequi ! vocal voice tor the favorite, Jackson, aud de clared the purpose of the people to be free from the thraldom that corrupt leaders had established. 'Ihey blotted out at once tne whole party and the whole political edifioe of tne corrupt coalition; and tne leaders ot tuat coalition, despite all effort, were kept down forever by the determined purpose of the nation. We have been four years under the thral dom fixed upon us by another corrupt coali tion that ot the i'uritan and the nigger only this was a more atrocious bargain than the other, as the national purpose that has been betrayed was one nearer the national heart than any mere choice of a magistrate, however high. With all their might, with all the emphasis of ballot and bullet, the people made their will apparent, and the politicians scorned it and traded it away in their games. To vindicate the will of the majority and maintain the existence of the nation, the peo ple made every sacrifice that it is in a people's power. With an unlooked-for exercise of strength the nation put down the greatest re bellion of which there is any record, and then required of the dominant party only that it should pacify the country and restore peace. exacting from the conquered merely such a guarantee as would theoretically provide against the recurrence of the war; for practically the nation looked upon the defeat of the South in the struggle fairly fought out as the best of all guarantees for future peace. And what did the leaders in view of this plain purpose ? They ignored it entirely, treated the known will of the nation with an insulting indifference supposed to be characteribtic only of Ctesarism. Between Puritan and nigger was made the bargain to give to tlx half-civilized slave supremaoy over his former master, in order that the political balance of this brutal, ignorant, and unreason ing vote niig-ht reta n the l'uritau in power, That is the exact piefent position of the radi cal party. In accomplishing its purpose thus far it has traded eLy every tittle of principle it originally had from the sources ot power, and has reduced the business of government to a grand swindle, filling high places with cor luption beyond all parallel. -Will the people submit? Will they consent to see the princi ples upon which the na ion stands tradd to and fro, pet wet n scoundrels to whom the gem biers, thin. ble-ricreers, aud pocketbook-drop pers of our streets are, by comparison, honest dealers f Will they see the very heart and life of the nation rotted out, that a craven, brutal people, to whom slavery wai more a benefit than a degradation, may be set in power av ove the white men of the country? California answers "No 1" And in her voice we may hear what is to come from the people of New lovk and l'enns) lyaula the doom ot the political traders. The people are no longer to be deceived by the shibboleth of party cries that have covered with the name of freedom all this atrocious scheming. They will make a salutary example of the schemers. The Peace of Europe. From Vie N. Y. Timet. The formal announcements of peace between France and Prussia, which we have now had from the Governments of both oonntries, to gether with the suppression of the Cretan insurrection and the consequent laying of the Eastern question, dispel for the time being the threatenings of serious war which have dis tracted Europe all summer. Fiutsia could not do less than it haa done in publicly accepting the assuranoes of "the French Emperor, and King William's Gov ernment has done well to put forward in the foim of a diplomaiio note au expression of their belief in the maintenance of frieudly relations with their warlike but peaceably in clined neighbor. The official declarations of the two Govern ments change entirely the aspect of affairs on the European continent. They not only dis pel every rumor of war, but they take away every basis for the anticipations of war. They give the current of peaceful events and the great operations of industry opportunity to move on, unobstructed by those barriers which have been working such disaster, and which have tbrentened to bring about calami ties almost as damaging as those of war Itself. Three times within a twelvemonth has there been, to all appearances, imminent danger of an outbreak of hostilities between France and "Prussia. At the time of the l'rueso-Austrian war last year, the attitude ef France was such as to lead to the universal belief that she would embrace the opportunity QldMye TUB FINE LARGEST AND BEST STOCK OF old rye: whiskies IN TI1E LAND IS NOW TOSSKSSED 13Y " B ENHY S. HAN N IS: & CO.. Nob. 218 and 220 SOUTH FROKT STKEET, Wn OFFER THE 0AB1E TO TUB TRADE in X.OTN ! VHIT AOVANTAUEoua TEB9IS. Their Stock of Rye Whliklti, ISI xf ant, and rune tbropgn tlie various preicni date. mineral contracts wad for lots to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot. Krrlcsson Line Mbrf,r at Bonded Warehouses, as patties may elect. of f ettlinc certain outstanding Questions with Gei many, and of asserting the right which she bad frequently claimed, of dictating the terms and conditions upon whloh continental disputes sncuia ce terminated, liut tne very sudden nd very unexpected way in which that great ar was brought to a conclusion upset the ui poses of Napoleon, and prevented his oing anything more than making oertatn lespectful representations to Prussia, which be latter power dealt with In a very abrupt manner. Then, again, in the early part of the 1 resent year, hostilities between the two j owers were closely threatened on the Luxem l ourg question; but these were prevented 1 y the Conference called at the instance of ihe British Government which Conference apoleon very readily took advantage of. nd now, again, within the last few months, a trial of strength between France and Ger many has Beemed more certain than ever. There was no special cause assigned of suffi cient importance to warrant a war. There was said to be some argument on a Danish point, or some difference about the treaty of Prague. But these were looked mpon as mere pretexts for a quarrel which had its real cause in the necessity of settling the leadership of Europe of determining whether France should re tain the supremacy which has been In some sort of way taoitly conceded to her, or whether it should be trans'erred to the new and formi dable claimant which but lately asserted itself by the mouth of the needle-gun. We oonfess that on many grounds the prospect of war seemed more menacing this last time that on either of the two previous ocoasions. This danger, however, must now, in turn, be con sidered to have passed away; and we must now come to the conclusion that the relations of France and Prussia are not, for the present, to be disturbed. There has unquestionably been danger that the terrible "Eastern question" would be opened up by the Cretan rebellion. The Christians of Crete themselves looked for this. Had the Government of Greece taken the part in the revolt which they threatened, there would certainly have been widespread trou bles. Or had the Turks managed the case with less caution than they did, had they come into collision with the Russian vessels which were hovering near Crete, had they taken offense at the open manifestations of ltus&ian enmity, had they given opportunity for the threatened Slavo-Greek rising in the provinces, there would at once have been com plications that would have called forces into the field beyond the management of the Sul tan or his backers. All these perild have passed away with the suppression of the Cretan revolt, and everything is once more quiet in mat dangerous part ot Europe. In one sense the peace which has come over Europe is "hollow" enough; but European experience shows that what is called a hollow peace may often last a great many long years. And whether the present peace be real or hollow, we count it a great gain that war has been avoided. Why Did the Great Reaction Begin In California 1 From they. Y. World . Some enthusiastic Democrats may incline to answer that California leads the great pa triotic awakening simply because, in the fall elections of this year, hers comes first. . There would doubtless be a strong element of truth in this explanation, for noteworthy symptoms of an altered publio sentiment were apparent in the Atlantic States loDg before any indica tions of a change on the Pacific coast were observable here. We took occasion, several weeks ago, to point out and dwell npou some of these symptoms. Tbe most remarkable and trustworthy was the inclination of a part of tt e Republican pariy to nominate General Grant for President. The aggressive tone of the Republican party was wonderfully le,t down when a great portion of the party de sired the nomination of a man deemed of neu tral or doubtful politics. When a political party is thus lowered on a great ebb of publio feeling, and half of its members become practically neutral, there is good reason for hoping that the politic of the country will no longer be controlled by gusts of sectional excitement. The disposition of a large portion of the Republicans to nominate General Grant, was perhaps a truer gr ugeof the tuhiiidence of sectional passions than any other that could have been furnished. It showed a wide-spread and unconscious deser tion of Republican principles, it was a general sinking of the llames while no engines were playing on them, proving that the combus tibles which had fed them were nearly burnt out. The reoent boldness of President John son, and, what is more significant, the uneasi ness and consternation it causes in the Repub lican party, is another proof of change. The Republican party now makes a sponta neous confession that its only hope of salva tion lies in impeaching ihe Pres'dent. This confession of weakness is all the more telling for being unconscious. The great, boastful, arrogant Republican party, which has so con fidently proclaimed the death and advertised the funeral of the rival organization, and which has a majority of four to one in both Houses of Congress, quakes with fear when the President musters courage enough to change one Cabinet officer and two geuelals. This arrogant party abandons all its assurance unless so dangerous a man can be summajily deposed. When so vaunting a party is so easily discomposed, it is a proof that its lead ers have lost their confidence. Those .sanguine Democrats, therefore, who are ready to say that California is in the van of the great reaction only because her eleotion is held first, are not without reason. But we, never theless, think that they put the case rather strongly. We regard it as fortunate th.at the California election occurred first, for we sup pose the reactionary tendencies to be some tvhat riper there than in any other State in the Union. In other States, the tone ef the Republicans is indeed lowered, but the couser vatixi Republicans had not acquired courage enough to openly change sides, till they should tee others leading the way. Tlie energetic, enteipiibing Cal'fornians aro naturally bolder., than the people of older communities; and it Wiis 'kies. BUHD, eontitrteee all the favorite braa months of 1H0A,'06, and ofthls year, un ta ' is fortunate that causes should be in operation to mature their convictions in season for a re pudiation of the Republican party at the beginning of the fall eleotions. California thus puts forth her hand to shake the tree, and will cause tbe ripening fruit to drop in other States. California arrives earlier at opinions whose intriiis?o soundr.ess will cause their general adoption, by th-j advantages of her local situa tion, which gives her better points of view. Her distance from the i eat of Federal autho rity enables her to appreciate the absurdity of the centralizing system which the Republi can party is aiming to consolidate. A Govern-, ment three thousand miles away could net properly manage Ler domf stio affairs, even if it had nothing else to attend to. It would perpetually leisLte on subject1? of which it had no knowledge. It would constantly have to depend on the repiesentations of interested parties. Great corporations, or great moneyed interests, or great associations of swindlers, would generally carry their designs by their superior ability to send agents to Washing ton and support a lobby. This would be the case, even if the autnorities at Washing ton had no other care than to govern that single State. But with nearly forty States to govern, it could bestow so little attention on each, that in the confused mass of ill understood or misunderstood business, Cali fornia would be worse off as a member of the Union than she would be under a native monarchy. California, from her isolated looal position, is well situated for understanding what the Federal Government can, and what it cannot, profitably do for a State. Her experience haa taught her that a Republican State is equal to ; all the emergencies of local administration. She has had an excess of the turbulent ele ments of society, aud yet she has preserved ance. At one time she went through what was equivalent to a revolution, and came out triumphant; a vigilance committee in San Francisco assuming, and afterwards laying down, authority with a boldness and modera tion which demonstrated the caoacitv of th people to reotify any disorders that mighV arise from the temporary supremacy of dan gerous classes. The eventful history of Cali fornia, and her success in maintaining order, with an abnormal population, and a largo intermixture of mutinous people, is a trium phant demonstration of the capacity of the in dividual States for wise self-government. What, then, does California want of the Federal Union f Two things only external f rotrction and free trade with her sister States, t is for these alone that she has remained, by free consent, a part of the Americau Union; for she could, at any time during the war, and probably before it, have declared and main taired her independecce. But the Union pro tects her agaiust foreign aggression without the expente of a sepp -ate army and navy; and, what is still more important, it give3 her the advances of perfectly free trade with a multitude of other States, many of them as prosperous and energetio as herself. The Union engages to multiply the value of this beneficial commerce by constructing the Pacifio . Railroad, which is the strongest tie that binds her to the confederation. Distance and isol? tion have enabled her to discriminate, as man 7 other States do not, between State and Federal interests, and to judge correctly what the Stat 28 want and what they do not want of the central Government. Another reason which, had we duly reflected on it, might have led us to expect that Cali fornia would lead the reaction, is the presence in that r tate of a large Coolie population. The arguments by which the Republican party attempt: to prove the justice of negro suffrage are entirely destitute of force, or they equally demonstrate the necessity of Coolie suffrage. The Californians have an intuitive perception that this doctrine of the equal fitness of all race s for self-government is an exquisite ab surdity. The negro population in most of, the old free Statesds so small and unobserved that it is deemed of little importance; but the Coolies in California are numerous and de spised, and the idea of making them voters is regarded with irrepressible derision. But Coolie suffrage stands on precisely the same argumentative grounds as negro suffrage. ' The truths which California sooner sees from the circumstances of her looal position, are none the less truths for the other States. It is as true of them as of her, that they are per fectly competent to maintain internal order, and need nothing from the Union but external protection and free trade among one another. Even little Rhode Island put down, unassisted, a formidable rebellion against her State Gov ernment supported by a majority of the popu lation. The Federal Government is indeed under an engagement to suppress domestic insurrection in the States when called on to do fo; but in all our history no such call has ever been made; which is a valuable proof of the capacity of these States to maintain un aided the supremacy of their looal laws. Even the smallest and weakest of the States would be just as well off out of the Union as in, if they could be equally protected against exter nal aggression, and equally suro of free inter course with the other States. California hfa been in a better position to perceive this truth, but it is equally a truth for all. B A L T I M ORE IUPllOVED EASE BURNING! FIRE-PLACE HE ITER, l'i'f!'nB.rn1':Vij WITH Alaftazlna aud Illuminating be ImJ YVlioltttt&le enU ltetull 01 J. s. t'L 4KU. I lm2p Wo. loos MAHlt Jt'i' bireet. 1'ulw. o OBN EXOIIAN HAG MANUFACTORY. a 1 4 il M T. UAUKY A O O.. N. K. Corner of Makkkt end WATKR Streets, Philadelphia, DEALF.Kfi IN ISAUIS A ISO BAQQINO . Of ever? leHcrlitimi, iur Grain, Flout, Bait, Ktnr-l'ImnpiuUB of Lime, Bone 1 usl, V.ur,. LArge and small GUNis v JIAhh oousteutl? 00 hand J AUo, WOOi. bACKH. Joum T SaiLair. Iamws CasoadbMi
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers