TBE NEW YORK ritESS. BPITORIAL OriPIONB OF THB tFADWO JOURNALS VTOV CCBBKNI TOPICS COMPILKD KVKBY PAT FOB IBB EVENING TELEGBAFH. The Negro's Claim to Ollce. Prom the Nation. Men who Bay a great deal, and are fond of itartling effects, must needs sometimes Buy Jjlngs that It Is not very easy to make good In calm discussion. Mr. Wade and Mr. Phil lips Lave of late Loth got into difficulty owing to their having, in their eagerness to Le In the advance ground of radicalism, taken up posi tions which it was easier to occupy than defend. Mr Wade startled the world a lew weeks ago Ly some rather confused talk about the duty of the Government towards the laboring classes, and as his discoveries were not favor ably received Ly the public, detachments of newspaper correspondents had to be sent to Lis rescue to disengage him from the unbe lievers. Mr. rhillipB also having seoured all the objeoU for which he labored lor thirty years, Legan to find himself rather Lard pressed for congenial occupation, and has accordingly begun to agitate for the election of a colored man to the Vice-rresidency. The public hav ing received Lis arguments on this subject with irreverence, not to say with hilarity, and there Leing some indications that Le has advanced too far, detachments of Lis friends are also coming to Lis rescue. Harper's WeeJdy, accordingly, undertakes to show last week that it is by no means "absurd" to claim the Vice-Presidency for the colored peo ple, and that the election of a colored man to office will be the only sure sign that the caste feeling has died out with regard to negroes, and that therefore "we should labor for their election to office both as a sign and as a help." That is to Bay, by electing negroes to offioe, we shall help to destroy the prejudioe against them, and at the same time furnish proof that the prejudice Las ceased to exist. This view of the case is, it seeni3 to us, Lased on a false impression of the cause of the prejudice against colored people, as well a3 of the principle which should regulate the bestowal of publio offices. This prejudice is not confined to the United States; it exists in & greater or leas degree all over tLe Western vrorld. It exists in almost as great a degree in aristocratic circles in Kngland as in South ern circles in this country; it is nowhere stronger than in white circles in Jamaica, where the negroe3 have been free for nearly forty years, and have filled almost all publio offices, and figured at the Governor's levees and dined at Lis table, though we admit it rages nowhere with such virulence as amongst the Anglo-Saxon race. Nor is the African race the only object of it. Hindoos end Chi nese are exposed to it in almost the same degree. The contempt with which the ave rage Englishman regards the Hindoo can hardly be surpassed by anything wLich the negro has in this country to undergo from tLe most besot ted Democrat; and yet tLe Englishman Las seen tLe Hindoo in all tLe pomp and pride and circumstance of royalty, and of every other great office; Le Las seen him serve gal lantly in war, and knows him to be acute, refined, and descended from ancestors wLo, if their glory differed from European glory, were, nevertheless, glorious. Hindoos now are admitted to every department of the Gov ernment service, sit on the bench, practise in tLe courts, and yet nobody will say that tLeir official dignities Lave done much to raise them in the estimation of Englishmen. What they Lave done is to raise England and Englishmen in the estimation of Hindoos. The dislike of Englishmen and Americans to colored people, and their unwillinguess to ad mit their equality, is not due simply to differ ence of feature, or color, or race, but to differ ence of feature, color, and race combined with apparent want of mental, moral, and physical vigor. People wboui an Anglo-Saxon can "lick" easily Le never respects, an l cannot readily be got to respect. TLe Indian is as repulsive in appearance as the negro, and less capable of civilization, and yet, during all tho earlier period of American history, an admix ture of Indian blood in one's veina was con sidered as something to be proud of; and it will Le observed that this feeling Las declined, and tLe Indian Las fallen into the contempt which at present surrounds him, in the ratio of the decline of Lis powers of mischief. WLen Le was capable of putting the scalps of a whole colony in danger, nobody greatly objected to Laving a squaw for a grandmother, but since he lost Lis power of taking scalp3 at all, nobody likes to acknowledge relationship with, him. Taking scalps, to be sure, may not per se be a remarkable indication of anything but ferocity and cunning; but tLe power of com bining and carrying on a destructive war does indicate considerable power both of mini and body. Now the disability of the negro in the yes of American society is due to the fact that he has never done anything which wai an evi dence of great capacity. He has never achieved wealth, which, in an Anglo-Saxon community, is the greatest evidence of power, and he has achieved neither literary, nor scientific, nor military distinction. That he has never had a chance to do so it may be easy to show; but society, in judging people, does not take op portunities or want of opportunities into ao count. Its decisions are shaped simply by accomplished results. When a man talks to it ' of what Le might do if Le Lad a chance, it laughs and leaves him. The only field in wLich the friends of the negro have been as yet able to produce strong iudications of capa city superior to that of white men, is that of art; but it is only very recently that Ameri cans and Englishmen have beguu to look on painters or musicians or actors as anything better than vagabond adventurers of whom the community would be well rid. We hold, tLerefore, a3 we Lave once before said wben discussing tLis same subject, that the removal of tLe white prejudice against the negro depends almost entirely on the negro himself. You can work sufficiently on the re ligious and moral feelings of the white com munity to secure for him justice and political equality, and a fair chance in the race of life; but as long as the great mass of negroes in fact tLe wLole colored population as a class are in a lower state of civilization tLan tLe rest of the population, less learned, , less wealthy, less cultivated, less refined, less pro gressive, Lave, in sLort, acLievedle3B in every walkof lffe, it Is cLimerical to ask the white majority to bestow on negroes, as a class, ...... .nnrV a rf honor bv selecting a colored .. fnr the Vice-Presidency or other high office, simply becaus of hi color; Pud vet as we understand them, this is what Mr. Phillips and IIarpr's etUg ask us to no. The right of negroes, as negroes, to seats in tbe State Legislatures aud in Congress we do not question; nay, we assert it, because in tLe n.r I f locietvin tLis country negroes can only be fairly represented by negroes, tail imij 'i .i in i.hn rnre- The admission 01 cuiurou eentative body, as long as a sixth of the popa f Son are colored, and are separated in feeling J3T . " i.ta nd condition by a wide gull from their white neiguwm, .D THE DAILY" EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, But the election, by the whole Union, to a high Federal office, of a colored man for tho sole reason that the fraction of the ooinniunity to which he belonged was poor and mean an! despised, would, in our opinion, be a degrada tion and perversion of the offioe, and wonl not help the colored population, because It would outrage the sense of justice and sense of propriety of the best portion of the whites. There is something very amusing in tho sim plicity with which Mr. Phillips tries to per suade himself and persuade others, that as soon as people saw a negro foisted iuto the Vice- Presidency by political mauuuvring, the whites would begin to respect the colored population more than they had previously done. He might as well talk of regulating the temperature by forcing the mercury up and down in a tbermometrical tube. Election to office is, and always has been, and we trust always will be, the result of the popular esti mate of a man's character, not tho cause of it. Therefore, whenever we see a negro in the Vice-Presidency, it will, we admit, . be a sign that negroes, as a class, Lave risen in popular estimation. Put to raise them in popular estimation, we must go about exhorting them to do the tbings and lead tLe life wLich win popular esteem, instead of exhorting the whites to bestow highest honors or their gifts on the class which has done least to deserve them, or to bestow the most important politi cal trusts en the class which has done least to prove its fitness for them. " The offices of government, as we understand government, are established for the service of the whole community, and not for the conso lation of the unfortunate or unsuccessful, and if there be one political abuse from which, more than any other, the country has in these latter days suffered, it is the practice of bestow ing nominations and appointments with refe rence not to the candidate's fitness or to the publio needs, but with reference to such arbi trary and senseless considerations ai "the claims" of particular sections or localities or interests. It is to this abase of its power by the convention that we owe our present valu able ruler, Andrew Johnson, and it is to this abuse of their power by the President and Senate that we have owed and do still owe most of our worst diplomatic officers, and many of the worst in other branches of the publio service. It is to the idea, too, out of which this abuse springs that offices are "spoils" or prizes and not trusts that we owe much of the jol bing which marks the election of United States Senators. Many a valuable man is lost to the Senate because some one section of a State has "claims" involving the choice of somebody else. To this abuse Mr. Phillips wants to give an immense extension. It is said that the arguments now used for the election of negroes to Ligh office are such as Lave been and are constantly used in favor of tbe election or appointment of persons be longing to otber despised or unfortunate classes, or interests. We deny it in toto. During tLe long contest in England which preceded the admission of Jews to the House of Commons, nobody ever thought of claiming seats for them as a means of raising Jews in the popular estimation. This work the advo cates of their claims well knew, the Jews must ! do for themselves. What was demanded in tLe case of tLe Jews, as well as of tLe Irish Catholics, was tLe removal as an act of justice of all legal barriers to their holding office. The moral and social barriers they were left to remove themselves by the ordinary means that is, by industry, learning, energy, activity, eloquence, and publio spirit. Baron Roths child got his seat in the House of Commons not as a means of elevating Lis race, but because Lis race was elevated; because it Lad sLown itself in every country in Europe foremost in the work of civilization; because its members were the fir.st in the ranks of commerce, literature, arts, and arms, and be cause, in short, it had become ridiculous and absurd to exclude a Jew, as a Jew, from any post of honor. The mere social prejudice against Jews is still strong in every Christian country stronger with many people than the prejudice against npgroes but as long a3 Jews are amongst the wealthiest merchants and bankers, the ablest lawyers and scientific men in the world, no prejudice can shut them out from more than their share, calculated on numbers, of political honors. Tho foreign population in this country is more numerous than the negro population, and has contributed far more to its wealth, and strength, and fame, and prosperity. Foreigners are found in the most distinguished places in all walks of life, but Lew many foreigners are there in Congress? What foreigner has yet been nominated for the Governorship of a State or the Vice Presidency? Two or three have filled second-rate embassies; but, so far as we know, no high official position lias yet been conferred by the popular vote on a man of for eign birth, and we have yet to meet with a foreigner who is fool enough to complain of this as a grievance or as au indi cation that foreigners are treated as "political outcasts. The exclusion is a natu ral one, and because natural perfectly just. As long as native Americans do most of the brain-work of tLe oountry, Lave most to do with the supply of its ideas and the direction of its industry, the high political positions will fall to their lot. If the day should ever come when hig"h political positions shall be distributed, as treasury clerkships and custom Louse places now are, as a mode of relieving or encouraging the helpless, or friendless, or destitute, or incompetent, a serious blow will assuredly be struck at the stability of the Government, and we, for our part, hope that nothing of the kind will ever be submitted to by the people either for the sake of tLe negroes or any other race or tribe, because we know that when negroes Lave contributed their fair share to the work of civilization and good government, no prejudice can, in a free Christian country, prevent them from receiv ing their fair bhare of the prizes. Tlie New War Cloud In Europe. From the Herald. The French and German journals have com menced to bandy words on the Bubject of the political relations existing between the two countries, and to discuss tho probable inten. tions of Napoleon and King William for war or peace in a very off-handed manner, and in language by no means courteous scarcely, indeed, polite. From Berlin to Paris, and from Taris to Berlin, in reply, the newspaper writers appear to be engaged in throwing dirt at each other in the name of the two nations, and thus assist in cLarging more completely with explosive materials the war cloud which is gathering over tho Continent. Our cable despatches and special correspond ence during the past three weeks have shown pretty clearly that Napoleon is making prepa rations for war; purchasing cavalry horses on a large scale, driving his military workshops night and day, and hastening on the work on Lis unfinished iron-clads with great activity. The German Bourses became excited and the Loudon Change distrustful. This state of affairs engaged the attention of the Prussian official organs in Berlin, aud It was quickly intimated that the French Emperor was likely to spring a war on Germany. The Paris jour nals denied the Inference, and claimed the most peaceful intentions for his Majesty. Nextcanie the North Schleswig question, or question of guarantees for the German sub Jdsof the King of Denmark, and the advice to Napoleon to see to the enforcement of tho treaty of Prague. There is no doubt that the French Einperor addressed a note to the King of Prupsia on both. This fact was at once taken hold of by tbe German Writers, who called on the King to "repel French intrusion in German politics." The Paris Afoniteur, which speaks for the Emperor, replied by a positive denial that any French note had been written or Kent to Berlin. Germany was prompt in refutation; for the leading organs of the Prussian Cabinet at once reiterated that Napoleon did address a note to the Govern ment on the subject of North ScLleswig, but that King William replied in a "defiant tone," and hence the "raise assertion" of the Paris Miitiilnn: Lord Stanley's statement corrobo rated the accuracy of the Information of the Prussian journals; for the English Foreign Secretary said that the French Emperor had forwarded a note to the King of Prussia, but that it would be "improper to disclose its con tents." In such unpleasant form do we receive evi dence of the continued existence of that na tional ill-will between the Germans ami the French which may be said to be hereditary. The uewsnaner writers keep the subject before tbe peoples by inflammatory words convoyed m coarse language; but tins is scarcely neces sary; for the peonies are ready and anxious to fieht whenever the word is civen. That it will be given soon w have little doubt, and then France and Germany will encage in a strnirele almost without parallel iu its inten sitv. and not equalled in fury during the wars waged by Germany against the French Repub licans in 1793-94, or by Germany and her allies acaiust the French empire in 1812. The issue is momentous no less than a complete and radical change in the face of Europe and it cannot be averted. Young Germany contains within her bosom some few elements of reactionary discontent; but her people hate the French, aud will unite to fight them. The tendency of tLe German mind is Lealthfully republican, and the edu cated classes, or l'au Germamsts, support liis mark solely on account of the democratic ten dencies of bis legislation. In the material appliances of war Germany is powerful, In the patriotism of her people confident, and in the great military adjuncts ot railroads and tele graphs she has beeu ahead of France for some time. What Fiance is in war and what she Las accomplished in the field we know already. By war, and war alone, will the national pre judices of the French and Germans be allayed, and the territorial bouudaiies aud future status of each nation defined. The other powers of Europe will, from in terest or fear, stand aside and look on. Eng land will not, perhaps cannot, iu view of the Lome situation, interfere. Italy has quite enough to do in seeking to keep a few florins in her treasury, and hold the balance between Garibaldi and the Pope; the King of Holland will waver, but his people will join Germany; Austria has been faithless to Germany and France; and Russia, delighted with the din of battle, will leave both parties to hght on until she has marched to Constantinople. Such are the elements and issues wrapped up in the new and dark war cloud now set tling over Europe, the bursting of which will produce effects as astonishing, and perhaps as decisive towards France, as any of those that resulted from tbe sudden appearance of the Piussian army at Waterloo. The Lesson of Ttiuntsssee. From the TYibtmc. The Republican t'iumph in Tennessee ends the discussion in regard to the colored vote of the South.' Nor promises nor threats could win the freednien to. the support of the party which had opposed their liberation, and given all its sympathy to tLe Rebellion. Yet Ten nessee is the only State in which general con cessions Lave been made to the colored men by the Democracy; they were invited to send delegates to Democratic conventions, and at a time when timid Republicans in the Legisla. ture were afraid to allow black men to sit on juries, there were Democrats shrewd enough to oiler them a share of the offices in the gilt of the people. On the other hand, the planters of Western Tennessee used stronger means to secure the colored vote for Etheridge; dismis sal from employment was the ponatly of a vote for Brownlow, and so universal were these threats that General Thomas was compelled to interfere for the protection of the colored men. But terrorism could not drive, flattery could not betray; the freedmen of Tennessee knew that the Republican party was the only party they dared trust, and cast their votes solidly lor the Republican candidates. This unanimity is prophetic. It' the blacks are radical in Ten nessee, there can be no fear that they will be conservative in Louisiana or South Carolina. The result of this election, tLerefore, means the triumph of tho Republican party in the South. Nothing can prevent it but the faith lessness or indifference of the Republicans in the North; it is yet in our power to make or mar success, the lull and perfect confidence of the colored voters of the Rebel States is given to us, aud to keep it we Lave only to de serve it. But if tLe Republican party in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania denies tbe right of suffrage to the colored citizens of those States, the faith of the South iu its sin cerity must be inevitably lost. Two opposing principles cannot co-exist; there cannot be one rule of justice lor the South and one for the North, but that policy which in the name of freedom we impose upon others we must our selves accept. Conviction of hypocrisy, before the bar of the nation, is the alternative, and nothing could do more to check Republican enthusiasm in Alabama or North Carolina than the announcement that New York had refused the ballot to her own citizens. If we want to build up a black man's party that is the surest and speediest way, nor could we have the effrontery to complain of a political organiza tion based on distinctions of color, which we ourselves recognized and proclaimed. Yet we Lave no fear now that justice will be long denied to the colored men of the North; let them vote as they may, it is not with their politics that we are concerned, but with their l ights. Even were it certain that every colored vote in New York would be cast for the Demo cratic ticket, our voice would be for impartial suffrage. And upon lower grounds, surely, the devotion of the freedmen of Tennessee to the Republican cause should be an argument with those politicians who never fully accept principle till time has proved that it is also expediency. , . Tennessee has taught that lesson. This is the first State election at which the blacks have taken full part, and though the oanvass was fierce and personal, and every provocation to riot was given, order was maintained throughout the State. The precautious taken by the civil authorities and by General Thomas, it Is true, were excellent, yet they were notoriously insufficient had there beeu any truth in the Demooratlo dogma that the equal rights of black aud white necessitate a war or races, luo heedmen were not only orderly, but it is plain that they preserved order. The vote was unusually largo, the polls were crowded, the passions of men were ex cited, and had the negroes desired riot, General i nonius uau 110 lore in Tenuosflee that could Lave prevented it. That the almost unanimous vote Uiey cast lor the Republican ticket is a pi oof of their fitness for the ballot, may be called a partisan, argument: but w tn An without It. We take the grand spectaole of a race df slaves, Just from the whipping-post and the market, despised, iguorant, poor, sud denly clothed with freedom and intrusted with political power, who yet go sido by aide with their masters and persecutors to the polls, as peacefully as if for generations they had lieeu the children of the State, and not the beasts who bore its burdens. Is not this appreciation of the meaning of the ballot ? There are men in Tennessee to-day who never felt that they wero men till they oast their votes for Brownlow last Thursday, and if we dared believe that the Democrats of this city Lad Lalf the sense of their responsibility as voters, arid Lalf tLe respeot for the sacredness ot the ballot, tbat tLe negroes of Tennessee possess. wesLould not despairof seeing thieves banished from our Government, from the City Councils, up or down, to the Courts held iu the interest of rum. Tennessee. Andrew JoLnson's own State, Las utterly repudiated Lis policy, and declared that not upon his plau is reconciliation possi ble. The new Legislature will choose the successor of Senator Patterson, and every one of the eight Congressmen chosen is a radical. This victory is one for amnesty, for that must be the certain result of the unity ot the Republican party, North and South the acceptance by the Rebel State3 of the natural results of the war. So Ions as men like Monroe, and Perry, and Hill, and Ilerschel V Johnson refuse to acknowledge the defeat of the Rebellion and the abolition of slavery, military rule and disfranchisement will con tinue. The Republican success in Tennessee is the first great step to the restoration of civil government; it solves the problem ot reoon struction. The great experiment of impartial suffrage, of equal rights, has been tried, aud Las succeeded; nothing remains but to work out with patience, and moderation, justioe, and good-will, the same grand result from Virginia to Texas. Tbe Tennessee Election The Revolution In the South, From the Herald. The Tennesseee election, the returns from which are still pouring in upon us, marks the inauguration of a new political revolution in the South and tLroughout the United States TLe results of this election are so remarkable, so unique, so sharply defined, and decisive. that they cannot be measured by tbe ordinary standard of the ups and downs of our political parties. We have here the first test on large scale of Southern negro suffrage under the new dispensation, and in regard to law and order the experiment has proved a most gratitymg success. TLe canvass of many weeks in Tennessee had been marked by such scenes ot party vio lence, collisions, and bloodshed, that universal riots and contusion were apprehended on elec tion day. No doubt, in the preservation of the publio peace, much is due to the military precautions of General Grant, General Thomas, uuu tue lui iti auiuoniies; out mucn also 13 due to the quiet and orderly deportment of the blacks themselves, marching for the first time to the ballot-box under the new law of equal rights. It was feared from their ignorance ana excuauie nature they would run into all sorts oi excesses at the polls, under the slight est provocations from the opposing party of wuues; out tue results snow that lrom the training of these Southern blacks as slaves they can be readily moulded as freemen to the discipline of responsible, law-abiding citizens in the exercise of their highest duties. Tin Tennessee election, then, has given a moral elevation to the Southern blacks, iu reference to their right of suffrage, which removes all apprehensions concerning them. We see that they understand not only their rights but their duties as citizens, and that they 'can mingle haimouiously with the whites at the ballot-box under the fiercest party excite ments. We see, in the next place, that they have voted almost cn manse for Brownlow and tue Brownlow ticket. They have done so because this ticket represented Congress, aud because Congress, as they understand it, has taken tho place of "the good man, Mr. Lincoln," as the champion of the black man's rights. Brown low was nothing to these blacks except as the repiesentative of Lincoln and Congress, and as the enemy of President Johnson, the. Moses left behind in the wilderness. The same com prehensive ideas which thus rallied the blacks of Tennessee to the radical or Republican ticket, will concentrate them around the same standard in all the other Southern States. Thus, we Lave no doubt tbat the ten outside States, under the programme of reconstruc tion, will be reorgnized as Republican States, and will, perhaps without an exception, send up Republican Senators, and a majority of each delegation to the lower House of Con gress. But, whites or blacks, they will not be radicals of the New England type, nor follow ers of Wendell Phillips, Ben Wade, or Sumner. They will be representatives of their own sec tion and of their own local interests; and here will begin a new formation of political parties. We have not heard of a single black candi date elected or nominated for any office in this Tennessee election. Here, too, is a fact which speaks well for the intelligence and sagacity of the blacks, holding as they did the balance of power in this contest. They are, it thus ap pears, in no hurry to push their claims for office until they establish their rights as citi zens to the satisfaction of their white neigh bors. They are ready to yield something for the present to the Southern prejudices of many generations; and from this conciliatory spirit we look for the best results to both races of the South. We think, too, from this success ful experiment of negro suffrage in Tennessee, that we need no longer hesitate in giving the ballot to the Indians and Chinese, where they may be regularly established in the commu nity, especially when the sovereign authority of the United States over the several States is beginning to be clearly understood by men of all sections, parties, and races. We Bay that this Tennessee election marks a new political revolution in tbe South aud a new dispensation In our political affairs. The Demooratio party goes to pieces: the Republi can party must take a new departure or be broken up. In this connection the name of General Grant looms up into bold relief as the man for the Presidential succession. His name, as the great hero of the war entitled to his reward, overshadows all others in the South. His position as tbe controlling master of Southern reconstruction under the laws of Congress will make him stronger South and North; and with tl ie restoration, next winter, of these ten outside States under Lis manage ment, Lis power In the Republican Natioual Convention will be overwhelming. With Lis election the vtole business of Southern resto- AUGUST 5, 18G7. Old My e WJiisldes. HIE L AUG EST- AND BEST STOCK 0F3 FINE OLD RYE W H I 6 IC I C 0 W THE LAND IS NOW POSSESSED BY ' HENRY S. 'HANNIS & CO.. Nos. 218 and 220 SOUTH IHOUT STREET, Who offer this bawh to the trade, in lots, oh vest advantageous TERMS). Their fttoek of Bye Whtiklu, IN BOND, comprises all the favorite brmarf. "nt, and runs thiouRit tlie various month of 1H05,'00, aud of this yaar un tl IirDt date. , . ' v Liberal toBtrjrti made for lot to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot. BrrlmoB Line Wharf, or at Bonded Winhouiti, a panic may elect. "l,0,l ration will be satisfactorily settled; and then will begin all over the country a new orga nization of parties on the great financial ques tions of the day, and a new agitation which will probably last for twenty years. Such are the reflections and consequences suggested from this significant and momentous Tennes- i. ,:., .i. i..m. i- co cjruwuu, who iuuoi louiarftauie IU OUT pOll- t cal history. The Overland Mall. From the Tribune. The General Government pays $750,000 per annum for the transportation of its mails be tween Kansas and California, the greater part of this sum being expended for the carriage by coach across the Plains from the western ter minus of the Union Pacifio Railroad to the ter minus of tbe Overland Route in California. Tbe contract for this service is held by the express-freighting firm of Wells, Fargo & Co. There is a manifest impropriety in allowing any express company to take a contraot for carrying tbe United States mails, because there must always be more or less competition be tween such private companies and the Post Office; but a recent act of Congress has aggra vated the mischief by providing that books, pamphlets, newspapers, and all mailable matter except letters, shall be charged, when sent by the overland mail, full letter postage. Tbat is to say, we give the contract for transportation to persons who have a direct pecuniary inte rest in performing it as badly as possible, so that we may be driven to patronize their rival line, and then do them tbe additional favor ot raising our rates so high that there can be no possible inducement to put anything into the mail which can be kept out of it. Letter post age is ' cents per pound: the express charge is $1 per pound, and Wells, argo tx Co., under tbe laws respecting common carriers, are liable for loss and damage, while the Post Office is not. The result of this system might easily be predicted. We are assured that only a 1'rao- tion ot the mail-bags sent west by this route ever reach their destination, while Wells, Fargo & Co. seldom fail to deliver their own packages promptly. Our correspondent A K. M. writes in his letter published to-day that out of thirty copies of the Tribune sent him by mail he has received but two, and of the limes, sent semi-weekly since tbe 1st of May, he has received only one number. At some stations along the road he found tons of mail matter piled up waiting the convenience of the company to be transported. Sometimes mail-bags may be seen scattered along tho wayside, apparently dropped from the coaches by accident and abandoned. There has been only one coach stopped by the Indians this season, and yet tons of mail matter have been lost. If the company can transport private packages with speed and safety, it is an insult to common sense to tell us that they cannot do the same for the mails. They have now got into their hands the transportation of nearly all transient printed matter, and more than half the letters between California and Utah. Pusiness men are glad . to pay the regular postage, and three times as much in express charges additional, because there is no reasonable expectation of their cor respondence being safely delivered otherwise. Stamped envelopes, with Wells, Fargo & Co.'s imprint on them, are regular articles of mer chandise in the far Western territories, and will be so long as tLe carriers of tbe regular mails are allowed every inducement to lose, delay, and confuse tbeni. TLis disgraceful state of things is of course notorious all through tbe Pacific coast and the Territories, and we cannot suppose that it is unknown at Wash ington. If the Postmaster-General has any excuse to offer for his culpable conduct in the matter, and especially for his neglect to en force tbe contract with the company, and bold them to accountability for loss and delay, we shall be glad to bear it. The Tenneee Klcctlon. i'Vowi the Times. Tbe triumph of tbe rrownlow faction proves only tbe success with which it has manipu lated the registration of voters. As an indica tion of State feeling or policy it amounts to nothing. When a man in office possesses the power of disfranchising his opponents, his election or reelection can be considered only a Bign of thorough, unscrupulous work, not of moral strength or personal or political pojui laiity. And when he outrages propriety by appointing candidates as registrars, and so enabling them to adapt the lists to their own convenience, the fact of their election follows as regularly as night follows day. Indeed, the Tennessee election was, on the whole, a mean ingless formality. With four-fifths of the whites disfranchised, and with the rsgistration altogether In the bands of Brownlow and his men, what signifies the vote of Thursday last? For similar reasons, what importance at taches to the absence of the riot and blood shed which were widely feared? That the election passed off quietly is a good ground of rejoicing. Put the cause of the quiet ought not to be overlooked. It was not Brownlow or his volunteers who preserved order, nor the superior strength of the viotors, nor the peace ful disposition of the people. To United States troops belongs the praise. General Thomas, acting under instructions from Gene ral Grant, was the great peace-maker of the day. His arrangements restrained the ill blood which exists on both Bides, aud ren dered orderly what would otherwine hae been scenes of violence and strife. The circum stance is not particularly gratifying. Jt is not pleasant to reflect that Federal bayonets are indispensable auxiliaries of an election in a State supposed to be reconstructed. But so it is, and we may as well recognize it frankly. The condition of Tennessee is, then, to-day, aa it was a week ago vo!canio; so evidently explosive that 'it must continue a source of inobt painful anxiety. On one side, Jirownlow, with all the insolence of power, and with the State organization in his bauds; on tbe other, the Rebel Demooratio element, angry, aggres sive, kept down only by soldiers. Between. these parties tbe greater number of tbe white Unionists of the State arA nrnahnd na liutmian the upper and the nether millstone. The sole ihi oi deliverance lor this class the sole Lope of peace and nrosnnritv fnr tho siti lies in the adoption of more moderate counsels mou ;u OB anticipated wnue urownlow lilla the Kxecutive chair. It is the remoteness of this prospect that renders ihn Mnant nt Tennessee deplorable, and tbat bupcbhU the danger of an extreme proscriptive policy in reorganizing other portions of the South. "How Great the Chance 'tvrlxt Now and Then I" From the World. Isn't it kind o' curious to see the London Times and not a few other English journals, of kindred circulation, if not ability, doing for our country "the amiable," and saying ex press good words for us whenever they oan find or frame an opportunity t" A little while ago and this was not alto gether so. A friend of ours, an American merchant, a member of an English and American firm, doiDg business in Manchester, England, held the following colloquy with a sort of Dun dreary red mutton-chop whiskeps, fresh com plexion, long, well-fed English hands, and the invariable lisp, natural or assumed; picking his fine teeth, at tbe same time, with a long straw. 'Well," said young John Bull, "you're begun, I see, and are going a-'ed. (This was just after tbe first Battle of Bull Run.) Bat 'ow are you goin' to carry on the waw f You caunt do that, ye kno' I Where you goin' to get the mennay f You caunt get mennay. We sbaunt lend you a cent, ye kno'." Well: tbe war was ended: the Rebellion was also squelched: and what then ? Did we ask England for any mennay, ye kno' ? Not much. But what did they do, the blaasted Johnny Bull f Got all the securities of ours which they could lay their 'ands on, and sent over to Frankfort to get what they couldn't obtain in London, ye kno. "'0 w you goin' carry on the waw f Where you goin' tq get tbe mennay t We shan't loud you a cent, ye kno' t" INSTRUCTION. JHE GREAT NATIONAL TELEGRAPHIC AND COMMERCIAL INSTITUTE, No. 710 ARCH BTHEET, PHILADKLPHIA, PA. Tbe most thorough and complete BUSINESS COI I.KUK IN THIS CITY. Under the mauaaemeut of thoroughly competent und experienced Intiiructonj. It liow oilers the best lueiiitieH (or olitulninu a PKACTICAL UUBlNKaS EDUCATION. Dally liiHtruciiou given lu l'eiitunnblp, Maths mullcs, Book-keeping, nud Telegraphing, M ACTUAL, BUSlJNEiSd Is conducted upon ru entirely new system, and one which can nut be surpassed by tliaiol any other college In ihe country, (student are taught to be self-reliant nnd caretul, yet that attention is constantly given which etlectually prevent a waste of time ana the lrequcnt occurrence of errors. BUCfKbS 1 WLCCKbSl! SUCCESS ! I ! we have now In actuul attendance nearly ONE B UNJJHKD HTUDENTS, who will testify to the com pleit'iie.sa of our course, aud at the same time repre sent tbe confidence placed in us by the publio during the liuft three months, rtuccess is no longer doubtful. MKKCHANTS, AND 11UM1.NE&S MEN in general will find It to their advantage to call uuon us for ready Bud reliable Clerks und iiook-keeper.i we make no niiHreprenentatlons. The TEL KG KA f H 10 DEPART aiEfT Is under the control of Mr. Park Spring, who, ah a most complete and thorough operator, is unquali fiedly endorsed by the entire corps of managers of the Western Union Telegraphic Hue at the main oltice In thlHcity. Bee circulars now out. Twenty-three instru meutfl constantly In operation. The belt Teachers always lu attendance. The LAD 1KB' DEPART MEMT Is the finest in the country; over twenty-live Ladles are now In attendance. CONFIDKXCK We will refund the entire charge ol tuition to any pupil wbo may be dissatisfied with our instruction after he has given two weeks' utlthiul labor Id elU er Department. TKHW8. Commercial Course f:5 I Telegraphic) Course (0 JAL'UU H. TAYLOR. President. PARKER SriU-Nu. Vlce-l'rusldeuU 2 11 mwltiui BUSINESS COLLEGE, '. E. CORNER FIFTH AND CIIFJ8NITT NTS Eutablluhed Nov. t, 1868. Chartered ilarch U, lstit, BOOKKEEPINfi, Coarse of Instruction nneqnalled, consisting of prao. flral methods actually employed In leading houses In this and other cities, aa Illustrated In Fairbanks' Hook-keeplug, which la the text-book ol thin liu&lia tlon. OTHER BRANCHES Telegraphing, Commercial Calculations, Business biiu Ornamental W riting, tbe Higher Ualheuiatlus. Correspondence, Forms, CommercialLaw, eto, YOIIHU MEN Invitee to visit the Institution and Judge or them' selves of lu superior appointments. Circulars onau plication. L. AlHUAHtLB, A. U., Prttddeut. T. E. MmtCHANT.becreutry. jj . 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Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers