THE NEW YORK PRESS. BDIT9BU OPINIONS OF TBI LKADRKJ JOURNALS CFOtt CCREBNT TOPICS COXriLED EVKB1 VAT FOB TH IVKSINO TKLBORiPH. 7h Nsw lype of Statesman. From the Nation. An Amusing account of a visit to Senator Wade, at his home at Ashtabula, Ohio, ap eared the other day in the Cincinnati Com inercial, and has been widely oopied, describing that gentleman's personal habits, mode of life, tastes, peculiarities, opinions, and expecta tions, and winding up with a cordial recom mendation of him for the TreHidenoT. Mr. Wade has now been for some time talked 0 for this office, and the letter in the Commercial, besides being an entertaining piece of personal gossip', is undoubtedly also a contribution to the usual work of preparing the publlo for his nomination a kind of work which is done for candidate after candidate with the most sin gular simplicity and earnestness, although it hardly ever produces any result. We notice the letter, therefore, not because we believe it, or anything like it, can seriously affect Mr. Wade's political fortunes one way or the other, but because it contains an excellent Bketch of a type of statesman which, though it would per haps be inaccurate to call it new, is every year becoming more and more pronounced. The production of this type is partly due to a reac tion against the European ideal of the publio man, which prevailed during the earlier stage of the Government, and which held sway till within a few years the polished, regularly educated, cautious, somewhat timid, formal, punotilious, rather unsympathetic personage, precise in his language, careful in his dress, distrustful of popular enthusiasm, and strongly influenced by the traditions and tone of thought of old societies. With one or two exceptions, the Presidential chair and the pro minent offices of Government were filled by such men down to I80O. They were all Eastern men, or Western men of the Eastern type, bred in Eastern habits of thought and moulded by Eastern standards of propriety, however plain, or simple their lives or humble their origin. It is. partly due also to the immense and rapid growth of the West during the last twenty years a growth which has ended, as everybody now sees and acknowledges, in the departure of political power from the Eastern States, and which has for some years back been communicating to the language, man ners, and thought of the political world in Washington what, from the "genteel" point of view, might be called a worse tone, but which we shall content ourselves with calling a rougher, freer tone a tone marked by all but oomplete disregard of the Old World mea sures of excellence or desirableness. It is due also in Borne degree to the long absorption of the publio in the anti-slavery struggle a struggle so entirely moral in its nature that moral excellence in other words, fidelity to principle was, during its existence, almost the only excellence exaoted of politicians in the Republican party. Training or knowledge of political science was of little or very inferior importance. The new type first made its appearance dis tinctly and unmistakably in Mr. Lincoln. . The Eastern publio has undergone so many greater shocks since then, and he himself proved such a transcendant moral and mental success, that people have forgotten the disagreeableness of the impression made by his manners and looks when he first presented himself to the world as the President elect. They have forgotten, too, the painful surprise occasioned by the revelations which were made during the first year of his term of office, of his total igno rance of conventional rules, and, in fact, of all knowledge of "the world" beyond what he acquired in an Illinois village. He grew so rapidly, however, his grasp of great principles was bo firm, the issues he had to meet were so simple, direct, and clear cut, his tone of mind was so elevated, and his written and spoken style had so much of that greatest of all marks of high cultivation, directness and sim plicity, that long before he died his mental de fects were more than forgiven and overlooked. In fact, by a prooess of reasoning which was yery old, and in politics very common, his good qualities came to be regarded not as the results of natural force, but as the conse quences of the peculiarities of his early train ing. A vacuo impression was diffused before he died that a youth passed in rail-splitting j or working flat-boats was not simply a valua ble experience, but a very good, if not the j best, preparation for the Presidency. Regular training in schools or in cultivated sooiety began to fall into disrepute, and, in spite of the testimony to the value of education offered by the war, there oan hardly be a doubt that we came out of it with somewhat dimi nished reverence for schools and books on the part of a large number of persons. During the year 1865 we began to hear, for the first time in American history, expressions of contempt for eduoation a3 a qualification for political duties from Northern orators, lec turers, and clergymen, and glorifications of common sense and the "natural mau" in terms very like those used by Southern re vilers of "free society" in old times. When Mr. Johnson was elected to the Vice-Presidency, he was himself so impressed with the political value of his early ignorance and obscurity that he publicly bragged of it at the inauguration, and we all remember how, dur ing the following year, he dosed us with ao counts of it. His career has, however, done much to cause a reaction. He has succeeded in making people doubt whether it is a good thing for a possible President to reach years of discretion without knowing how to read, and whether the company within the reach of an ignorant working tailor is, after all, the kind of social influence which is best fitted to shape the character of a man who has to manage, even for four years, the affairs of a great people. In fact, we are getting back to our earlier and better faith, that nobody who is to fill a high official posi tion can have too much at the outset of his career of every kind of influence that softens, civilizes, enlightens, and refines. Many of the influences of Western and Southwestern life are hardening and strengthening; but it is safe fruit there is nothing the typical Ame rican charaoter needs less than hardening or strengthening. It is strong and hard in its ,ra- it in full of push and energy. These 4i.Jn. rA now inbred in the American nature, and there is, therefore, no need whatever that ivnv destined for a political career should pass their most teachable age as deck-hands or frm-laborera. The one valuable thing which from lowly beginnings is eym- with vertv and friendlessuess; but, constituted as American society is, it is safe to a man will ever attain high political positions who has not got this, or does not ' tiueresgfully ffect it; "', i. mm the correspondent Of the cJmrcial that Mr. Wade loves to tell long . i- f t.t. cattle-driving, cnal-dig- ilug, "and woc4-choppix.g, ho "passes THE DAILY hours" in this improving occupation during the Congressional vacation. His library con sists entirely of publio documents, mapJ, and charts of the United States, so that of the wis dom there is to be found in Congressional de bates and reports of Congressional ommittoea we maybe sure he is full. He reads the Cincin nati papers, the New York 7'nbune, Indepen dent, and the Cleveland Leader oarefully, we suppose to correct and clarify what he gets out of the "publio documents.". His other periodical reading is the Westminsler Review and Harper' Monthly. "Mother Goose" was recently purchased for him by bis wife, and he was so delighted with Ie.ar.nt U J5 by heart. He also likes Nasby's letters, but keeps these tor Pjrasal in the family oirclef He swears frightfully when in a rage, but always apologizes for "any wrong done unintentionally." He hates butter and grease, is fond of sport, and had only seven days' schooling in lila life. This some people may think was a great disadvantage to him; but that would be an antiquated fallacy, inasmuoh as at the age of twenty-one, mark you, "he bad read a vast number of books, mastered Euclid; and was well versed in philosophy and science." Nor was this the result of hard, unintermitted study without the aid of a mas ter. On the contrary, it was accomplished by a yonng mau who was engaged all day in the heaviest physical toil, and whope reading of the Bible even had to be performed in the even ing by the light of pine torches. No wonder the correspondent pronounces him "the best in formed man now in public life in this country." Algebra he found very difficult, but he "mas tered it," though working on a farm at the time, and though he had "to read it over fifty times without understanding it," and though he used to spend hours when following the plough thinking over the algebraio signs "without being able to make anything out of them." A man who, without the aid of a teacher, and in hours snatched from hard manual labor, makes himself "well versed in philosophy and science" before the age of twenty-one, may well be believed to stand higher than any of his countrymen in the realms of knowledge, and to be oonsoious of his superiority. But Mr. Wade acknowledges that even he has not reached the top of the glorious tree; in its very "flowering crest" who should be perched, according to him, but Horace Greeley, and "he," says Mr. Wade, "has more knowledge on all subjects than any man in this country 1" As neither of these great lights ever received any regular training of any kind, and as Mr. Wade's difficulties with algebra and the pre sent quality of his literary pursuits show that he is not a person of extraordinary powers, it is no wonder that there is a widespread belief that school and college training in youth is not only not neoessary for politicians, but it is not necessary for anybody. What Messrs. Greeley and Wade accomplished in the inter vals of physical labor ordinary boys may very well accomplish by an occasional use of their leisure, without auy master. In view of their accomplishments, what can be more useless and absurd, than the regular eduoational machinery t One other advantage which, in the opinion of a large class, "self-taught men" have over the poor hot-house plants produced in the schools and colleges, is that they are almost all, like Mr. Wade, "original thinkers" that is, they make wonderful discoveries and pro duce new and startling ideas. As a general rule, it is true, whatever is valuable in their discoveries has been known for ages, but then this does not lessen the credit due to them for lighting upon it, and the consciousness which they all the while carry along with them that they are the first explorers of an unkown region naturally develops in them the bold and energetic cast of mind with which we are made so familiar in Congressional debates and reports of Congressional committees, and to which we owe so many startling novelties in fluanee, political economy, and, in fact, in the whole science of politics. The poor educated man, on the contrary, goes crawling along, demoral ized by the proofs which his pitiless instructors every day lay before him of the vastness of the. field of truth which other men and other ages have laid open, and is soon overpowered by a horrible sense of his own feebleness and deficiencies. If he goes into public life, there fore, he is either made timid and cautious by what he knows of the result of the experi ments recorded in history, or by his famili arity with great principles evolved . by the working of other minds, and approaches great questions with a feeble and falter ing step. The self-taught man, however, like Mr. Wade, takes any bull he meets by the horns, mounts the stump, and dis poses of the most puzzling problems, such as the relations of labor and capital, in a few sentences. No wonder "he is con sidered one of our grandest publio men." We ought not to pass from Mr. Wade, how ever, without complimenting him on his mag nanimity in calling the co-operative system "Mr. Greeley's plan." This generosity of great minds towards each other is very touch ing, but it is right to say that the co-operative system is as much Mr. Greeley's plan as the application of steam to inland navigation. He is, we believe, a friend of both plaus; but the co-operative system, like the steam engine, was known and had been worked in various parts of the world while Mr. Greeley was still struggling in the earlier stages 01 tne art 01 walking. We find In the report on tne organization 01 the new Cornell University, by Mr. Andrew D. White, the following startling passage; speaking of the necessity of a department of 'jurisprudence, political ana social scienoe, and history," he says; 'We believe that the State and nation are constant. y lDjured by tiielr chosen servants. who lack tne aimpiest ruuimtmis 01 nuowieuso which such a department ouuld supply. No one can stand In any legislative position and not be struck wltn tne nequetu warn, 111 men, otherwise stroDg and keen, of tUe simplest knowledge ot tlie principles essential to the public wei tare, ui wtumoiuuwiiiusoui mw ana of practical acquaintance wnu uiuiums iuo supply is always plentiful; but it is very com mon mat in UeclUlDBJ Rreni. puuuu exploded errors in political and social scienoe are revamped, fundamental principles or law uiaregaraeu, ana lue plainest tettuuiLigB ui uw tory ignored." What can he mean t The Reign of Terror In Mexico Tne Fate of SauU Anna. From the Timet. The execution of the Emperor Maximilian at Queretaro is quickly followed by the execu tion of the ex-Dictator and quasi Emperor Santa Anna at SiBal. The liberal savages of Mexico are evidently determined to oarry out the programme of Escobedo, and create "a reign of terror" throughput the whole of the Mexican States. As "each chieftain falls in that country, his principal upholders ordinarily sutler his late, and the holocaust which has taken place in the case of Maxi milian would doubtless be repeated in the case of Santa Anna, if he had followers enough to make it worth while to expend j j 41.. i n.-A - powuer in vueir exeuuuuu. jiuv mere were very few Mexicans who had had the onDortu- nity to commit themselves, to the fortunes of Santa Anna In his present adventure: and. therefore, we may hope that the death of this EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY. restless and ambitious mm will have no con sequents beyond the incident itself. Had he boen allowed to land at Vera Crus on his reoent attempt, and to rally A parly to his standard, as he could certainly have done, he would have been the means, either through his suo eess or bis failure, of compelling a greater or lesser number of his countrymen ta stand up nd receive a volley, of musketry at their back. In falling alone, and in falling in such an adventure as be did, we have a tragedy of less horror to record than that which occurred on the l(Hh of last month at Queretaro. It is but a few weeks since Santa Anna left this city in a very mysterious manner to raise the flag of his own ambition upon the Boil on which he had been such a prominent actor during the last half century. He had resided in this vicinity since last summer, having taken up his residence here as a more advan tageous place for his operations than St. Thomas, where he had lived as an exile lor the greater part of the time since his downfall from power twelve years ago. As our readers know, his landing at Vera Cruz last month was prevented partly through the interference of an American naval officer ; and the vessel in which'he was a passenger having left that part of the coast in despair, was overtaken by a Mexican cruiser near tne coast of xuoatan, and he was landed at the port of Sisal, where, as we now learn, he was speedily executed, doubtless by orders, special or geueral, that had been issued by the Government of Juarez. The eagerness of Santa Anna to get back to Mexico has been even greater during the last few months than it was during the palmy days of Maximilian's Empire. It was ostensibly to uphold the Empire that he attempted to get to Vera Cruz three years age; and it was ostensi bly to uphold the Republio that he attempted to reach the same point now. But what he actually sought in both cases was merely the opportunity to gratify his own ambition, by placing himself in a position where he might seize the reins of power in one of the up heavals which are forever repeating themselves in Mexico. He was actuated by no such mo tives as moved Maximilian when he established himself in Mexico; he was laboring under no such delusions as overcame that unfortunate Prince ; he was the victim of no such circumstances as led the Austrian first to a throne and then to a prison and death. He knew the character of the Mexican people, and their condition and their institutions, and no man had a better opportunity of knowing their will and their purposes. He knew that the Juarez Government, which is now enjoy ing the bloody revel of a Mexican triumph, regarded him as an enemy, for he had been directly warned of the fact; and he knew that he was repudiated by the Mexican people of both parties, for all his attempts to curry favor with them had resulted only in rebuffs and insults. He went to Mexico fully aware of his chances of meeting the reception whioh he actually got, and perfectly conscious that he was inviting the fate which he has suffered. He has gone the way to which he himself has condemned many of his opponents, and to which doubtless many of his executioners will, in their turn, be subjected by successful rivals. In his death Mexico has lost a danger ous man, and the fact might be matter of congratulation to her were her soil not still swarming with others of precisely the same character. The same despatch which gives us news of the shooting of Santa Anna brings information of the fall of Vera Cruz into the hands of the Liberals. It was the last important strong hold to be given up by the Imperialists, and it surrendered just a week after the execution of Maximilian, or, we may suppose, as soon as its commander learned of the ruin of the Gov ernment to which he had adhered. The Libe rals exercised more humanity towards the prisoners taken at Vera Cruz than towards those taken at any other place. The Foreign Legion in the service of Maximilian was permitted to leave the soil of Mexico, and at once sailed for our own port of Mobile in a French sloop-of-war. We suppose that under the circumstances they will be taken care of by the French Government, and such of them as desire to return to Europe will be conveyed to their homes at Napoleon's expense. One of Maximilian's last requests was that the Aus trian Government should take care of them because of the faithful services they had ren dered to him. We suppose that by this time the city of Mexico must also have fallen into the hands of the Liberals, and that the Gov ernment of Juarez is now installed in the capi tal of the republic, the situation is now one of increasing and absorbing interest, and we shall look with eagerness for the next scenes in the lurid drama of Mexican anarchy. A Tammany Holiday. Worn the Tribune. Tammany had a celebration on the Fourth. A more amusing comedy we do not remember. The sachems, braves, and warriors were in full feather, and blazing with paint. Mr. Ver planok wore the plumes that fluttered over his brow when he danced in the "Pig-Pen" fifty years ago. Mr. Verplanck Is, perhaps, the oldest member of the Democratio party now living, and as things go he promises to be the last to live, like "Geoffrey Dale" in the comedy, after all his friends have gone. We bad our Mayor, who is kept in Tammany be cause he is tremendously respectable. Mr. Hoffman is said to be the most respectable Democrat in the United States a very Tur veydrop in deportmeut. There was the frisky Mr. Cox, who left Ohio because of her con stantly increasing Republican majorities. If Mr. Verplanck is the oldest, and Mr. Hoffman the most respectable, Mr. Cox is the most elo quent Democrat living. We are not unmind ful of Jack Rogers, whose eloquence is so Ciceronian. But Cox has a friskiness, a viva city, a capacity for bounce that Rogers never possessed. Then came Oakey Hall, who has become the jester of Tammany, with cap and bells, who vaults about with astonishing agility, and repeats extracts from Joe Miller. There was a harmless innocent named "Mr. De Witt Van Buren, associate editor of the World," who read a poem. We remember Tupper in his last days, but Tupper cannot compare with this editorial rhymer. We are glad to know "that the audience re sponded to the principles it contaiued," for the true Democrat would not give a fig for poetry without principles. There were several letters read from Andrew Johnson, Sam Sloan, M. Blair, W. H. Seward. A corner-stone was laid. Mr. Verplanck made an interesting address. It was autobiographical, personal, historical, gossipy, archatlogical, and as interesting as a rummage among a bundle of old newspapers. Evidently, Mr. Verplanck knows what to say, and when to say it. He was in the presenoe of the Tammany Society, the orator of the day, charged to say all that was high and noble about the Society. Yet he found nothing more interesting than the war of 1812. We should infer from Mr. Verplanck that there had been no war since 1812; that the country had always been at peace; that rebellion had never con trolled the South. Mr. Verplanck haj evi dently forgotten all about our Rebellion, or, perhaps, he too well remembers it, and finds nothing to be said in favor of Tammany Hall. Tammany is old aud lusty, aha boasts of" ber traditions, ,her history, the great men who have sat in her councils. ' Cer tainly, in a time when the nation was men ted with destruction we should expect signal services from Tammany, and an orator with the grace and culture of Mr. Verplanck would have dwelt long and proudly upon the glori ous record of her braves. A hundred battle fields would have seen the old Saint's standard. A hundred hospitals would have been bright ened and cheered by the bounty of Tammany and our publio men would have ien com', forted by her loyal words. What an oration Mr. Verplanck might have made had Tam many Hall been true to the country during the war had her history been anything but timidity, apathy, supineness ! What a sorry sight it is to see this venerable orator ashamed to think of any war since 1812, and oompelled to speak only the merest chat and gossip about men long since dead and forgotten ! Mr. Hoffman may look wise and dignified. Mr. Cox may ehout. Mr. Hall may caper nimbly over his sawdust) and jingle his bella. Nay, more, the innocent Mr. Van Buren may sing his forlorn rhymes. All this may be tolerated on Independence day; but how much nobler it would look if Tammany had any record ! We sympathize with Mr. Verplanck. Orotors have had difficult tasks assigned them in this age of talk. But we remember no ora tor called upon to celebrate a national anni versary who was ashamed to speak of the greatest and most fiercely contested battles in our hiBtory. Negro Voting and Negro Office-Holding. I rem the World. We admit that the qualifications to vote and to hold office do not in all points tally and coincide. The same citizen who may vote when he is twenty-one cannot be a member of Congress until he is twenty-five, nor a Senator until he is thirty, nor President or Vice-President until he is thirty-five. A natu ralized citizen may vote all his life, but he can never be President. He must have been nine years a voter before he can be a Senator, and Beven before he can be a Representative But disabilities hke these have no relation to color. A negro, like a white man, would be excluded from the Presidency if his age is less than thirty-five. A negro, the same as a white man, could never be President if born out of the United States. But every argument in favor of the negro's right to vote on the same conditions that the white man votes, is equally an argument for the negro's right to hold office on the s&me conditions that the white man holds office. The argument is that the rights of men have no relation to the color of their skins, and that although men may be excluded from the elective franchise for pauperism, for participation in rebellion, for lunacy, for felony, tor alienism, lor non residence, they cannot rightfully be excluded for no other reason than the color of their skins. All distinctions founded on color are proclaimed by the Republican party to be un just and absurd a doctrine which they must either abandon, or accept its necessary conse quence, that negroes have an equal right with white men to hold omce. The Republicans in our Constitutional Con vention must therefore be consistent, and open the door for negro governors, negro mayors of cities, and negro occupants of every grade of office, State and municipal. It is their great mission to erase the word white from the vocabulary of politics. The eligi bility of negroes to all publio offices will be a harmless innovation in this State, their num bers being so small, and the antipathy to their race bo strong, that their white fellow-voters are never likely to elect or even nominate them. Their radical patrons wish to make them voters, not to share the offices with them, but to use them as tools for giving the white radicals a monopoly of political power. But in the South the boot will be worn upon the other leg. There, the voting negroes, instead of being an insignificant fraction of the Republican party, will form the great bulk of it. They will be a majority of ten to one in every caucus, and their delegates will be proportionally strong in every nominat ing convention. They will say, and justly say, "The Republican party have made us voters merely to keep their leaders in office, and as their ascendancy in the country de pends upon our support, we will exact an equivalent for our votes. As the white Re publicans exclude our colored brethren from office in all the Northern States, we will re dress the injustice by taking all the offices for ourselves in the South, where we have the power." This is a result on which the Repub lican party may not yet have reflected, but it is one which they cannot prevent. Equality in office-holding follows as legitimately from their principles as equality in voting. They dare not confer the one and withhold the other, lest the negroes, indignant at the in consistency, should turn against them and vote with the other party. The Republicans are under a delusion if they suppose the Southern negroes will give all the votes and take none of the offices. A fat office is as valuable to a negro as to a white man, and will be coveted by him all the more eagerly as a means of removing the badge of inferiority put upon him by his color. That the negroes will vote themselves into office wherever they have the power is as certain by the principles of human nature as it is by the law of gravity thatunsupported bodies will fall to the earth. Black Governors and black Legislatures in the Southern States, black Senatois and Representatives sent from those Slates to Congress, will be the natural and necessary fruit of a policy which confers the ballot upon the negroes and organizes them into a party of which they will form a large majority. It is equally certain that the Southern whites will be restless and recalci trant under the insolent rule of their former slaves a certainty that opens a hideous vista of bloody brawls and military domination at which humanity stands aghast and patriotism shudders. These hideous consequences will be the natural fruit of the radical policy of forcing negro suffrage on the South. Grant and Farragut The Democracy and the Presidency, Fr om the Herald. The engineers and organs of the Northern rump of the exploded National Democratio party are all at sea. While there was the ghost of A chanoe for the ultimate success of President Johnson's Southern policy, they looked to the restoration of their old Southern balanoe of power. But the decisive interven tion of Congress, with its stringent conditions of reconstruction, and the developments which have followed in the Rebel States, have scat tered all these calculations to the winds. On the other hand, from Rebel disfranchisements, negro suffrage, and other things, it appears that there is no organized opposition to the ltepublican leagues in the South, and that with their financial means, their powerful military machinery, and active political managers, they 1 hold to-day every one of the excluded States JULY 8, 1867. Old My e Wliislties. dllE lAKGEST AND BEST STOCK OP FINE OLD RYE WHISKIES IN TI1E LAND IS NOW POSSESSED BY . HEWRY-'.S. MAiJSS.!S 1k CO., Nos. 218 and 220 SOUTH FRONT STREET, , who offer the same to inn trade, iw lots, i vebt adtaxtaueovi TERMS. ; . ' Their Steele of By Whiskies. IN xtant, ad runs thtoaa.lt the various (at date. it Liberal contracts mad for lots to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot, artltuos Line Mharf,or at lionded Warehouses, as parties may elect. within their grasp. With Congress again in session to rectify the mistakes of President Johnson, we cannot doubt that the vantago ground in the South which the Republicans have gained through his blundering Southern policy, will be made Becure against all pro bable contingencies, and that accordingly these outside Southern States, in being rostored to the general Government, will each and ail come back radically revolutionized and in full communion with the Republican party. In view of this decisive solution of the great problem of reconstruction, it makes but little difference whether the outside States are re stored to a voice in our national affairs before or after the coming Presidential eleotlon. It is enough that all calculations of regaining their old Southern political balance of power must be thrown out in any programme for the Presidential succession which the Northern Democracy as a separate party may adopt. In this view, no doubt, a Democratic journal "away down East," the Portland Argun, in casting about for the chances against the radi cals, hits upon the Presidential ticket of Grant and Farragut as the only Democratio hope of salvation. It is thus suggested that "if Gene ral Grant is a candidate for the Presidency, as we believe he will be, the party that nomi nates him must take him without pledges, other than these that the best good of his whole country will be his chief aim, and the Constitution of his country his constant guide;" that, in short, he must "occupy a position similar to that of General Taylor." It is assumed, however, by this distressed Demo cratio philosopher of Maine, that if the radical wing of the Republican camp oan defeat the nomination of Grant they will do so, and that then, if nominated by the Democrats, he will be elected. Now, in response to this proposition we have to put this question: Is it quite certain that even General Grant would be elected as the nominee of the present Northern Democratic party, casting off his own record of the war and taking up that of the party represented by the Chicago "Peace-at-any-price" Conven tion? In 18G5 General Slocum, a distinguished Union soldier of the war, and on the same platform as his Republican antagonist for Secretary of State of this Commonwealth, was beaten by some thirty thousand votes. And why ? Simply because he was the candidate of the Democratio party, which had become so obnoxious to the people of the North, from its opposition to the Government and the Union cause, and from its Rebel sympathies and affi liations during the war, that no political can didate, however meritorious a Union civilian or soldier, could save it from popular con demnation. Even General McClellan, in 18G4 for the Presidency, a very popular Union Boldier, was, after he had flatly repudiated the Chicago platform, rejected by the people be cause he was the Chicago Democratio can didate. ' We are inclined to the opinion, therefore, that the popular odium which has fallen upon the Northern rump of the old Democratio party, in consequence of its obnoxious and dangerous line of conduct during the war, is too much for any candidate to bear against the war record of the Republican party. Nor do we think that General Grant would aooept a nomination for the Presidency as the candi date of the Northern peace party of the war. What then? It strikes us that the best course for the Northern Democracy to pursue is to wait and watch the shaping of events. There will be a tremendous struggle In the Republican camp for the Convention of 1SU8, between the radical Chase faction, supported by the national banks, and the Republican conservatives supporting General Grant. The result, in all probability, will be a split of the Republican party into two distinct par ties for the succession. In this event the Northern Democracy will hold the balance of power, and by casting their weight into the scale of the Grant, or anti-radical party, they will carry the election. The idea we are driving at is this that in order to remove the label of the Chicago-Yallandigham Conven tion, the Democrats must take olf their "old clo'," and appear in some new uniform, or as the allies of some new party, before they can expect to work out a political revolution. Old things being done away with, including the whole Democratic fabrio resting upon State rights, as expounded by Calhoun, and upon negro Blavery and the Dred Scott decision, and the unreconstructed States being absolutely in the hands of the Republican Congress now in session, there is no other way to success than that of reconstruction to the Northern Demo cracy, including a new organization, a new name, a new outfit, and a new departure. It is folly to suppose that Grant or Farragut will, if bo nominated, consent to stand before the country as the white washer of that State rights Democracy represented during the war for the Union by Jeff. Davis in Richmond, by Jake Thompson in Canada, by Mason and Slidell in England and France, and by Vallandigham at Chicago. FIRE AND BURGLAR PROOF SAFES C. L. MAISER. HANUVACTCBKB OT FIRE AND BCBUUUrBOOr SAFES. LOCKSMITH, BELL-II ANGER, AND LEALER1N UUILDINO HARDWARE, 5 NO. 44 RACE STREET. pSfti' LARGE ASSORTMENT OFHFhiE i'Jj and Burglar-proof SAFES on band, with Inside uuuii , Dwelling-house fcialei, free from dampuea. prices low. C. UANMENFOKOKK, 6 i )o. a VINUi bireet, Government j PROPERTY AT PRIVATE SALE AWNlHfiSi WAtiON COVKHft. BAtiS, ETC. It you wsnt en extra Awning Vtry cbeap, lei our i wiiiug uiikfr take the nitjumire, eud iuke It from i k lot of 1MD bo.tnUil leniM, luiel purcliwiMl by us, niKiiy ot wblcb are entirely uuw, ami ot the btwt 1 oiiiu-e duck. AWo, Uovernuieiil riaddlfx and IIwumbs of all kinds. m K I A ., Slut iios,87and 138 KorUiiKOMT blrt. BOND, comprises all months of 1863.'06a a ' ' all the favorite brands) nd of this rar, ap t INSTRUCTION. THE GREAT RATIONAL TELEGRAPHIC MO COMMERCIAL INSTITUTE, No. 710 ARCH STREET, PHIXADKLPHIA, PA. Tbe most thorough and complete BUSINESS OOL LtUh, IN Tllii tJTY. Under the manaerneot ot tborouRhly compfient and experienced Inaiructors. It now oilers tlie best lueiiitieH lor obtaining a PRACTICAL RUH1NKS3 EDUCATION. Dally Instruction given In Penmanship, Matbe niatlca, Rook-keepinK, and TelpgrHpblng. . . . ACTUAL HUSINESW Is conducted upon an entirely new system, and ona wbicb cannot be surpassed by tbatol anyotheroolleir In tbe country, students are taught to be self-reliant and careful, yet mat attention Is constantly glytm which etloctnally prevent a waste of lime and the frequent oci urrence of errors. (SUCCESS I BI CCEbWII SUCCESS t ! I JT?.J,ay.eJ,ow ln cl"al attendance nearly ON HI HUNDRED STUDENT, wbo will testify t" the cora Pleteiiena of our course, and at the sume lime repre fn ilh.e.cynfldeuneJlaced ln usby tu Publlo durln 1 .l!,7.t.n,rft n?I"n". tiocco"" ' no loner doubtful. MERCHANTS, AND RUMNEHt) MEN In general will find It to their advantage to call noon oa for ready and reliable Clerks and Rook-keeperi we make no misrepresentations. Tbe TEL.KORA PHIO DKl'ART MENT U onder the control of Mr. Park Spring, who, as a moat complete and thorough operator, is uuuuall tledly endorsed by the entire corps of managers of the Western Union Telegraphic line at the main office) la this city. See circulars now out. Twenty-three Inntru menu constantly In operation. The best Teachers always In attendance. The LADIES' DEPART MENT Is the lineal in the country; over twenty-five Ladles are now iu attendance. CONFIDENCE We will refund the entire charg ol tuition to any pupil who may be dlssatlslled wim our Instruction after he has given two weeks' faithful labor ln either Department. , , TERMS. Commercial Course :m I Telegraphic Course S40 JACOB II. TAYLOR. President. PARKER SPRINu. Vlce-Presldeuk 2 11 mwlUia BUSINESS COLLEGE, N. E. CORNER riETO AND CIIESNVTBTS Established Nov. t, 1861 Chartered March 11, 186ft, BOOK-KEEPINe. Conns of Instruction unequalled, consisting of prao. Ileal methods actually employed in leading bouses I -this and other cities, as Illustrated In Fairbanks Book-keeping, which is the text-book ot this Institu tion, OTHER BRANCHES. Telegraphing. Cammerclal Calculations, Baslness and Ornamental 'Writing, tbe Higher Mai hematics. Correspondence, forms, Commercial Law, etc. YOUNtt MEM Invited to visit the institution and Judge or them, selves of its superior appointments. Circulars onap. plication L. FAIRBANKS, A. M., President. T. E. Mkbchamt. Secretary. 6 AMUSEMENTS. BIERSTADT'S LAST GREAT PAINTING, THE DOMES OE THE (4 HEAT YO-SEMITE, now on exhibition. . tw 0 DAY AND EVENING, in tbe Southeast Gallery or tbe ACADEMY OF FINE ARTS. 65tf TJO! FOR SMITH'S ISLAND! FRESH AIR rBKAlm U1, SCENERY HEALTHFUL MRS. MARY LAKEMEYER respectfully lnlornis herlrleuds and the public gene rally, that she will open the beautiful Island Pleasure Ground known as . SM ITH'S ISLAND, on BUN DAY next, Mays, she invites all to come nd enjoy with her the delights of this favorite sum mer reaurt. 4 SOU FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS.AC. 105 H. A FLEISHER $ CO., 105 Euccessors to Bamberger Brothers, DEALERS IN Hosiery and Staple Trimmings, OLOYCN. KMRROIDERIEN, LADIES', eCNTM', AND CHILDREN'S 1'N.J1M1I1BT, ETC, Ko. 105 Aorlh EIUI1TH Street, 0 UwfniIHtJ THREE DOORS ABOVE ARCH. 105 NULADKLFHIA. 105 p, HOFFMANN, J R.a NO. 8SB AKCII MTREET, FUEHISHING GOODS. (LateU. A. HoUuiau. formerly W. Vf. Knight.) FINK KUIUTS AND WRAPPERS. HOSIERY AND (jLO VES SILK, LAXBsr WOOL AND MERINO lUfsnwem BNDERCLOTIIIMCU J. V. HCOTT So CO., SHIRT MANUFACTURER, NO DK4LKBS 1H MEN'S FURNISH I N OOODM NO. 814 CHESjNUT STREET. FOUR DOORS BELOW THE "CONTINENTAL, fcgTjrp rumtimrHiA. PATENT SHOULDER-SEAM SIIIR'I MANUFACTORY, ANDUENTLKMKM'S FURH1S11INO STORK PERFECT FIT! I NO BH1R 1 8 AND DRAWERS njdttirom meusurt mental verv short notice. All other artiu.es of GENTLEMEN'S DRESS GOODS in lull variety. WINCHESTER A CO 111 No. 70S CHEfeNUT btreet, BILLIARD ROOMS. IRD. BIRD. BIRD Alterseveral months' preparation, Mr. C RlKri hus opened his new aud apauluus enlubiishnreut for the entertainment ol his lrlends, aud the nublio ln general, at Nos. 6u6 ud WI7 ARCU blreeu ,uu"" The first aud secoud Hours are fitted up as Billiard Rooms, and lurulMied with twelve liinlHulaaa ii,i while the appurtenances and adorumeuts ounTnruie everything which can conduce to the comfort 1.15 couveulence of ihe players. In tl.sT biieuleut arS four new and splei.Uiu Howling Alleys, tor thole who wish lodevelupetueir muscle In amlbluatlouof th2 base-ball sea.,n. A Restaurant to aitaVhed wht everything In the edible line can be T w of the beai well-known eeuilLiiien have been secured u Ah1u anu,audwffVP WILLIAM E. OIM.MORK 1IENRY W. DUNCAN, VhluTwfti'iV M S W Hl- "estaurateur. r,7 n ti'-BJKV w"l bold a carelul supervision, fi7 J.Th.I1.V.V"l,Ire,., y that, taken all In alf, Mrnu.UOlh. ".Bev,,r. ,MH"' started in f hiladelphla, approaching thl ratabllhhuieul lu coinpleieutwe of J)ub"!o!,"ntm' "ItouUou to the couitort of the wlm C. BIRD. Proprietor,
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers