Y SPIRIT OF TIIEPiu, yt EDITORIAL OPINIONS OF THB LRAOlira JOURNALS VPOlf ODKPBHT TOPICS OOMPILRD KVBBT DAT VOB THB BVKKIHO TKLBGKAFH. Tin Rats Onawlne;. From the If. Y. Tribune. The first instinct of the rats Just before they leave the sinking ship is to get into the pantry and gorge themselves. We Lave such a phe nomenon in Washington now. The Adminis tration rats have figured ont just five hundred and fifty-five days of feeding, excluding im peachment chances, which, to say the least, are not so bad as when Congress adjourned. If they were even sure of five hundred ani fifty-five days, it would be well enough, but they are not very certain of more than a hun dred. So they assail the Treasury with vin dictive and hungry earnestness. Uncle Sain'a oaken chest was never so persistently gnawed. They have clambered around it, over it, up the sides, aoross the ends, along the top, trying every bolt, stave, and lock. They have snapped at Mr. MoCulloch with venomous energy. If they could drive him away the box would be easy prey; but the whacks of his cudgel are too severe, and rats have whackable backs. Grant is as bad in the War Oflice. The Indian claims, the cwtton claims, the soldiers' bounty claims the claims for every thing but honest work that Grant won't settle are innumerable; and so the rats gnaw, and scratch, and bite, and snarl at the acting Secretary. Even Randall, who, with all his faults, is honest, and between whom and Jerry Black is said to be a brooding row, on account of certain claims tnar uandall does not "see," is being pursued by the rats. As tor Mr. Randall, we care little. We think Grant made a mistake in entering the War Oflice, but we trust he may remain there for the present, lor economy's sake. As to Mr. McCulloch, we feel that his removal would be a calamity. MoCulloch is about as bad a politician as can be, but he is a good finance minister, does his duty, and keeps the rats out of the Treasury. The country should demaul bis retention. Old Thtd dteveua a Revolutionist. From the If. Y. Ileruid. If any additional evidence was requisite to prove that old Thad Stevens is a revolutionist, it would be supplied by his letter published in Wednesday's Herald. In this letter he openly avows himself as a revolutionist by declaring that he and his sympathizers in Congress were all acting outside of the Con stitution, which they had repudiated, "else our whole work ot reconstruction," lie adds, "was usurpation." Thad Stevens is, in fact, the Robespierre of the revolution through, which we are passing. He has adopted the plan of the Jacobin party whioh Robespierre led to condemn the King and demand his death. Robespierre declined his nomination as presiding judge of the revo lutionary tribunal which he caused to be organized "for the summary trial of the ene mies of liVerty;" and Thad Stevens, although from different motives, opposed the iinpeacu ment of President Johnson. After the exe cution of the King, Robespierre proposed the decree investing the revolutionary tribunal "with executive powers above the Conven tion." He was elected a member of what was called the Committee of General Security, an auxiliary of the Committee of l'ublio Safety. Thad. Stevens did his best to transfer the execu tive authority from the President of the United States to Congress, and was the soul of ihe Reconstruction Committee, to which the policy of Congress is due. He would fain have made that committee the ruling power of the laud. Briefly, he is the American Robespierre. But he is a clever Robespierre, a witty and good ' tempered Robespierre, a Robespierre that we can get along with, despite his pet theory of "a mild confiscation," far better than with Buch a Robespierre as either Wendell Phil lips or Greeley or Sumner would make. We are glad to hear that he has reoovered Bufli- oiently from his recent illness to undertake a tour to the upper Jakes. We don't want him to die for at least five years yet to come. Let him return to Congress invigorated in health, to "fight it out" on his peculiar line, and see to what result his pet theories will lead him and his colleagues of the revolutionary party. We shall see if he will yet force "the man at the other end of the avunue" to quit the White House, reopen his tailor's shop in Ten . , nessee, and make suits of clothes for new Presidential candidates. Grant. From the JV. Y. Tribune. Some friends whom we respect, and a small number of insectivorous newspapers whom we do not, are very angry with the 'Iribune for doubting General Grant. Well, we claim the right to doubt anybody whose record is not so clear that there can be no mistake. If Gene ral Grant put himself under suspicion, the fault was his own. We certainly had no desire to do him injustice. On the contrary, we feel we deserve the credit of inducing General Grant to define his position. Our article challenging the Times was written on August 15. The General wrote his Sheridan letter on the 17th, animated, no doubt, by a desire to give the people the information that was wanted. In the agony of the war, when we criticized President Lincoln for not urging emancipation, he replied by writing a similar letter. If we remember rightly, these insec tivorous creatures were horrified because we labored to make Mr. Lincoln proclaim eman cipation. Mr. Lincoln and General Grant made their responses because they were actuated by a desire to answer public opinion, and tihowed that respect to the power of inde pendent journalism which, in a measure, ac counts for their great success. We like General Grant's letter about Sheri dan. We honor him for having written it. We want Grant to be with us; so essentially with ub that we can lean upon his strong right arm. We believe his heart is right; but he has himself to dread more than any other in fluence. He has been too easy with the Pre sident, too good natured, too anxious to please, and a has been betrayed into false positions, to t.h detriment of the general welfare. We regret that he has consented to the removal of Dickies, IOr vuero in u iiujiuinui ynuu.yiD involved in tbiasei quite as deeply as that .of Sheridan. It lie has the right to object to i,- ..ftual of Sheridn. he has the right to obieot to the removal of Sickles.and all the other luimnt Commanders. Thli is no mere technical auarrel about the wording of an order It is a fli,.f f fundamental vrinolples. Congress v.a imnosed upon the General of the Army .unnnun.ilitr of seeing that the Ileoon etruction laws are faithfully executed in the i-u i hl,h they were framed. General Grant cannot throw off that responsibility THE DATXjY" upon Mr. Johnson. It is not enough, for him to plnoe himself upon record as an enemy or the President's policy. He ha a strict iaty to discharge towards the people who- nave confided to him his high trnat. It is time I for him now to be stern. He should know that the President means war, and that he cannot escape a sublime responsibility. We do not know how far the President will lead us; but with Grant vigilant, resoluto, and true, he canuot lead us very far. I'ublU Opinion' King. Frtm the If. Y. Church Union. Andrew Johnnon abdicated the office of Pre sident of the United States the day that he telegraphed to Mayor Munroe, of New Orleausi whatever standi recorded in his work of participation in the business of the murder of the martyr Dostie. Since that time he has been busy repenting that edict of the abdication, and the American people have been equally vigilant lest he should take steps to get back again to his seat. A few days since he screamed it into the ears of a still doubtful people, who were more than half willing to receive him back "I do hereby, by the power in me vested as the President of the United States (not remove Secretary Stanton, not propose to remove the valorous and incorruptible Sheridan) but abdicate." This is the meaning of his proclamation and most uproariously do the people shout, "Amen." Now the only question is, in the premises: Do the people desire this man to rule over tLeulf Judging from the terrifio "amen" which went up all over the laud a few days ago, we should think even that Crazy Carlyle would have heard "The everlasting No." In short, it is getting to be a pretty well settled conviction of the American people that they do not want this man to rule over them. Cer tainly, of all the foolish Presidents of the United States, Mr. Johnson will rank as the prince of fools. Van Buren was dishonest, but he was compos mentis. Pierce was a craven, but he kept his party in power. Buchanan was a dotard, and yet his devotion to conserva tism was, doubtless, sincere and disinterested. Andrew Johnson is a naughty boy who starves himself to spite his mother. He is an old crow which believes the South when it calls him a beautiful bird and a heavenly songster, and drops his morsel of meat for the fox Seward to devour. We do not, therefore, take fright as some do at the latest folly of this imbecile exile. We have no fears so long as wisdom seems to have been dethroned too. The people are King. Central Oraut lu Civil Life. From the If. Y. Independent. General Grant (we regret to Say) appears to have become a cat's-paw of the President. If, instead of winning a seat in the Cabinet, he had lost a battle in the field, although he might thereby have damaged his country more, he would have damaged his reputatiou less than he has now done. Iu view of his eminent services (which all the world ap plauds), and in view of his practical common sense (which he possesses in an eminent degree), the Republican party has sought, with the friendliest feelings, to find some valid excuse lor 1ns present attitude towards the President and the nation; but it still seeks in vain. Not to judge of his motives (which are unquestionably upright), he has astonished the Republican parly by apparently counte nancing the treacherous policy of the Presi dent at a moment when no good Republican could be found to support it. To give the new Secretary of War the benefit of the most favorable supposition, we presume that he does not mean by his recent action to signify his approval or the President's nefa rious plans. But why does he make himself accessory to these nefarious plans ? A military ofiicer is bound to obey the military orders of his military superior; but no man, whether in military or civil life, is compelled to be a Cabinet minister against his own free will. It is not through enforced obedience as a soldier, lut through voluntary acquiescence as a civilian, that General Grant has taken a seat at the council-boaid of Andrew Johnson, it would have been supreme folly in the Presi dent to order General Grant to become what the official documents style him "Secretary of War ad interim." The President had no more right to order him to such a duty than to order him to be a Professor in Yale College, or to be the Attorney-General. If General Grant had not chosen to accept the proffered portfolio, his simple refusal of it would have put an end to the ingenious, and now success ful attempt to cover the President's evil deeds with General Grant's good name. The tonl know that "the Secretary ad interim" was iust as iree iu uecuna as 10 accept. Jhev would have applauded his declination: thev re 7ret. his acceptance. Once General Grant consented to accompany the President on a tour of billingsgate from one end of the country to the other. Now he contents to accompany the President, not iu a succession of foul words, but of fouler acts. The first two of these acts, the removal of Mr. Stanton and of General Sheridan, apparently reflect upon General Grant something mere than the sufficient discredit which he borrows from and shares with the President. With the exception of Abraham Lincoln and Gen eral Sherman, it is well known that the two greatest frienda and supporters of General Grant, and to whom thereiore he ought to be bound by the close ties of personal gratitude, have been Secretary Stanton and General Sheridan. Without the good-will and coope ration of these two men General Grant miht not have become the possessor of his world wide reputation, but have remained to this day a major-general of the army. In the campaign before Richmond, Stanton was General Grant's right arm; Sheridan was hts left. If any two living men ought to be ob jects of General Grant's gratitude aud affec tion, they are the two men whom he has con sented to disgrace. Of course, we gladly believe that he did not desire to strike a blow at either. On the con trary, we eagerly credit the statement that he "advised" against the suspension of the one and "protested" againstthe relief of the othur. But why should the first general of the army a general bearing a reputation which, if not for his own sake, yet for the nation's, should lx kept untarnished of any unohivalrous or unknightly act why should he consent to take a purely civil office against the public protest of its rightful oocupant, that occupant being at the same time his benefactor and long tried frjeudf And why should Lis first act, in an office not justly bis own, be the settin of a stigma upon a great soldier who helped his chief to many a victory? Moreover, it must be borne in mind that the removal of Mr. Stanton is not to be viewed simply in the bght of an ordinary removal of a Cabinet minister, whose place a Presi dent desires to fill with some other mau. Congress passed the Tenure of Office bill EVENING TELEGRAPHPHILADELPHIA, FRIDAY, primarily with the view of retaining Mr. Manton in the War Office against the attempt f a treacherous President to get rid of a too loyal war minister. The President's removal ot Mr. Stanton was a direct violation of this law a defiant challenge to Congress. To this offense against Congress, and thereby against the nation, General Grant has unhappily become a party. It cannot be doubted by Mr. Stanton's successor that, if Congress had been in session a fortnight ago (as it ought to have been), Mr. rtantou's removal would not have been permitted; in which case the "Secretary ail inttrim" would not have enjoyed the honor of a civil office. The Republican party uni versally desired the retention both of Mr. Stanton and of General Sheridan. Why then has General Grant allowed himself to be used as the instrument of thwarting the will of the loyal party of the country f Let us say again (to avoid the least posai bility of being misunderstood), that the Re publican party is willing to hold General Grant altogether guiltless of any factious spirit in this matter, and altogether purged of any lormer sympathy with the President's policy. We happen to know that General Grant's views are now thoroughly and radi cally Republican. In fact, if he were now more of a conservative and less of a radical if, for instance, he believed in the ballot only for the white man, and not for the black; if he were seeking chiefly to embarrass, rather than to promote, reconstruction on a radical basis he might then' be able to present to the coun try a more plausible vindication of his recent uncalled-for contact with civil afl'air3 than he can now make. There is but one explanation of General Grant's course; and that is, not sympathy with the President, not opposition to radical ideas, not jealousy of Stanton or Sheridau, but simply inexpertness in political alUirs. Gene ral Grant comprehends a military, but not a political situation. He knows how to bear himself in a military, but not in a political emergency. As a soldier, he never (except, perhaps, in some too hilarious moment at the social board) steps down beneath the true loftiness of his rank; but we do not see how a roan of moral firmness and generous sympa thies could have performed General GrantV recent exploits without violently wounding his own self-respect. We believe that, if the truth were known, it would be found that he suBeied a keen pang at the transfer of Sheri dan. 1 he lact that a radical olflcar is put m Sheridan's place, and the fact that Sheridan's radical measures still remain in force, show bow thoioughly General (-rant must have sympathized with Sheridan's administration in iev Orleans. Now if, before the removal either of Sheri- da ii or Stanton. General Grant had .-ai t to the President, "Sir, I am. a soldier, ready to obey all military orders which you may as Commander-in-Chief give; but I will not accept from your bauds a civil oflice, even though it be a seat in jour Cabinet; and, more than all, I will not be a party to the publio degradation of two of my best friends" if General Grant had sent to the President such a message as this, couched iu whatever terms of mildness and respect, the whole nation would have been kindled to enthusiasm and delight. Fortunate would it have been for his influence and fame had he pursued such a course, instead of adopting a lepreheusible alternative. His first step in civil affairs now ttauds forth conspicuously as a step ill-advised a step to be regretted a step which ii's best friends, if they could, would eagerly recall. These friends ought to be warned thereby against luring their great lion into a net of entangle ment. The military reputation of General Scott was not sufficient to make hiiu' President. General Grant is a shining light; but his light shines at the hea l of au army, not at the head of an idea. General Sherman, even at a mo ment when he was the people's idol, set the people suddenly against him by a maladroit negotiation. Sometimes a military and a po litical capability are combined in the same person; but the instances are rare. Wash ington was not only a soldier, but a states man; but, before he became the hero of the war, he had taken the pains to learn states manship in the House of Burgesses, by the side of George Mason and Patrick Henry. General Grant, on the contrary, has lived his whole life outside the realm of political ques tions and of civil administration. Until the breaking out of the Rebellion, he had voted only once in his life, and voted then for Jame3 Buchanan for President. Even this vote he gave idly rather than earnestly not because he liked Buchanan, but because he disliked Fremont. General Grant .was endowed by nature with many great qualities, for which his countrymen delight to do him honor; but a genius for political affairs is not one of these qualities; nor is he likely, by entering upon political life, to increase, but rather to dimin ish, his great reputation. Polydamas said to Hector, "Ali;gll'ts thou canst not in thyself combine." We regret to witness the signs and tokens of an obvious disposition among some officious people (perhaps acting without General Grant's complicity) to dwarf our Hector into a politi cian. State craft is not Genflral Grant's lorte. Nevertheless, this failing will be gladly for gotten, or never remembered, or covered down out of sight by a multitude of other merits, if he has the prudence to atone for it by alto gether withdrawing his name as a Presidential candidate. Johnson and Grant The Inevitable Colllalou. IVotn the If. Y. Tim. The Washington correspondents are doing battle upon the question whether a conflict has actually occurred between the President and General Grant, or not. By some it is alleged that a rupture took place between them in Cabinet Council, on Tuesday; by others it is declared that the meeting passed without difficulty, and that Mr. Johnson and the General are still good friends. The informant of the Boston tost, which shares wi oar neighbor the JJerald the dubious honor ot Mr. Johnson's confidences, furnishes aeircuin stantiul narrative which makes clear the laol of serious differences, the determination of tba President to snub the ad interim Seoretary, and his purpose to push the point of ditt'ernoe to extremities. Really, however, it is not necessary to loolc for explanations or assurances upon this head. Matters have gone too far to render doubt or misapprehension reasonable. Mr. Johnson has entered upon a course which shuts out tne last chance of reconciliation, and renders au compromise impossible. Vows nd protesta tions will serve him no longer. Pretenses oi compliance with the law which he la trying o obstruct are no longer admissible. H" Parr ' talk about the Constitution is laughed at as Sheer nonsense and hypocrisy. H Btan(a vealed an enemy not less of Congress and its laws than of the country and its peace. wan tonly, treacherously, with no conceivable nope of success, impelled only by reckless malignity and an insane ambition, he has reopened tbe quaml in a shape which renders W fate and the dnty of the governing party perfectly cler. As between the Executive and the people represented by Congress, there will bow be 1 neither the giving nor the taking of quarter. tfiuiuaou uas unsheathed the swottlor.a dihturber and a usurper, and there can be no further parley with him. A connict with General Grant Is then simply a question of tlm ti, ura nlnuaa and sagacity may enable him for a brief period toaveit an open rnpture, but come it must eventually, unless Mr. Johnson abandon hia pretensions and even that step would not save him or unless General Grant himself recede from the position in which Congress has placed him. Neither of these contingencies being probable, the collision which now forms a subject of gossip and speculation must be considered certain. That this estimate of the ca9e is not exag gerated is proved by. the antagonism that ex ists between the claims of the President and the duties and responsibilities of the General. Admitting that the former yet possesses the power of removing the District Commanders, and recognizing as obvious his purpose to retain in command only those who share his hostility to the form and spirit of the Recon struction acts, it is plain that there his autho rity ends. Over all else the General-in-Chief is supreme. Being clothed by the law with the power of revising, revoking, or confirming the doings of the District Commanders, he holds in his hands the means of counteracting much of the mischief to be apprehended from the President's removals. It is possible for him to impose an absolute check upon those whom Mr. Johnson may send to execute his will, and by the firmness and vigilance of oon .trol to make them instruments of carrying out the law. All this General Grant may do. All this the law enjoins him to do. And by doing it promptly and well, he may from the outset frustrate the machinations of the President. But to this exercise of lawful authority on the part of General Grant Mr. Johnson refuses to quietly submit. As Commander-in-Chief under the Constitution, he claims the right not only to remove and appoint, but also to instruct. On the hollowness of his claim it is scarcely necessary to speak; for even the Commander-in-Chief, albeit holding his oflioe inde pendently of Congress, must be governed by its laws iu the exercise of his functions. Abstractions aside, however, the President ha3 asserted his pretensions in this respect in the cases of Hancock and Canby, and we are not permitted to suppose that he will qualify them when the exigencies of his position grow more imperious. The explanation supplied at his instance to the Boston Post is too explicit to be misunderstood. Under the pretense of up holding the law, he is attempting to annul those of its provisions which confer on Gene E r.il Grant the task of supervising and regu- lating its administration. Mr. Johnson is, in fact, exercising an authority which the law declares is no longer his, and to this extent is seeking to curtail the powers of General Grant. The gift of prophecy is not needed to tell how this conflict of pretension with lawful power will end. A positive oollision may be averted to-day, perhaps to-morrow, perhaps a week, it General Grant's habitual modera tion suggests temporary methods of escape. But in the nature of things these expedients cannot endure. Mr. Johnson's career during the last tew months has shown that he can not appreciate moderation, and that forbear ance but feeds his arrogance. The truce of to-day will prompt him to urge further de mands to-morrow; and at last General Grant, obeying the dictates of duty, will be com pelled to assume an attitude of open, avowed hostility. The prospect is not a pleasant one, but we shall gain nothing by ignoring its probabilities, or closing our eyes to its perils. It is some consolation to feel that, as between Mr. Johnson and the bold, bad men who surround him, and Congress, with Gene ral Grant at its side, the ultimate result is not doubtful. But this certainty of final triumph for the right does not afford com pensation for the immediate injury to business, aud the losses and gloom of the intervening period, which proceed from Mr. Johnson's wild and wicked proceedings. '' The Three Great Porcei of this Revolu tionary Age. From the If. Y. Herald. What are the leading characteristics of this age ? This is a question to which many dif ferent yet apnropropriate answers might be given. We know only one answer which is at once distinctive and exhaustive. It is the age of the printing press, the steam engine, and the electrio telegraph. We might put it in another form, and say it is an age in which all men think, some with greater, some with less intensity; some to greater, some to less pur pose; in which the thoughts of thinkers are common and publio property, and in which the mysterious and mighty forces of nature are yoked to the car of humanity. Men think now not in a corner, in a cell, or iu a cave, bat in the eye and ear of the world. Thoughts are not now buried, as they onoe were, for centu turies; they obtain prompt and immediate and universal publicity, and the principal agents in giving effect to thought in modern times are printing, steam, and electricity. These are at once the types and the means of human progress in the latter half of the nineteenth century. A natural and necessary result of this state of things is that everything is at once con ducted on a more gigantio scale and brought to a more speedy issue. Witness our late civil war. Witness Napoleon's Italian campaign. Witness the recent struggle in Germany. Questions which in former times it required ages to ripen now rush to maturity at once; aud those which it took years to settle are set tled in as many days. Compared with the gigantio struggles of modern times, the wars of au earlier period degenerate into village rows; and a thirty years' war in any part of the world where modern forces are at work is no long possible. These thoughts are not without a certain valne as applied to the situation both In the Old World and the New. Europe, at the pre sent moment, is evidently on the eve of a great crisis. War may be spoken of as an almost absolute certainty. We know not what a day or an hour may bring forth. This we do know: that war, when it does break out, will be on a grander scale, and will be shorter, sharper, and more decisive than anything which we have yet seen. Europe to-day is very different from Europe in the days of Wallenstein, of the Great Frederick, or even of the First Na poleon. The iron road aira the puffing engine are everywhere. Everywhere, too, is seen the electrio wire, tremulous with passing thought. The railway car has supplanted the slow and wasting march; and what was done by the tardy messenger is now done by the swift and well-trained lightning. Europe, therefore, may have greater, but. she cannot have such lasting, wars. The t-anie forces whioh have revolutionized Europe are at work here. They have already placed us iu the front rank of the nations, and the time is not distant when, directed by Anglo-Saxon skill, they will give us tbe com mand of the entire American continent. Mexico will oome in and extend our borders, to the South. Canada will come in with its Anglo Saxon energy, and increase at once our AUGUST 30, 18C7.. Old 'Mye hrldsldes, 4 THE LARGEST AND BEST STOCK OFI FINE OLD RYE V H 1 8 K I E 8 IN THE LAND IS NOW POSSESSED BY E3SN11Y S. H ANN IS & CO.. Nob. 218 and 220 SOUTH FRONT STREET, WHO OFFERTIIE RADIK TO THE TRADE IN LOTN ON VKRY iDTlNTAUEOt'l TKH9I. Their Stock of Hye Vk' hltkUt, IN extant, and runs through the varloui prtitnt date. IS trtnt data. Liberal centrnrts made for lots to arrive at Peaasyliraiila, Railroad n-.,-. F.rrl o Ubi Hrl,o at Bonded Warehouses, as parties may elect. " territorv and the vital forr.ps of iha ITntnn Spain must look out, for Cuba, already ours by electrio contact, must soon be ours in jaci. ine west inaies ana the South Ameri can States will follow j nor will there be any baiting in their triumphal career until the entire continent is sheltered beneath the folds of the Star Spangled Banner. Is this mighty people the possessors of so much power, the destined inheritors of so much fame and power to be subjected in their onward march to the control of the negro ? It must not be. Mr. Johnson. Plays Foul. Fimn the N. Y. Tribune. The Tresident, not content with his late per formances at the Schutzenfest, has recently t xpressed a desire to take a hand at base ball. Indeed, he has gone so far as to receive a depu tation of New York athletes, calling them selves the "Mutual Base Ball Club, of New York," but called, at home, "Man-Eaters," and to accept at their hands a badge of mem bership, which he immediately pinned on to the lapel of his eoat. He then proceeded to punieh the young men in question for forcing themselves .into his presence, by making a speech to them. He was pleased to accept of the badge, and pleased with the honor of being made a member of the club. He held the game of base-ball to be a moral recreation. The game never attached any disgrace to its members, lie had played the game when a babe, and was always delighted with it. He hailed with pleasure the admitted fact that the game was now hailed as a national one. He thanked them for their kind attention. He hoped they would enjoy whatever hospitalities they might receive in Washington. Then the Club shook hands with the President, and the President shook hands with the Club, and then the Club retired. After that they went to Baltimore, and got one of the worst beatings they ever had in their live3. Whether the game of base ball ever attaches any disgrace to those who play it depends upon how it is played. But a bad player may easily die grace the game, and in Mr. Johnson's way of playing his National game we see a very sterling illustration of it. When he took his place at the head of the field two years ago, nothing could have been more promising than the looks of affairs. All the litter caused by the players in the great game then ended was being cleared away. Bran-new bases were planted, bran-new bats and balls were pro vided, and tbe eyes of the whole world were upon this bran-new player who had bragged so tremendously about what he had done and what he meant to do. But the bran new gentleman soon began to astonish j everybody. He seemed to take as na- ' turally to muffs as to muffins, and to enjoy wild balls as if they were wild ducks, lie was continually getting between the legs of men of his own side, bringing his bat recklessly down on the heads of his friends, and making feeble attempts at twisting, that always ended in hitting the man behind him. At lengtn, when be had j played a series of the worst innings ever seen, i the opposition, or Congress Club, tripped his feet from under him, and set him in a corner ; till he should have slept off his excitement. ! This made him sulky, and when he found that ' his hands were tied behind his back, he deter- j mined to show what he could do with his feet. ) Just as the game got started again, and all 1 was promising peace, joy, ana satisiaotion, ne slyly wriggled out of his corner, and by a bold thrust kicked the short-stop against the pitcher, and then sent him rolling first against one base and then another, until they all lay in a heap on the field. This is the situation of the game at present, and we submit that the President's friends owe it to the publio, who have been standing a long time patiently longing to see the game brought to an end, to get him off the field as decently as they can. He really is in no condition to be about, much less to be playing National games where the stakes are of tremendous importance. Thus far, all his scores have been blanks, and his pitching and striking have been equally divided between impotence and spite. He may be very sure that no honest base-ball players will ever choo3e him on their side again. General Grant and the Radicals. From the If. Y. World, The political star of General Grant, which has been in the ascendant for several months, begins to pale in the glare of radicalism, and there seems some danger of its total obscura tion. The conjuncture has, therefore, been to the radicals one of great perplexity and em barrassment; and, although they begin, or think they begin, to see daylight, it may, after all, be a deceptive glimmer. The po litical situation, till Grant recently changed it, was this: The conservative Republicans desired his nomination, desired it mainly because they supposed he might be run by the Democrats, and they wished to head off the Democratic party and deprive it of Gene ral Grant's prestige. The radicals, under the lead of the Tribune, have protested and re sisted; not, however, in such absolute terms as to preclude all hope of their ultimate ac quiescence, but insisting that their oonsent, if ever given, would depend upon General Grant's publio and unequivocal adoption of their principles. This was a trap artfully set and well baited. Nothing but the fear of General Urant's nomi nation by the Democrats could have induced the radicals to treat him even with this ' pros pective and conditional tolerance; and if they can ruin him with the Democrats, they will fling him aside without Scruple. The most dexte rous method of tempting him to commit politi cal eoicide was enticing him to hoist the radi cal flag. This done, and the danger of hia nomination by the Democrats removed. tVi radicals would pass to an easy and triumphant ' muutery of the situation, They form a ma jority of the Republican party iu almobt every i Congressional Dihtrict, and can elect delegates of their on stripe to the Republican National BOND, comprises all the fftvorlta months Of 1HAS6B. nil nfthi. ... ' " P Convention. If General Grant had maintained bis former reserve, they might have felt con strained to nominate him by their fears that Democrats and conservative Republicans would take him up and elect him. But they would deride tha idea of danger from his being run by the coo seivative Republicans alone. A split in the Republican party would do them no harm provided the two sections of it outnumbered the Democrats. In that case the running of three candidates would merely prevent a choice by the peopla. The election would be thrown into the House of Representatives a House already elected and intensely radical. If three candidates are run with no choice by the people, the radioals would be Just aa triumphant with their candidate third on the list as first. They have nothing to fear from a Republican split, but everything to fear from the Democrats running a candidate who would draw off the conservative Republican vote, or a considerable portion of it. Hence their manoeuvres to entrap General Grant into declarations which would prevent his receiv ing any Democratic support. General Grant has been so freely talked of in connection with the Presidency, that, like every other man who had a fair prospect of gaining that high elevation, he has oome to desiie it. The removal of General Sheridan looked to him like putting another military candidate in the field against him. With a boldness of strategy savoring more of a sol dier than of a politician, he took that bull by the horns. He espoused the cause of General Sheridan with such a superabounding zeal as to make the removal more of an affront to him than it was to Sheridan himself. As a mode of disposing of a rival this was prompt and adroit, but we doubt whether it was far sighted. The radicals want neither him nor Sheridan, and will be glad to see them both put out oi the way. Grant has done them a service in smothering Sheridan; they now wish him to go a step further, and smother himself. The Tribune tells him plainly he must not stop yet. We quote: "Mr. Johnson has overruled his arguments', and reversed his orders, and has even gone so far 8 to (11 reel Hherldan to go at once to tha Plains, though Grant had HummotieU him to Washington. Kay. he has none further: (J rant Instructed General Thomas to maintain all or ders he should find In force in tho Fifth Dis trict; the President instructs Hancock to annul whatever he sees fit. This Is a direct issue, aud no man who honestly honors Grant lor his ser vices in tbe field, who honestly desires to kuow nim as a friend of reconstruction, will full to rejoice that It Is made. There Is a gulf between the people and tbe President, and thosa whom tbe people trust must stand upon their side of It. No bridge Is possible. No man, however great bis popularity, can reconcile belief in the laws of Congress with voluntary obedience to the President's policy; and the sooner the 'open luutuie." which General Grant's frleHln nr. diet, occurs the sooner he speaks as a soldier should the better It will be lor himself and for the country." This was on Tuesday. Again, Wednesday, speaking of General Grant's letter, the Tribune says: "While we heartily agree that the letter does General Grant 'timely and essential service, we confidently cite that letter as Justifying our criticisms of General Grant's position. "General Grant has a perfect right to be or not to be a Heputllcan, without, being 'as sailed' therefor. Whut we 'assail' is false pretense; and of this we have not known him guilty." Which means that, in the opinion of the Tribune, General Grant's letter to the Presi dent by no means identifies him with the Repub lican party. It is a warning to him that he must take sides so unequivocally as to cut him off from all possibility of receiving any Demo cratic votes, or he cannot have the Republican nomination. But if he takes that final and fatal step, he is "as dead as Julius Cwsar." The only reason why the Republicans ever thought of nominating him was to prevent hia election by the Democrats. If he descends into the same arena with the other Republican candidates, be will be formidable to none of them. Chase's friends, Colfax's friends, But ler's friends, reinforced by Greeley, by Sum ner, by Wendell Phillips, by Tilton, and hosts of others, will join hands to dispose of him before the competition becomes active between the radical; chiefs. Grant, having been brought prematurely into the field, will be the easy victim of their common jealousies. For though an early candidate, it would be charged that he was a tardy Republican; and that he never deolared his allegiance to the party till thirst of oflice tempted him to aban don his former principles. For our part, we shall be slow to believe that General Grant will march into the radical cul de sac. FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS.&C. F, HOFFMANN, JR., SO. 8.S ABt'H ITBEET, " FUBNISHING GOODS. (Li lea. Ju Hoflaisn, formerly W, W, Knight,) FINK It II I HTM Attn WRAPPBBS, IIONIEUT AND ULOVES NILH,I.ABf UM WUUI. ANDHEBIKO t BfBiwnro llWIIEHCLOTHlmi, J W. SCOTT J5c CO., SJUlJttT WLAH I FA CI UKEBS, , ' ' AND CKALKKS ttf MKN'N rVBNliUINQ UOODI HO. 814 CIIEMNUT hTBEKT, FOUR IXXJKB BhXOW TBS PATENT SHOULDER-SEAM klllHT MlKl FAiTOUr, i AS UUESTLtM EMU 1 X KM IMU 1MO SJTOK FiKKKLT PITTING fclllKTH AND DHAWIDKS , ', - , ' , M'ISCM WITKU A CO., ' HmmCHtoiSPTWrMl, JAME3 E. EVANS, GUN-MAKEli. 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Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers