THE DATLY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, AUGUST 31, 18G7. SPIRIT OF THE mESS. EDITORIAL OranORB C? "JH1 LKAIUirO JOCRSALB CrOR CURRENT TOPICS OOMFILKD EVEBT DAT FOB THB ETENim TELEGRAPH. Tks) Us or Mr. JohusoB'i Folly. fYom the If, Y. lotion. It U not worth while to make a minute com parison between the struggle now going on at Washington and that of King Charles I and tU Parliament. It would not be worth while, even if the two cases resembled each other in detail wore " closely than they do; for these elaborate historical parallels only serve to dis tract the attention from the great poiBts at Issue, and amuse more than they instruct. In the real nature of the struggle, however, there id a remarkable resemblance, and one from which we may, if we choose, derive les sons of the greatest value. Fortunately for ' us still more fortunately for our Chief Magis trate they differ widely in some respects. Charles I would hardly have lost his head or James II his crown if there had been a fixed point of time when his term of power would expire by its own limitation. It is a most fortuuate thing for the country that this struggle for power between the Exe cutive and the legislature has been connected With and complicated by a violent dissension upon the political issues immediately before lis. So superficially do most people think upon the fundamental principles of politics, so great are the attractions of a strong govern ment such as the war gave us, and so ready are we in general to let things take care of themselves, that probably nothing less intense than apolitical quarrel could have brought our community either to see in what direction we Were drifting, or to desire to withstand the current. As it was, the dispute upon the im mediate practical issues went ou for months, all the time growing hotter and fiercer, before it began to be generally seen that something more vital even than reconstruction was at Btake, and that the President had been exer cising a dangerous degree of power, which only his own bad faith and bad temper had at last overthrown. The question over which we have been con tending all these months is one worth the delay, expense, and bad blood whioh it has occasioned. For it lies at the very founda tion of any political system to determine what is the ruling power in the last resort. When our Constitution was established, Montes quieu's theory of the co-ordination of the three departments of government was ac cepted as a fundamental principle, and incor porated in the new organio law. It was a great step in that day thus to vindicate the independence of the judiciary and the legisla ture, and by this free the fountains of law and Justice from the absolute control of the mo narch. But no theory could prevent the three departments from trying their strength against one another, or decide that in that case the weakest should not go the wall. If the Supreme Court should give a decision ad Terse to the moral sense of the nation, not even the memory of Jay and Marshall could help it from being overridden by the popular Will. And if the President should choose to measure his strength with Congress, it would very soon appear that, of the three de partments, the legislature possesses the power, and that, possessing the power, it will be master first or last. The real value of the doctrine of the equality of the departments is two-fold. The first is historical, that it freed, as we have said above, the legislature and the judiciary from the control of the executive, in which, in past ages, they have always been. In the next place, it lays down a rule in accordance with which the powers of government may be best organized. If the functions of the three de partments are skilfully and clearly defined, there will be no temptation in ordinary times to overstep the prescribed bounds, and one could hardly decide off-hand that the power . whioh condemns a man to jail or that which pardons him out is not the strongest power . in the State. To a superficial view the Legis lature appears the weakest of the three; its power is latent, but it is there, ready to be called into actual exercise: and he is either a very brave or a very foolish man who ven tures, in the- light of historical experience, to provoke it. The ignominious overthrow of the President by Congress is not, therefore, a political revo lution, but the effect of a rapid development of the natural tendencies of the Constitution. It is precisely the change which is going on in England, only that here a weak, shallow, and obstinate President has caused it to be much more violent and rapid than it has been there. Let another George III or IV come upon the throne, and we shall be very likely to see the power of Parliament exalted even more tri umphantly than that of Congress has been, liven if it were a revolution, however, we should not for that reason deprecate it. A constitution which does not accommodate itself to the changing needs of those who live tinder it, had better perish; and if the opinions and . necessities of the public have undergone a re volution, the Constitution should do the same. If it is a revolution, we are peculiarly for tunate all the more so on the heels of a tre mendous war to have it accomplished peace ably. But the truth is that this victory of Con gress does not work a revolution, but prevent one. All through the war the Democratic newspapers were telling us that we were suf fering the President to establish a centralized absolutism. They were right: and that would have been a real revolution, not merely de stroying the balance of power in the depart ments of government, but placing them again upon the basis that existed before their in dependence was acknowledged in theory. That danger is past, and now the same news papers are making the same outcry at the usurpations of Congress. Are they right now, as they were then ? If the peril is a real one. the factiousness of their criticism should not blind ns to its truth. In the first place, the power whioh Congress is now, as we admit, exercising in an extraor dinary degree, is, as we have shown, a real and essential power of a legislature in a free State. The possession of power is certainly no exouse for using it badly; nor does power neoessarily imply right; that Congress can override the Executive does not prove that it can do so legally. But legislation is the undoubted right of Congress; and we claim that prescrib ing the terms and conditions of reconstruc tion is a purely legislative act, and therefore belongs properly to Congress. If, in doing this, or in the struggle which has grown out of it, Congress has pushed its legitimate authority to an unreasonable extent, or has fitmtflhed its power beyond the limits of right, the responsibility rests chiefly with him who began to play at usurpation. After all, even admitting that Congress has hfid nnon the functions of the Execu- tive legislative userpation is not, like execu tive' susceptible of systematic and continuous J Jm. A legislative body may, at seasons of great excitement, and under the influence of strong passion, act for a short time with energy and dfpatoh ; but it can only be for a short time. The natural disposition of a large body is to slowness and indecision, and this will surely prevent a continuance of such encroachments for any long time. When the times demand, a legislature will show that it possesses the chief power in the State ; but when the exigenoe has paised, it will very readily let the reins slip out of its hand again. And our American Executive is endowed with such extraordinary authority and suoh enor mous patronage, that we need never fear but that it will succeed in me long run in main- 1 tainlng all the powers which properly belong to It. Our strongest protection against execu tive usurpation is to recognize distinctly that Congress is the strongest power in the State, and therefore, in the last resort, the first power. We have opposed with such arguments and with as much earnestness as we had at com mand the attempts made during the past year to impeach the President. We did so from the belief, which we still retain, that up to this summer he had done nothing to justify a resort to so dangerous a precedent. But we have no hesitation in saying that, should he attempt, as he seems now likely to do, to pro long the conflict between himself and Congress; should he persist in claiming for himself the right either to legislate or to judge what laws are constitutional or expedient, and by that judgment regulate his oilicial conduct; should he, in short, either by the kind of men he selects for Cabinet ministers or for military commands, or by the instructions he gives them, show unmistakably that he aimed at nullifying a law of Congress, or executing it in a manner different from that in which the legislature intended it to be executed, it will be the bounden duty of the legislature to re move him, even if he has not proved himself guilty of any technical violations of duty. He might stay within the letter of the law and yet pardon Jefferson Davis and Breckinridge and put them both in his cabinet, and put Robert E. Lee in the War Department, but the country would not tolerate it, come what might. If he now obstinately perseveres in refusing to ac knowledge his subordination to Congress, every consideration of safety and duty calls for his removal. The spirit he is displaying is the legitimate result of the extraordinary exten sion given to the power of the executive during the war. It must be crushed at once, and crushed so sternly and effectually that no fu ture President will ever allow it to take pos session of him. Tit Issue between tlie President and the People. From the iV. Y. Tribune. The worst deeds acts of the most fatal con sequence are often committed in the holiest name. James Buchanan acted on the prin ciple that if one portion of the Union secedes, the other portion has no right of coercion; and he appealed in proof to the object of the people's veneration the Federal Constitution. Had the people followed his lead, the South would have had her own way. She would have enforced her claim to take her property, including her slave property, into any part of the United States, and to use it there. The American Union would have become a slave empire. The great experiment of self-government in North America would have proved a failure. But the people, whose common sense is too strong for fine-drawn sophistry, said: "We have a right to preserve our Union, peace ably if we can, foroibly if we must." They went to war, in spite of Buchanan's constitutional argument. Senator Andrew Johnson sus tained and justified the war. lie was very wrong then, or else he is very wrong now. If war is justifiable, as not in violation of the Constitution, so also are its necessary inci dents. But the present state of things in the South and the provisions enacted by Congress for its regulation are, in the strictest sense, in cidents to the late cjvil war. Mr. Johnson de clared it to be his duty, under his oath of office, to veto these provisions; and ever since his veto was overruled he has done what one man may to defeat their operation. The rea son he gives is that they violate the Constitu tion. That reason would be sound if the people of the Southern States had never levied war against the Government, and never, by that act, become public enemies. But war gives new rights. War imposes new duties. War annuls all previous treaties, conventions, agreements, how solemn soever. The rights which these secured during peace are lost when war is waged to those who levy it. The ordinary rights of war alone remain; and these, during a civil war like ours, do not include protection under a Constitution which it was the object of those who commenced that war to destroy. By our Constitution the home and effects of the citizen are inviolate, except after warrant issued, upon probable cause and under oath, specially describing the premises. Does this apply to the house of a Rebel in an insurrectionary State ? The Con stitution declares that the citizen shall not be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law. But what process of law did we serve on the Confederates at An tietam or Gettysburg before we opened a battery on their ranks ? What process of law preceded the confinement of our prisoners of war, or our appropriation of the enemy's am munition or commissary stores f The Consti tution is admirable in its place, but it does not embrace all subjects. It has no article treat ing of the rights of war. Its framers well knew that the nation might engage in war, foreign or civil; but they knew, also, that for such a contingency there were rules provided outside of the Constitution. They knew that we were not only a nation whose organic law was em bodied in a written Constitution, but also one of the society of civilized nations, the laws governing which spring from the common consent and usage of that society. They knew that we were bound by these laws, but they did not think it necessary or proper to insert them in the Constitution. Mr. Johnson alleges, in justification of the exertions he has made, and is making, to de feat the will of Congress, that the constitu tional rights of Southern citizens, suspended only during war, revive as soon as the enemy lays down his arms, lhat is bad law. A treaty, or any other compact, made during peace and cancelled by war, does not revive with the cessation of hostilities. The matter is then as open to negotiation as if no treaty or compact had been made. A treaty in the same words, or with different conditions, may be entered into; but this depends on the con currence of the parties who may contract. It avails, therefore, nothing to tell us that the Constitution provides that each State shall be represented in the Lower House, that no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate; and that inasmuch as Congress withholds from the ex insurrectionary States representation in the House and the Senate, the Constitution Buffers violation. It suffers violation just as much as it did during the Rebellion, when the enemy was deprived of his life, liberty, and property, without due process of civil law just as much, and no more. The incidents of war do not cease as soon as the sword Is sheathed. A just war is waged, not for the purpose of destruction, but of seonrity. The war over, important duties press open the victor. Every publicist of repute has set forth (what common sense snggests) that a vic torious nation ought to protect itself, not only against immediate, but against prospective danger. Vattel says: "When a conqueror has enbdned a hostile nation, he may, If prudence ko require, rentier her Incaprtble ol rioliiit mischief wlihthesame enxelii future. If the unfety of the Htnie IIph at make, our precaution and foresight cunnot be extended too t.tr. Must we delay to averl our ruin till it Iibh become inevitable ? An injury (ilven rlRht to provide for onr future palely by depriving the unjust aggressor ol the means of ltijurluic us." If these words stood in the Constitution, would Mr. Johnson assert that Congress had overstepped its duty r that it had no right to provide for the future safety of the nation "by depriving the unjust aggressor of the means of injuring us?" But is the right less clear or the duty less imperative because these are set forth in the Law of Nations and not in our organio law f Does patriolibm, according to Mr. Johnson, consist in ignoring International law t "The Constitution, the whole Constitu tion," that is well; but "nothing but the Con stitution," is that the Presidential doctrine? It is related, as our readers may remember, of a certain Moslem Vandal, conqueror of Alex andria, that when the fate of its celebrated library was referred to him, he consigned it to the flames, declaring: "If these Greek writings agree with the Koran they are useless, and need not be preserved; if they disagree, they are pernicious, and ought to be de stroyed." Are the pages of Grotius and Vattel good for nothing better than to be used as fuel to heat the baths of the White House? Is President Johnson, in the nine teenth century, but as far advanced in liber ality of sentiment as Caliph Omar was in the seventh? At all events, we consider his posi tion to-day less tenable than that of Buchanan in lbOU. Buchanan appealed to the Constitu tion against what he foresaw would be a ter rible war, marked with incalculable bloodshed, to be followed by sectional heart-burnings after its close. The war is fought through; there are half a million of dead; three thou sand millions are expended. Johnson, approv ing the sacrifices which the nation has made, sets himself to render her past sacrifices futile and unavailing, to defeat the efforts of her prudence and ioresight, to circumvent her en deavors to provide tor her future satety. He thinks we have a right to destroy, but not to save ; a right to fight the battle, but no right to secure the best fruits of victory. It may be, however let us put upon the President's warfare against Congress the most charitable interpretation we can it may be that he approves the object of the Reconstruc tion acts, desires to see the South deprived of power to injure ns in the future, but that he disapproves the manner in which this is done. Under this, the most favorable supposition, how stands the case? The people, through their Representatives, have decided that, to secure the public safety, reconstruction shall be effected in one way; the President is de termined it shall be brought about iu another. Who has a right to decide, Andrew Johnson or the people ? they who fought the battle and have to pay the score, or a man never voted for as President, whom the people neither love nor trust ? The issue, be it remembered, is not whether the plan of reconstruction as devised by the people through their representatives, aud pasted by overwhelming majorities, is the best and wisest that could have been con trived. The real issue is much simpler than this. It turns on the question, Who had a right to devise and to pass it ? Who had a right to judge how carefully guarded it should be ? bow stringent should be its several enact ments 1 There is but oue answer possible to these questions; and, for that reason, there can be but one solution of the present difficul ties. We do not want a king here, nor any one arrogating more than kingly authority. We intend that our laws, when passed by the legislative authority, shall be executed by our Chief Magistrate, not feebly, carelessly, pro testingly, but faithfully and earnestly, accord ing to their spirit and intent. If one man will not do this, another can be found who will. Everything is possible, except that the popular will should be defied and defeated. That has never happened in all our past his tory; it will not happen now. Whatever we do will be done, we hope and believe, quietly, deliberately with no undue excitement, but also with no weak hesitatiou. The framers of the Constitution would not have provided remedies for extreme cases if they had not intended that, if such cases oc curred, the remedies should be applied. We shall look forward to the developments of the next three months with much interest, with some hope that extremities will yet be avoided: but whether this be so or not, with no appre hension. The Impending Crista In Europe. JVom the N. Y. Timea. The mystical utterance of Napoleon at Arras, where his family name is held in more venera tion than in any other part of France, is none the less an omen of new political disturbance for Europe, that it seems to have been imme diately provoked by the sharp and dangerous thrusts of the domestic opponents of Ciesarism. Read in the light of the recent attacks upon the Emperor's foreign policy in the Legislative body and in the Liberal press, the Arras speech is comprehensible enough. It is doubtless intended as a defense of the conference at Salz burg, and as an intimation to King William and his Minister that the process of consoli dating the German States under the sove reignty of Prussia has reached the limits where other independent States can look on indiffe rent. But primarily, the Emperor's words, clothed as they were in the obsoure phrase ology which seems to be an esseutial part of his craft, conveyed a challenge to the French opposition, and proclaimed a defiance of their influence and power. A few days before the speech was delivered, the Paris Tunps speaking for the French Opposition had met the attacks of the lead ing Prussian journal ou the warlike temper of the opponents of the Imperial dynasty, by a keen and scathing analysis of the domestic politics of the Empire. How can it be possi ble, said the Temp (in effect), that the Empe ror's Government should oppose the complete unification of Germany ? Was he not the first to proclaim the principle of nationalities? vv ho but he should stand sponsor to-day for territorial readjustments regulated by that principle ? The disposition of the Emperor to revive the quarrel over the Prussian acquisi tions, the lemps thinks may be admitted. But the i russiau press should not confound that disposition with the temper of the Frenoh nation, nor should the organ of Prussia ven ture to doubt the Emperor's oontinued faith in the principle of unification as applied to com munities of the same race. The internal oondition of France, the Tempi holds, must be taken into account before any clear or correct estimate can be made of the Jiaiperor's intentions. "At the present point," it says, "at whioh matters have arrived, after the awakening of public opinion after the Mexioan disaster, after the strnggle of last version, after the hopes to which the letter of the 19th of January gave life, and whioh at present scarcely remain hopes after all this', there is no exaggeration in saying that our Government finds itself between the horns of this dilemma either to satisfy the legitimate demands of liberal opinion or to impose silenee upon it by the loud brutal roar of the can non." Chafing under this thrust, whioh is but a condensed expression of the Opposition speeches in the Legislature during the last weeks of the session, the Emperor replies at Arras, as reported by the cable. Weak Gov ernments, he thinks, may conjure up the phantom of a foreign war in order to divert attention from home troubles. But a Gov ernment like his own, based on the will of the people, will do nothing of the sort. It will only keep itself prepared to fight when the national honor is compromised. The scope and gist of the utteranoe, as foreshadowing an Open quarrel with the leading German power, would be better interpreted if the Emperor's views of what constitutes na tional honor were less liable to misinterpreta tion. In the Mexioan enterprise the national honor, as estimated by the Frenoh people themselves inside and outside of the Legisla tive body was indifferently consulted. In the premature attempt to patch up a peace between the rival German powers, imme diately before the decisive battle of Sadowa, the honor of France was surely more or less compromised; aud the authority of France as an arbiter in the reconstruction of Central Europe was surely called in question with an abruptness which a powerful and sensitive nation could not but deeply feel. The demand for territorial compensation on the Rhine, made hastily, and withdrawn almost j as soon as made, may not have involved the honor of France, but the firm re fusal of Prussia gave King William's Minister a prestige in the eyes of Europe and the world, probably greater than that which he had won in overturning the leadership of Federal Germany. When M. Bismark pre sented his master with half a dozen princi palities and brought four million new subjects under the dominion of Prussia, he carried into effect a political purpose for which nearly all the communities concerned had been for years preparing themselves. It was a great task, doubtless, and its accomplishment natu rally placed the Minister of Prussia in the front rank of European statesmen. But it was, after all, but an expansion of the idea which led to the Uolstein raid on Denmark. The principalities were prepared for the change. Political opinion had ripened; and the prooess of unification began almost in the i high latitude of Duppel, er the extreme northwestern boundary of German coloniza tion. But great as was the credit gained for the Prussian Minister, when he took advantage at the proper time of the common sentiment of nationality in the separate provinces, he did vastly more to establish the power and authority of Prussia in Europe when he de clined to consent to any rectification of the Rhenish boundary line. If the demand for such a rectification was honestly conceived, the honor of France, it might have been sup posed, would have required that the demand should be satisfied. It was hardly a compen sation for the abrupt rejection of the claims of France, one would think, that, under the provisions of the treaty of London, Luxem bourg has ceased to be a federal fortress. The accomplishment of that was the work of the neutral powers. In like manner, the appeal of the Emperor's Government for a settlement of the Schleswig question which should be in conformity with the stipulations of the treaty of Prague, is treated with an indifference at Berlin which is almost contemptuous. The only rejoinder to it seems to come in the shape of the merciless lashings of the North-German press. These, the cable informs us, indicate each day a more savage feeling of resentment among the people of Prussia. And only Thurs day we had a despatch saying that Franoe and Austria have so far backed out of their pretensions to regulate the Schleswig question, as to unite in dissuading Denmark from in sisting upon her right to recover Duppel and Aisen ironi Prussia. It is hardly possible that these repeated humiliations can lead to any result but open war. The pride of France has been wouuded in a way which would force a challenge to Prussia, even if the policy of the imperial dynasty dictated peace. The outbreak, when it comes, moreover, will not be in One quarter alone. The speech of Lord Derby on the East ern question, which we published Thursday strictly guarded as it was shows how small a spark would light up a conflagration along the shores of the Bosphorus. In the demand made by the leading powers upon the Government of the Sultan for a more liberal policy in re gard to his Christian subjects, England has refused to join. Prussia and France have joined with Russia in urging reforms. The indifferent attitude of England as, the closest ally of Turkey, will itself tend to make the Sultan indifferent to remonstrances from other quarters; and trance, with her hands full of the Prussian business, would not have the time or the ability if she had the inclination to renew the profitless contract which gave the allied armies a few davs' possession of Sebastopol. On every hand the situation is gloomy, and hopes of a long continuance of peace can hardly be other than delusive. The Revolutionary lugtou Are We to Uoverunient I Muddle at Wash Have a Change of From the 2T. Y. Herald. The revolution presses rapidly to a focus At the mad pace we are now driving it is evi dent that the people may soon be called upon to determine whether they will support the President and uphold the republic, or merge the three branches of power into a military dictatorship. The difficulties which threaten to destroy harmony of action in the Exeoutive Department are to be attributed not to Mr. Johnson nor yet to General Grant they are the fault of neither. The former takes the Constitution of the United States, which is placed in his hands as his politioal guide, and reads: "The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States." Under this he issues his orders to his General-in-Chief, who has been taught by Congress, in the Army Appropria tion act, that "all orders and instructions re lating to military operations, issued by the President or Secretary of War, shall be issued through the General of the army, and in case of his inability, through the next in rank. . Ihe General of the army shall not suspended, or relieved from command or as signed to duty elsewhere than at "fid head Quarters except at his own request, without th previous approval of the Senate; and any orders o instructions relating to military ope lned contrary te the require ratl0' Sutton shall be null and void." Thl peSp demaS that the President execute one C. Congress in its enactment, evi nntlv aces a mlUtary censor over him, and iMBMto disobey Reorders o' a superior is a, rirtue; tc .obey them, a crime heavily punished by the pro THE LAHGEJ6T AN1 I5EM' STOCK OF FINE O L D RYE W HI OK I E 0 lb THE L.AM IS MJW TObSF.S&ED BY II E N K Y S. HA-NNIS & CO.. Boe. 218 and 220 SOUTH FE0HT STBECT, WHO et riiRTIIK lAHIt TO THE TKA1K 1ST LOTH ON VKKT 1DT1ST4HKOIII TIvKJll. Vhelr Stock, of five W 'hlsklcs, IN the various iitui, eid rune through uitiaBl date. I.lleral tontrarts rosirls) for lot s to ed V Krilmici Line haI,or at liond visions of this act. In the capital no one ap pears to understand the problem. The Presi dent wavers in his assertion of the dignity of his office and its fundamental power, and slowly feels his way in the dark. General Grant, uncertain where he stands, makes pro test as a Cabinet officer, and reluctantly obeys. Far more soldierly had it been had he obeyed without question; for the President is responsible to the people through Congress not through General Grant. If we are to have a dictator, let ns have Oenernl Grant. We prefer him to any other, lie is mild and generous in his nature, lie would appoint the proconsuls who are to govern the several districts from our bast army officers. Iheee, perhaps, taught in subordination, might soon free their districts from the irksome authority of the ceutral power and give the people an enlarged liberty. It took seventy years of civil war in liome to culminate in a dictatorship. We may boast that, with telegraph, railroad, and steamboat, we can move taster. We may bring ours to a focus in seven years, or even less. This will prove how rapidly we have advanced in civilization. Rome went on from step to step until poli tical necessity forced Casar to the surface. The wars of England produced a Cromwell before the mad passions resulting from civil turmoil could be quieted. The French revo lution ran its race, and was only forced into a regular orbit by the strong hand of Bonaparte. In the United States we have gone on in our republican theories until we have, North and South, engrafted upon our political tree enough ignorance to uproot it in suoh a gale as that which we are trying to weather. In telligence is no longer the foundation princi ple ol the republic; for, with the engrafting of the negro element upon the ignorance which already existed, we have given ignorance the power the majority rules l Shall we halt and try to correct our mistakes, or march for ward to a military dictatorship f If Grant were to carry out the orders of Congress in the spirit which dictated, them he would im mediately become the exponent of a usurping power. Fortunately, thus far our great Gene ral obeys orders General Sickles gives place to Canby, and General Sheridan reports, in accordance with the orders of the Commander-in-Chief (President Johnson), to relieve Gene ral Hancock. The latter will assume command immediately at New Orleans and carry out the Reconstruction laws of Congress. It is impossible for Congress to' strike at the executive power without giving a worse thrust at the vitals of the Republic. So long as we desire to uphold the present form of govern ment we must sustain the President in full executive authority. If he thwarts the laws made by the people through their Congress, then impeach the President. Do not go behind him to teach insubordination and overthrow principles instead of the man; otherwise we kill where we would cure. Andrew Johnson, as a man, is or little consequence to our people. We may overturn and replaoe him; but how are we to overturn and replace the principles which we have voted , that he shall protect? Therefore, let it be understood that he who sustains the President at this juncture sustains not the man but the executive prinoiple. lie who upholds the opposition which Congress would force upon General Grant sustains a military dictatorship, and must prepare him self for its results. The Powers of the General. From the N. Y. Tribune. There is a fear in the minds of some people that President Johnson may remove Grant from the head of the army. Congress foresaw the possibility of such a thing, and prevented it at the last session by adding to the Army Appropriation bill a clause providing that 1. The headquarters of the army shall be in the city of Washington. 2. All orders and instruc tions relating to military operations, issued by the President or beoretary of War, shall be issued through the General of the Army, and in case of his disability, through the next in rank. 3. The General of the Army shall not be removed, suspended, or relieved from command, or assigned to duty elsewhere thai; at said headquarters, except at his own re quest, without the previous approval of the Senate; and "any orders or instructions re lating to military operations issued contrary to the requirements of this section shall be null and void, and any officers who shall issue orders or instructions contrary to the pro visions of this section shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor in office, and any officer of the army who shall transmit, convey, or obey any orders or instructions so issued, contrary to the provisions of this section, knowing that such orders were so issued, shall be liable to imprisonment for not less than two nor more than twenty years, upon conviction thereof in any court of competent jurisdiction." This act was approved by the President under protest, the section we have quoted being the one to which he objected. It will be noticed that the language is more explicit than that of the Tenure of Office bill, under which civil offioers are protected. By evasion and indirect manoeuvring Mr. Johnson got Mr. Stanton out of the Cabinet; but the head of the army is beyond his reach the President is positively forbidden to remove that officer without the consent of the Senate. Still fur ther to protect the District Commanders from the meddling of the President, the law com pels Mr. Johnson to transmit his orders and directions through the General, and declares void any order not so transmitted. Mr. John son's war paper is not negotiable until it has the indorsement of General Grant. COAL. BMIODLETON & CO., DEALERS IN . HARLEIOU LEHIGH and KAULE VEIN COAL. Kept dry under cover. Prepared exprewsly for family one. Yard, No. 1225 WASHINGTON Avenue, Oriloe. No. 614 WALNUT Street. 7 il I L 1. I A M a GRANT COMMISSION MERCHA NT, JNO. tt B. DELAWARE Avenue, Philadelphia, AUKNT VUII rmpont'l Gunpowder, Helloed Nitre, Charcoal, Etc W. Baker A Co.'s Chocolate, Cooa, and Broioa. Crocker Bros. 6 (Ju-'s Yellow AteteU bueaitllua Bolu, aud K alia. BUND, comprises all the favorite brands months of 1H6,06, and of this year, p t arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Dene, rehouses, as parties may elect, FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS.&Q, JEItlNO GAUZE UNDERWEAR or CABTWBICIIIT AUD WaBtEBI t'KLEBUATED MANUFACTURE. MERINO GACZE UNDERWEAR Id ever variety of nice and style, for Ladles', Gents', and Children's Wear. nOSIERT, A large assortment ol HOHIKEY ot EngllBh aaa German manufacture, In socks, three-quarter soohat and long nose. GLOVES. In Wh He, Bull, and Mode Color. For sate at HOFM ANN'S Hosiery Store, S6tuth MO. NORTH E1VUTU MIBUKT, J. "VV. SCOTT So CO., B1IIRT HANUrACTUBEBM, AMD DEILKKH IN MEM' FVBHISBIHfl HOODI MO. 814 CHESNCT STREET. FOUR IHX)BJS BaXOW THJ "CONTINENTAL 2rp PHILADELPHIA. PATENT SHOULDER-SEAM ftlllHT MANUFACTOBT, ANlENTl.l:niEN,M FUBNINUIBIO STORB PKKFKCT F1TT1NO H1UR18 AND DRAWKB3 ruadelrom meK'jr ment at very short notice. All other articles ol QIiINTI.k.mkim m DBJ93S GUul lu lull varlf ty. WINC1I ENTER A CO 1 HI No. 7Mt CHKbNUT Street, INSTRUCTION. GREAT NATIONAL TELEGRAPHIC AM COMMERCIAL INSTITUTE. SOS. 808 AND 811 CI1 EMNVT STREET PHILADELPHIA. REMOVAL To ttaa Finest College Rooms la th City. Part of the Second, and the whole of the Third and Fourth Floors et BANK OF REPUBLIC BUILDINGS, ' Nearly Opposite the Continental Hotel. ' The beat organiztd acd conducitdBusinena Collets In the illy. The Ciii lb 1 1 'J 1 m i.fcs lo kuperlor. loixauo jci tie i culiiui -.uou. in the ehorteet possible lime ccieJslei.1 vnh lie luteitMs ol tits btuOLt. Send lor circular. JACOB H. T AY LOB, Preetdeot. PARK BPKING, Vice-President. 6 28 6m THE MISSES DE CHARMS' ENGLI3H AND FRENCH SCHOOL FOR VOUNU LAD1E8. No. 1SI FILBKRT tstreet, will he reopened on the THIRD MONDAY IN SEP. TEM liKM, by MI8S CARRIlC 8. BURNHAM. THE COURSE OF STUDY, In addition to the branches heretolore taught, will Include Latin. Ger man. Klocunon, and Vocal Music. A MINERALOG1CAL CABINET has been aecured, and irrquent Lectures upon Mlueraioyy, Botany, Astronomy, and other Natural Sciences will beglvea free of charge, THOROUGH INSTRUCTION, In all departments, will be nlven no as lo enable the pupil to think aod acquire lor benel'; aud, as mental power depends so much npon the physical condition, CALIiiTliKNIO IXKKClSEt will be given dally, free of charge, euber In the open air or in the well-veutllated School room. . ...... See circulars at T. B. PUOH'S Bookstore, Bulletin Building. ' 8 luawlat BOKDFNTOWN FEMALE COLLEGE, BOtt-Di-NTOWN, N. J. An institution forthecare lul and thorough instruction of Young Ladies in all the branches ol a complete education. Board and tuition In the Preparatory and Collegiate departments, $AM per year. Wuthing. Ancient wui Modern laniruauet, and ornamental branches, extra. Winter Session opens September 19. For Catalogues, address REV. JOHN II. BRAKELEY. A. M., g 6 tuths6w President. HAMILTON INSTITUTE DAY AND HOARDING SCHOOL for Young Ladles, No. asm CUESNUT strt-et. West Philadelphia, com mences its next se.-siou on MONDAY, September tf. For circulars coniuiumg particulars apply at the School. MB . P. K. C'REOAR, A. M.. Principal. KDGBY ACADEMY, rOB YOUNO MEN and Boys, No. HIS LOCUST Rtreet, EDWARD CLARENCE SMITH, A. M., Principal. Re-opens September 16. 1'uplls prepared tor builueus or pro fessional Hie, or lor high standing In college. A hrst-class Primary Deparimeul lu separate rooms. Circulars, with full Information, at No. law CHKsNUl' Street. 8 12 2m CLASSICAL INSTITUTE, DEAN STREET, Vy above Spruce. The CLASSICAL ISTITUTE will be reopened SEPTE&lBEit id. J. W. FAIRER. D. D., 24 lm PrluolpaL THE SCHOOL OF DESIGN FOB WOMEN, corner of FILBERT Street and N. W. PENN Square, Will rot eu ou Monday, September 1 W. J. llOKnTMAN'N, Vice President. 8 IT 3w P. I1. VQItltl!-, hecrwlary and Treasurer. EXCURSIONS. i-n7"" THE SPLENDID NEW IRON Jt3S Steamer EDWIN FORRES r. Captain Bristol, Floience, Bobbins' Wharf, Fleldsboro', aud Tieuton. Leaves 2d Pier ab. Arch. I Leaves South Trenton. ..il.ui luu u Inv'I'.ivinu HMWUPiV Hurl I.... HHturday,Au.24, 7 A. M. 'Saturday, Aug. 2t, 11 A M, luouday, M i, Monday. 2(1, K7, IP. TueKilay, " 547, 10 Wedu'sd'y." 28, 10 Thursday, " 28, II K.iilav. " .SO. 12 Tuesday, " Wednesd'y," Thursday, r'rlUay, " t 28, 8.1, Saturday. " ill, li'30 P.M. Saturday, SI, 4 r are lo Trenton, 40 cents each wav. Iniermudl&ui places, 26 cents ecn way. Eicurslou. 40 cell ta, IH21 1m 'sinr FAKB T0 WILMINGTON, 15 M&brx-ncla corns: Chester or Hook. 10 cents, ai i. v ' " i" viimiri ,ii noun, iu coma. .... ..... . . " '"J a- me iiwuih A miUj will leave CHEfrNUT Street wharf at 4t A. M. and 8-4o P. M . Returning, leaves Wilmington at '4S A. M. utid li'4o P. M. are lo W umlngton. IS ceiita: Mnirainn m cents. Fare to Chester or Hook, lu noma. s 27 at .FTZS DAILY EXCURSIONS TO WIL- Urt lr-inn-nnia mingtou, Del.-The steamer ELIZA iffi?- . i,'ttVe I)0(-'K Street Wharf dally at 111 A. M. Mllfl 4PM Uu, , ,r, ,, Street Wharf, W llnnugtou, at 7 A. hi. and : AL r . . r""uu trip .......M.-..50 cent t-llll! e ticket Chester and Harms Hook .,. ao cents J.-.r iurtut particulars, apply on hoard. Iii . L. W. BURNS, Captain TAMES E. EVANS, GUN-MAKER, SOUTH J Street, above Second, would cull the attention of sportsmen to tb choice selection of BUKHErt' TROUT AND a liObw( new aeiorlmeiit), Flies, and all the usual selection of FDSHlNU TACKLE In all Its Various branches. HAND JuLZr.E-LOAPINO OUNH altored to BREKCH-LQADEltS lu the best manner, at the lowest rales. ... 7 U tf .
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers