2 4 SriRIT OF THE 1UIESS. gpITCBtAIi OPIKIOBB OF THB LKADIfQ JOURNALS PPOH CCBBKNT TOPICS COMPILED ETEBI PAT FOB TBI BVKNINO TELKOBAFH. nepodlatora-'Who Ara They 1 Prom the N. Y. Tribune. The New Tork Times sees fit to rebuke the KepuUicans of the second and third States of our Union as follows : Wo think the Rppubllcnnn In Pennsylvania, r. 6 ?.D ..,- swum where political cam- v ' . Tn tiroif :es. are making a mistake ra,S..mn.lnK Cfantea upon tue.f opponent. la ftuempuuK 1ia nrnnflfl Of urw.Be of repudiation, in the first place, urpimou" .,D1V, tr bt nrecl.se v true: H does V","e it is strongly denied by the Jn the end p ate s j Ucu j W h.Tb to c JrcuUte ttio lniprHlon through- had thlnii to crcum u out this ,f""rM"y as i trie Uemocrats are In ?,trODrnn?a .Ohio, and other Htaten, are In fao?"of "pudli i on. If they are constantly IhlrLfi with it they will very likely come to befieve. in course of tune, that the charge must rllv be true, and they will unoonolously snm the very ground upon which they have been pushed by their opponents. It should be political death and dishonor for any man or Sartv to iuggest repudlallon, and there shoald be no attempt to familiarize the public mind with bo disgraceful an Idea." We fully admit that any charge which is untrue should uot be made, and, if made, should be retracted; but what are the facta in the case t Will the Times reproduce the rele vant language of Mr. Vallandigham, racently cited in our columns, and maintain that what he proposes is not repudiation f And wa3 not that language employed at a Democ ratio meeting expressly to win votes for the Demo cratic tioket f Are not the Republicans who hear such harangues as competent to inter pret them as an editor who fails even to quote them r Will It be urged that Mr. Vallandigham is an extremist f Then let us consider the more cautious and moderate inculcations of the lion. George H. Pendleton, last Democratic candi date for Vioe-President, and widely known as an amiable and scholarly gentleman, of ex cellent birth and breeding, and the inheritor of a liberal fortune. See his remarks on this subject, as published in full on Monday, but especially this portion of them: "The nve-tweuty bonds are all payable, at the option of the Government, alier five years. Their very name r-hows It. Xhey are payable, by the law under wnich they were issued, and according to their luce, in greenbacks. They are not payable in gold. The Interest Is, accord ing to the provision of the law and the lan guage of the coupon, to be paid In gold. Not so with the principal. The ten-forty bonds au thorized by the act of the March 3, 186a, are, by the terms of the law, made payable In gold. This is the only class of bonds of that charac ter; and as I read the last otlicUl stutement of Seoretary McCulloch, very few, if any of them, nave been Issued. The Government may then, according to the terms of the law and of its contracts, pay the five-twenties in greenbacks at any time after Ave years from their issue, and there is no repudiation in doing so. Of this class there were outstanding on the 1st of Augut $1,100,000,000, and they mature probably In nearly equal proportion in each of the next live years. This will not supersede the necessity for high taxes, for close economy, for continu ous industry. They are inevitable. With them, and whatever other pluns wisdom may sug . pest, the burden will press heavily on yon und your children. I have shown that the re demption of the bonds will soon be gradual, the fncrenBe ol the currency so slow that values Will adjust themselves and business Interests become regulated without that shock which usually attends great changes of financial policy, iiut, li it were uot so, uu mo uuuua should be converted into greenbacks. They were sold for greenbacks; it is fining they should be redeemed In the same currency. This policy would save the interest, pay the debt, and bring upon the implicate for taxation that Immense amount of capital which is now exempt. And these advantages would amply compensate lor the evils which are predicted. The debt amounts to one-flftn of the property, real and personal, ot the whole country. Oue flftu of all the capital of the country is exempt from taxation. Interest eats up the substance of the people. Exemption from taxation ag gravates the evil. This state of things canuot last. It oppi esses labor; it excites deep discon tent. It ought to be relieved by a fair and volun tary adjustment. It will be relieved at all events. The bondholder should be prompt and wise. The people already believe this curse U t h hliffht of death: and we know by experience what they will do to 'save the life of the nation.' " We do not care to dwell on the gross mis Statements of facts here made as, for in stance: 1, That the Five-twenties are payable not in gold, but in greenbacks. 2. That the national debt "amounts to one fifth of the property, real and personal, of the whole country." The property of our people is worth more thanthirty thousand millions of dollars, though it was officially returned in 1SG0 at sixteen thousand millions. The debt is not eight per cent, of the value of that property. Mr. Pendleton proposes an issue of two thou sand millions ol additional greenbacks lor our interest-bearincr debt exceeds that sum. What would they be worth if our currency j were thus swelled by two billions of fresh paper, redeemable in nothing and never ? What would these greenbacks buy ? What would all the mortgages and all the outstand ing debts in the country be worth alter such an issue r The publio debt would, of course, be sponged out, and its holders beggared ; but what other class of creditors would fare better f What Mr. Pendleton proposes is, in our view, "precisely" repudiation"only that, and - nothing more" repudiation of the na tional debt first, and of all debts as insepara ble therefrom. Can we be mistaken in this f Our readers have the whole case before them, and can form just conclusions. How is it with those Of the Times f If the Republicans of Pennsyl vania and Ohio are to be arraigned B3 false accusers, should not the facts whereon their judgment Is based be given to the jury If There are few Democrats of higher personal character, or of more signal personal probity, than George II. Pendleton. When he talks like a villain, you may be sure that his heart is full of bitterness, and his understanding clouded by partisan venom. And that is "pre cisely" the fact. Mr. Pendleton sympathized with the Kelmllion throughout, and he hates those who lent their money to put it down, lie deems repudiation the best card of pro slavery Democracy. Woe to the publio credir tors when such as he shall have become their paymasters I ' The Onto Democracy and Iobt. the national From the N. Y. Times. Mr. Pendleton, of Ohio, is determined that thA Chicaeo platform, and the part he per formed in the last Presidential campaign, shall not be forgotten. He stood at that epoch on very' peculiar 'ground. The party of peace, whose views' Mr. Tendleton specially repre sented, announced as the first article of its creed that the war for the preservation of the nation had proved to be a failure. To give the country assurance of, the sincerity -of thia avowal, the Democratic leaders gave the nomination' for . the ( Presidency to General McClellan. '! ..-.' .-. mi. nrrntior III that BS l&T US 1 here was uui""6 . -- --- . , . . m- i,.,nutrm was concerned. He had stood manfully by the South all through the war. He had not taken up arms for the maintenance of the national authority. Ho had steadfastly resisted an appeal to the arbitrament of the sword as steadfastly, indeed, as Mr. Vallan dicham. Mr. Fernando Wood, Mr. Colorado Jewett, or Mr. John Mitchel. There was no peaoe record at that time cleaner than Mr. Pendleton's. He believed the bouth had a right to secede, State by State, to draw the Inmndary line anew either north or south of Mason and Dixon's line, as it might choose to fhut up the mouth of the Misdspippi, and blockade Chesapeake Pay. He saw in the war, as carried on by the National Government, not a legitimate struggle for national existence, but the onslaught of a tyrannical power upon a number of sovereign and independent com munities. Mr. Pendleton's position would have been assailable, taken by itself, or even taken in conjunction with the Chicago platform. But, unfortunately, Mr. Pendleton, always and consistently a man of peaoe, was coupled with a man whose only record and repute were those of the chieftain and the man of war. He had a strange and anomalous part to fill. The olive branch was in his right Land, but in the right hand of his chief was the double-edged sword, ready to smite and to slay. For this awkwardness of situa tion Mr. Pendleton cannot properly be blamed. He would rather have seen the party ticket headed with the venerable statesman of Whoat land, than with the most formidable of the military engineers that dug Lee and his men out of Yorktown with dirt shovels. To-day Mr. Pendleton stands true to him self and history. A war which he deemed iniquitous while it was going on, he stamps with infamy now that it is ended. The debt incurred in carrying on that war Mr. Pendle ton is too select in the use of his phrases to call spurious. lie uses language too correctly to imitate his former colleague, Mr. Vallan digham, and declares broadly for repudiation. But Mr. Pendleton, representing, as he does, not the Ohio Democracy alone, but the entire remnants of the Chicago peaoe party, de clares with far more insidious power than Mr. Vallandigham for a policy leading ultimately and surely to repudiation. Thus daintily does Mr. Pendleton present his scheme: "The amount of unfunded debt has been esti mated at $800 000,000. If nils shall be converted into bonds the interest will amount to forty eight millions In gold, and this sum will be added to the expenditures. In the meantime the number of Kaliomtl I!. inks will be in creased, and the place of the greenbacks sup plied by bankcurreucy. Our Government pays a higher rate of interest than any lu Europe. Every dollar of Its indebtedness is ti be made to pay that rate, and no provision whatever is made for its redemption. This procass should cease instantly. These forty-eight millions an nually should be 6aved. The five-twenties should be paid In greenbacks as they mature, or as fast as can be done without too gredt de rangement of the currency. Nearly four hun dred millions of them are deposited by the banks as security for their circulation. Tuese can be redremed without adding one dol lar to the currency. The Interest on these bonds amounts to twenty-four millions of dollars annually. Add tills sum to the forty eluht millions above spoken of. and we have seventy-two millions iu gold. Create thin into a sinking fund, and you can pay the whole debt in sixteen years, without adding a dollar to your taxes or increasing- your rlreuiallng me dium. Hut the condition ot the coun try could bear an lucrease In the currency. Tue ravages of war at the South the destruction of capital there the loss ot houses, horse, cattle, agricul tural Implements the scaicl'.y of provisions the enlranohisemont of the negro the import ance of setting the whole population to labor at once create a demand for more c irrency Every Interest there would he advanced by the stimulating effects of an enlarged currency. As fast as this Increase could be wltfi'ly made, the bonds should be redeemed, the Interest reduced, and the amount thus buved be added to the sinking fuud." Carefully as this project is outlined, it re solves itself into a proposition as any one cau see to break faith with the publio creditor. It lacks coherence, certainly. Hut its bearing cannot be misunderstood. We borrowed dis advantageous (is the sum of Mr. Pendleton's argument) we borrowed at usurious rates we borrowed when we were in straits, and j when the South had a strong army in the field we pay for our borrowings more than any Government in Europe; we contracted our obligations in an unholy cause let ns issue more paper money to pay olf our bonds therewith run up the price of gold one hundred per cent., and get rid of our creditors at fitty cents on the dollar. The atrocious iniquity of this proposal is just about paralleled by its madness. Every dol lar that is now added to the currency above the legitimate requirements of trade, is so much of an additional tax upon our own in dustry. We give the publio creditor less than his due, but at the same time we only en rich ourselves with so many Government notes-of-hand in the shape of a depreciated currency. The morality of the proposal, even if every Government bond were held here, could only be defended, and is only likely to be defended, by those who believe the war for the maintenance of the Union to have been a crime, or, according to the Chicago platform, "a failure." The falBe economy of Mr. Pendleton's pro portion, even if its morality could be defended, we should hope the more sensible leaders in his own party would perceive. And yet, this is by no means so certain. The political managers who could only see defeat and dis grace for the national cause only two month after the glorious victories of Gettysburg and Vicksburg, cau hardly be reckoned on where political forecast or even ordinary judgmnt comes into account. Mr. Pendleton, speaking, we assume, tor his party, has patched up the peace platform of 1MJ4. If he stands as the party leader on that platform, he will pro bably do as well as he did before. He will certainly do no better. Those who loyally sustained the Government during the war will as surely maintain the credit of the tjoveru ment now that the war is over. The Cookiiii of Bovrlgniat Salzburg. From the N. Y. Heruld. By telegram we have it announced that the Emperor and Empress of the French, the Em peror and Empress of Austria, and the King of Bavaria, have met at Salzburg. This meeting has been long looked forward to. Francis Joseph was one of the monarchs who was con fidently expected in Paris to grace the Expo sition with his presence and to take his place in the Congress of Kings. The reverses which took place in Mexico, and the fate of the un fortunate Maximilian, rendered that visit im possible. In other circumstances, however, and in a different place, the sovereigns have met. Words of condolenoe have been gra ciously uttered and graciously listened to, ana mpoieon ana rrancis Joseph, are no doubt now the best of friends. It would be absurd, however, to regard this visit simply as a visit of condolence. Kapo leonj at least, has another and grander object in view. . His immediate desire unquestiona bly is to secure the alliance of Austria. Worth less the allianoemay be for practical purposes; but morally the alliance o( Austria will be a gain.' It will not do for France to have it said of her that she cannot find aq ally in Europe. Europe at the present moment U in very pe culiar circumstances. Prussia grows Btrouger, bolder, and more defiant. King William, much to the annoyance of Franoe, has just pro claimed himnelf chief of the North German Confederation. What has happened in the North it is not improbable may happen in the South. It is the ambition of Prussia that it should; it is the , determination r of France that, it shall not.' A united Gvnnftny is what Prussia aims at; but a united Ger many will be a perpetual menace to France. The difficulty between Prussia and ' France' daily becomes more serious. What sides the other powers will take it is difficult as yet to determine. At tfie outset they may be no more than anxious lookers-on. - On lookers, how ever, it will be impossible for them long to .continue. The difficulty, in the meantime, is between Prussia aud Franoe; but the struggle, when commenced, will be for supremacy in Europe. The struggle may be protracted and keen; it may be interrupted and resumed at intervals; but in one shape or other it will continue until the supremacy is won by some one people. This will be the first step towards the unification of the peoples which will gather the nations of Europe under one cen tral authority. Considering the tremendous power of modern war applianoes, the dream of universal empire is not so unreasonable as it once was. Napoleon may find it hard to bend things to his will. A Protective Tariff Its Reveuue and Protective Features. JVoin the A". I'. Protectionist. Few of our people are so little interested in the subject as not to have noticed that the antagonism which exists between two classes of thinkers and actors in this country, known respectively as Protectionists and Free-Traders, is fast developing itself into a condition of actual warfare. Not satisfied with feeble attempts at contro version and disquisition, the champions of free trade have .sallied forth from the atmo sphere of quills and inkstands to wage their cause in the arena of politics. Last year, when the manufacturing interests of this country more than ever demanded judicious protection, the quasi free traiers of tne West and a few legislators from the East, for want of some thing to make a reputation upon, seized this new sensation ot free trade, aud adopted that for the purpose. These mistaken persons, led on by the unscrupulous men collectively known as the "American tree-Trade League," manaced to exert sufficient influence in Con gress to defeat the bill, than which, as a measure of commercial necessity, nothing could have been more wise, reasonable, or well adapted to the circumstances of our manu facturing interests. Through the same oppo-! sition this bill when brought up again in Con gress during the winter, was again stilled, and ! it was only as an unavoidable necessity that this same meddlesome clique suffered to pass the Wool bill in March previous to the adjournment of the Thirty-ninth Congress. 1 Since that time the Free Trade League has commenced the publication of an organ specially devoted to its interests. This by itself furnishes no indication of the growth of their pernicious doctrines, the organ alluded to being altogether of too weak a nature to afford any further indication of tho progress of the League than that of mere existence. But we believe it to be an unquestionable fact that under the teachings of European economists, who understand nothing about American aU'airs, and the shallow reasonings of their disciples here, who understand, if possible, less, the doctrine of free trade has obtained such extensive support in this country that it will not do-any longer to ignore its existence. With few exceptions, the leading papers of this city are devoted to its cause, and the in fluence of the metropolitan press is such, that unless immediate and energetic steps are taken, it is not unreasonable to expect that before a long while the leading papers of the country will unthinkingly be led into the same channel. There is evidently but one way of dealing with this evil, and that way is to give it battle. To enter the lists unarmed, against an oppo nent as well prepared as is the Free Trade League, fed as it is with foreign gold, and petted as it is in the clubs, would be sheer madness. For these reasons we call upon the manufacturing interests of the coun try, and we call almost in the tone of a right, for their support of a journal which is intended to be especially devoted to their interests in this great cause. Unless they wish to see the entire value of their investments swept away by acts of legislation either of commissioner omission; unless they wish to see the industrious poor around them sud denly thrown out of employment and reduced to beggary; unless they wish to see the entire commercial interests of the country brought to a sudden stand-still, and the whole lana agitated by a financial convulsion, let them respond at once to every reasonable elTort which may be made to avert these calamities, and particularly to such a one as the present, which, in this land of newspapers and news paper readers, has always proved the most efficacious. It is now to be seen which side will enlist in its favor the potent engine of popular opinion, for without this neither cause can hope to permanently triumph; and let it not be said, should popular opinion be won for a cause so plainly false as that of free trade, that it was won through any listlessness or apathy or want of energy on the part of Ameri can manufacturers. For the benefit of those who have never thought it worth while to examine the argu ments on this subject which have been ban died about of late, we shall now proceed to state the whole question as it stands to day, for it is only upon a clear knowledge of the situation that proper measures can be pre dicated. Left to itself without any legislation at all upon the subject left to free trade, this broad countrv would imnmrt lint. on class of indus tries, and that class, agricultural. This, with a few fishing establishments on the ooast, and a few niauulactories for the heavy and more bulky class of goods, would constitute the support of the entire country; and in this con dition the United States would be entirely de pendent upon the markets of Europe. If the harvests in Europe were bad, a great advantage to this country would ensue. Our grain would be sold at high prices, and for a single year everything would go as "happily as a marriage bell." With the prooeeda or our exports of agriculture we would purchase enormous quantities of foreign manufactures, and the country would be stocked with these wares from the lakes to the gulf. If next year the harvests of Europe turned out to be even tolerably good, all this would be changed. The enormous overplus of grain which would remain in our warehouses without purchasers woald rot upon our hands. In short, there would be no sale for the only thing we had to Bell: and a venr nf delation and misery would inevitably follow. Since la the long run them ATA tVinVA onml Vinrvfista than bad ones In Europe as indeed there ought to be, even witl.nnt tlm fulrnntao-fis of the applica tion of Bm,rabnnda.nt canital and Improved culture, a bad European harvest is a rarity the result would lie that onlv onoe in ten or a dozen years Bhould we be able to dispose of our, surplus produce to advantage. This is the millennium to which free trade, desires to bring us the condition of an agricultural community without a market-lhe condition of bouthern HnsHia: th Rnndiiinn Af I-.... the condition of India. Who ever herd'f . agricultural-country that was rich; or of a manufacturing country that was poor f The reason that these things can never be is plain enough. The fruits of manufacture cau be replanted and grown twenty times over withiu the year; the iruits of ncHr-nitn The cultivation of the earth is essentially a slow process, depending as it does upon heat, moisture, the seasons; in short, upon a long concatenation of circumstances over which man has no control. The farmer depends upon skill, energy, effort, and capital properly applied. To avoid such a condition of affairs as we have pictured, there is but one remedy that of a protective tariff; a tarilT sufficiently high to discourage foreign importa tion and to encourage the growth and support of American manufactures such manufac tures as the agriculturist demands in return for the products of the soil. In this way, not only is the farmer gratified in obtaining the clothing, implements, and other manufac tures he stands in need of, in exchange lor his agricultural products, but a new mar ket is built up for the latter, in the shape of the large' industrial class who manufacture for him the wares he requires. This reciprocal relation, once established, makes the country entirely independent of foreign markets, while on the other hand no one is prohibited irom selling his products abroad, and he will doubtless export them whenever he can do so to advantage. The foreign mar ket is still as open as it ever was, and if there Is anything to be gained by supplying it, surely nobody is prevented from doing so. On the other hand, manufactures have been established, which, after answering the great purpose we have mentioned, work a still fur ther benefit to the country; they accommo date large classes of persons who are unfit for agricultural employments, and who would never, in any event, make successful agrlcul turists. I hey take advantage of and econo mize the natural resources that surround us on all sides water-power, fuel, and conve nient transportation; and, added to this, they place the country in such a state of prepara tion that in the event of war it is enabled to equip and send armies into the field or navies over the seas, and to maintain them to the end of the contests in which they are to be en gaged. This is one reason for a protective taritl. v e shall now furnish another. The amount of revenue required for the sup port of this Government for the next two years, without paying on any debt at all, is estimated at about eight hundred millions of dollars. This revenue is required for various purposes, which are roughly as follows: 2'iro lenra " nxpenainire. Million M'lllari, lvii .List 27 Forelen Intercourse (lnomding Russian purchase) 11 Navy Department fiO War Department ;!00 Pensions 40 Indians 10 Miscellaneous 70 Interest on I'ublio Debt ....'2H0 Total 70S Now, there are two ways of raising a reve nue. One is by taxation, the other by loans. As for borrowing money, we believe it will be conceded that we have done enough of that already the national debt now amounting to twenty-five hundred millions of dollars, and the voice ol the people being unmistakably towaids lowering instead of increasing it. The revenue demanded for the purposes of the Government must therefore come from taxes. Of taxes there are two kinds internal and ex ternal, or customs duties. If our revenue is derived altogether from internal taxes, the desire of the Free Trado League would be at once gratified. The man who makes a pair of shoes in Massachusetts will be taxed from one to two dollars on his manufacture; while the product of the English or French shoemaker will be admitted into the country free of taxes of all kinds. The man who raises wool in Iowa will be taxed twenty-five cents per pound on his product, while the South American aud the Dutch lioer of the Cape will be per mitted to land the lleeces of his foreign Docks upon our shores free from taxes. The Keutuckian distiller of spirits will be charged two dollars for every gallon he manufactures, while he of Islay or Cognao will be invited to import his product unattended by any tax.' In a word, to derive the large revenue required by this Government exclu sively from internal taxes, would not only destroy the business of every manufacturer iu this country, by furnishing a positive premium to all foreign competitors, but it will throw out of employment every man, woman, and child in the country dependent for their support on any other industry but agriculture, and even a great portion of the latter, by de priving them of that home market which, under a wise though often ballled system of protection, has been slowly and labo riously built up in this country. But public opinion clearly stands for a de crease of internal taxes; the people are every where murmuring; the taxes are unconscion ably high; the tax-gatherer is seen in every house; he pries into every man's affairs, and subjects a free people to domiciliary visits, a thing that we have stood long enough, and which we never would have stood at all, had it not been for a temporary and pa triotic purpose. One-half of the present revenue of the Government is derived from customs duties, and the popular tendency being unmistakably in favor of lowering in ternal taxes, as a necessary consequence the customs duties must be raised, in order that the amount of revenue shall be obtained which the requirements of the Government demand. An increase of the tariff being con ceded, it only remains to discuss in what direction this increase shall go on. Shall it be upon those articles of common use which find their way into every poor man's house, so that his present heavy burden, instead of being alleviated, would only be rendered more unbearable 1 Khali it be upon sugar, now no longer an article of luxury but one of urgent necessity f Shall it be upon coffee ? upon tea f upon rice all of them belonging to the same cata logue, all articles of necessity, and all already taxed as high as they can stand, and of large consumption among the poorer classes ? Or shall it be upon French silks, laces, kid gloves, British iron, and Cape wool, and such other articles of foreign produce as are likewise raised or manufactured in this country? To increase the duties on tea, sugar, and coffee would answer but one end that ot raising the required revenue To increase the duties on textile fabrics, iron, and wool, would answer two ends that of raising a revenue, and likewise of protecting American manufac turers. To increase the duties on tea, sugar, and coffee would Still further burden the poor. To increase them on textile fabrics, iron, akd wool, would mainly burden the rich, who con sume the products that fall under these classes in greater proportion than the poor. The rich wear silks, laces, kid gloves, embroideries, jewelry, ornaments of various sorts, the richer fabrics of cotton and wool, and thousands of I other articles to which the poor are compara- HIE LAKGEfcT AND BEST STOCK OF r FINE OLD RYE WHISKIES INTIIfi LAND IS 2vrOW POSSESSED BT HE KEYS. IIANNIS & CO., Kosi 218 and 220 SOUTH IH0NT STREET, ' WHO OFFER THE R1HE TO TIIK TRA.DK IH LOTS TEHT iDTiNTAHEIDt TERM. Ttirlr Stock of Ily WhUkUi.IH BOD, eitniprlKi ill th fivtrlU brtadl item, auft runs through th variant moalbi of 180,'06, and rttiU yaar, p t pant t. I.i lie r l tontmrti mad for lota to arrlT at Fnylvanla Ilallroa Depot, KrrlcacoB Liu V barf, or at lloudtd M tnhoaitl, as partUa majralaet. tie strangers. It Is nnon these thinirs that an increase of cmlnm A there is any truth well established in political wwwj, n ,B mis tnat taxes fall upon the consumer in proportion as he consumes.- Let the taxes, therefore, be upon such articles as are mainly consumed by the rich, who con sume more largely than the poor, and, follow ing this policy out to the point where it will enter Into practical legislation, it will result in what alone it should result, namely, a strontr protective tariff. . 6 War la.Kuropa. from the W. Y. Evening Erpreat. The Emperors of France and Austria are to meet, for what purpose is not definitely ex plained; but there can be but little doubt that some alliance, offensive and defensive, more especially the former, against Prussia, is at the bottom of a meeting which otherwise could but be most painful to the parties in question There can be no good-will or kindly feeling between Napoleon and Francis Joseph. The latter owes to the former some of the greatest reverses which have darkened his reign, and lastly the deplorable death of his brother Maximilian must be laid to the charge of the French Emperor. Thus, were there not mo tives of paramount political importance, we may safely surmise that these personages would not seek a meeting which could but be extremely unpleasant. But in time of danger men lorget private spites or anger, and huddle togetner lor saiety. Francis Joseph and Napoleon are afraid of 1'russia, and hate her profoundly. She ha3 beaten the one and snubbed the other, and they win commne to revenge tnemselves. This Is doubtless the motive which leads to the inter view to take place, and spite of the fact that the official journals of Franbe and Austria, or rather on account of the fact that these organs protest against fear of war and assert that peace must be preserved, Europe is alarmed There seems so much desire to divert public attention, so much determination to disarm, suspicion is evinced as to produce the oppo site effect. People understand that when Na- polean prates overmuch about peace, he means war. Prussia thinks so, as is evinced by her war like preparations, and not the least discon certing of the rumors afloat in Europe must be that to the effect that llussia and Prussia are forming an alliance. We do not imagine mat war la to take place at once. Napoleon is, as yet, unprepared to stake his future power and prestige on such an eventuality, but he is forced, from the pressure of circum stances in his own empire, to take some course which shall redeem the prestige and influence he has so greatly jeopardized of late, and in war, succesafully conducted, is his only chance. The glories and glitter of tho Imperial fetes, the vast influx of treasure into France through the attractions of the Exposition, have but slightly stopped the reaction taking place in that country against Napoleon; and he sees in the recent triumph of the Opposition, at the elections, the ultimate defeat awaitiBg him, when these additional enemies shall have worked to his disadvantage the power they are gaining so rapidly. He must create a diversion, and in war alone can he find it. Knowing this, we naturally expect war; and if Napoleon lives till next spring, we shall doubt less lind our anticipations coniirmed. AMUSEMENTS. WALNUT STREET THEATRE N. fc. corner ot KIJSTU ud WALNUT bireett. lic'KlUB ut It o'clock. '1111S AND EVERY EVkNINO, bhak6Kp;are'B Fairy Spectacle, In Ave acts, of A AllUbllMMi'.R MiUIIT d UKKAM. with Hh nunvalled Bcenery, Jfuuoruuja, Coslumus, Accoutrement, triple ' '1 KANSl'OItMATION SCENE, etc., tli whole coiiaiIuiUhk a TJN1FOIIMITY OF EXCELLENCE Dover equalled In tfce proiluction of this fluy. C'lialra secured tliree duya in advance, 8 H EW ELEVENTH STREET OPERA HOUSE, ELEVENTH STREET, ABOVE CUKbNUT. . TnE FAMILt RF.NOUT OPEN FOR THE SEASON, BIOKUAY tVMNU, AIUUST it, CARNCROSS & DIXEY'S MINSTRELS, THE ( i RE AT fcTAR TROCPK OF THE WORLD, IN TH1.IB (BAND ETHIOPIAN NOIREEk. For particulars see future advertisements. J. U CARNCROSS, Mauager. li. F. PIMPsny. Tn-amirwr. H liltf HO! M)H bMITU'S ISLAND I FRESH AIR -ilEA IU 1 F UL HCEN FRY HEALTHFUL I X FUt lS-E THE BATU-i-NTEBTALNMiiNTOJf 1HE LJLtoT KIM). WRB. MARY LA K EM E YER respectfully Informs her lrieudu and tue public gene rally. Uiai blie will open Uie bcwuliul inland Fluatmre Ground known a HMITH'B ISLAND, on SUNDAY next, May 6. but Invites all to come and enjoy with her the delluhu of till favorite sum pier rumrt. 4 iKili STOVES, RANGES, ETC. QULVER'S NEW PATENT DEEP SAND-JOINT HOT-AIR PUUNAOK. bakuki er ah ' miik, Also, Phlleirar't New Low Pressor Bteam Heating Apparatus. For sale by CHARLES WILLIAMS, ' 6 1Q No. 1181 MAkKKT Wnwl QOVERNMENT". FltOrtltTY AT FBIVA1E SALE BY PITKIN t CO. AWNINGS, WAtiON C'OVEBS, UAUS, ETC ' It you want au extra Awnlug very cbeap, let our awning makers take Uie uieature, aud make it from lototiiwu hospital leule, lately purchased by us, many of which r entirely new, aud ot the best 13 ouuceduclu AUu, (ioveruuieut baddies aud Uarneua of all kinds, etc. PITKIN 4 CO., 6 8 Siu No St7 a:id 3S9 North FRONT Btreet. WATCHES JEWELRY, ETC. LEWIS LADOMUS & CO., Diamond Pealcrs and Jvrllr, 1 ' O. MS I'DEMMIIT BTH PKIlK.ADEt.PlUS. Would Invite the attention ot pomhasera to Unit large and baucuiome assortment of DIAMONDS, WATCHES, JEWELRY, ILTKB WiBB, ' ICE PITCHKIW In treat variety. ET A large awortmeut of ttnall bltTM, for eyeU boles. Just received, WaTCHXS repaired In the best manner, ao4 fnaranteed. tl4p WATCHES, JEWELBY. ,W. W. OASSIDY. NO. IS SOUTH SECOND STBEET, Oflere an entirely new and moat carefully telece SlOCK Ol AMERICAN AKD GENEVA WATCHES. JEWELRY, SILVER-WARJK, AtD FANCY ARTICLES 01 EVERY DESCRIPTION, sol labia FOR BRIDAL OR HOLIDAY PRESENTS An examination will show try stock to be una at passed In quality and cheapness. Particular attention paid to repairing. ' g iu G. RUSSELL & CO., MO. SS NOBin SIXTH STREET, ' IMPORTERS AND DEALERS IN FINE WATCIILH, FRENCH CLOCKS, ClOLD JEWELRY, AND BHi SOLID SILVER-W ABB HENRY HARPER, No. 530 ARCH Street Hanulacturer and Dealer In WATCHES, FINE JEWELRY, SILVLU-PLATED WARE, AND 8H SOLID SILVER-WARS. A M V. R I r. A V W A V n u p a V T11E RitST IN THE WORLD. - . -. . c uiu.iui. WATCn CAsjs MAMFAUT UK E R 8. No. 13 hoiuh K1XTH htreet. 8 8 Manufactory, No. 22 bouth FIFTH Street. The uthution of lUuten U culled to our Uirge stock, MILLINERY, TRIMMINGS, ETC. ,r2Mns. R. DILLON, KOS.8S3 AND 331 SOUTH STREET, Has a handsome assortment of SPRING MILLI NJiRY. Ladles', Misses', and Children's &traw and Fancy Bonnets and Hai ol the latet Biylee. Al8o. fcliks, Velvet. Ribbons, Crapes, Feathers, F lowers, frames ftc PJJOURNI NC MILLINERY. ALWAYS ON AND A LARGE ASSORTMENT OJ MOURMNG BONNETS, AT NO. A04 WALNUT STREET. 276m MAD'LLE KEOCH. FURNISHIIMU GOODS, SHIRTS.AC. -pa HOFFMANN, J R NO. 839 ARCH STREET, FURNISHING GOODS, (L) tea, a. Iloirman, formerly W. W, Knight,) .' FINK SHIRTS AND WRAPPERS. . UOKIEHY AND ULOVES SILK, LA91B.V WOOL AND MERINO -8Bfawspi UNDERCLOTHING. J. W. SCOTT An CO., SHIRT MANUFACTURERS, AKD DKALKKfl IX ' MEN'S FURNIS1IINCI UOOUI NO. 811 ClIKsKlIT STREET. FOUR DOORS BELOW THJC "CONTINENTAL," fcjffjrp PHILADELPHIA, pATEKT SHOULDER - SEAM SHIRT MANUFACTORY, ANDOENTLIMEN'SFURNISHINOSTORB PERFECT FITTING BH1RTS AND DRAWKRH uiadelroiu ineuB'.irtuieut at very Bhort notice. All other articles ol UKNTI.kMM'H DRPsa GOOJJblniuU vaxu ty. " WINCHESTER A CO., Llll Nj)JJoHtoNUTfctreet HOOP SKIRTS. LQQ HOOP SKIRTS, CtO OZO HOPKINS' "OWN MAKlL" OZO PRICKS KiOUCEilll I, affords ns uiuch pleasure to announce to our numerous patrons ancf u.e publio, that in cons quencetf a slight decline in Hoop bklrt material lui "I'fxJfl.VS1 Uuren K BUYING aud iThti v fL r vlt'r,wee,','Dlea Oder all out Fri,u: .Lyji-A An1 our bklrt w" always, a nrt ii T5'e',mndin 9Ver more desirable, ueinalUU markM. wUlle our assortment la Also, constantly receiving from New York and th Kasleru blaiea lull Uuesotlow prloed Bkiris, at very !VPn0W,.: 'ktuou wkloh Is a U ot Plain bklrtsat the follovvlut rates; 16 springs, B5c.; l spruiKS, 6tc.: it IPI J!?!!' ..'SLj ulni bad US uprluk-s, Vuci and W fcklrte made to order, altered, and repaired. Wholn tale i and retail, ante Philadelphia Hoop bklrt Kitt porlum, No. t2 ARCH btret, below hevfnth. 6JOJtnrp WILLIAM T. HUPKIN8. hTAMES , E.' EVANS, GUN-BIAKEIJ, SOUTH Cj hlreet. ahuvM HMumd wnuiil ni.il Him ttntloa of . j sportsmen to Uie choice selectlonof RUKGKS' TROUT . ANJL liAbS kOkx (a new anoriiuiit). Flit, aud ail ' I the Usual selecliuu of AUaiilNti TACKLi. la aii 1US J HANI MU..LR LOADINd OPN8 altered to BRKKCH-LOAUKUU lu the best luauuer, at Uie lowest tnUa. 7UU JAU2 1 i . . vu.vw
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers