i ) TEE NEW YORK PRESS. EDITORIAL OMHION8 OF TH LKADINO J0UBNAL8 tPOK CUBBKNT TOPICB COMPILED BVKRT DAT FOB TBI BTBHINO IKLBOBAPH. How to Treat Indians. From the Independent. It has been affirmed that the Teutonio family of nations have ever shown tliem lelves eminently cruel and unscrupulons In Iheir treatment of conquered and inferior races. They have shown themselves no ex ception, assuredly; but we cannot allow that they are any worse than the Latin racos that Bonaparte made so frantio an attempt to rehabilitate In their superiority over the Iforthem barbarians on this continent, and which poor Max. has paid so dearly for. We rather think that even our ewn conduot towards the Indians and the Africans would jnake a very good show alongside that of Bpain towards her slaves and the aborigines t Mexico, South America, and the Antilles. Jiut this is no excuse for us or our fathers. The founders of New England contemplated nothing other than the civilization and con version of the Indian tribes. Uven down to the end of the seventeenth century it was supposed that the two races would continue to possess the earth together, and live side ly side to the end of time. It may be doubted when John Eliot, the apostle, would liave performed that linguistio miracle, the translation of the Bible into the Indian ver nacular, if he had supposed it was so soon to become a mere literary rarity. Btill, the fathers of New England were hard enough on their unpleasant neighbors, and were quite ready enough to regard themselves as the chosen people to whom the new Canaan liad been appointed for an inheritance, and the Indians as the Canaanites who were to be Tooted out. But, however soarlet may have lieen the souls of our fathers in this regard, they were white as wool compared with those of their descendants within the last half cen tury or so. The wars of General Jackson, the wholesale removal of whole tribes from their ancient . hunting-grounds that they might be turned "by negro slaves into cotton fields, the fSeminole war in Florida, and all the cruelty and injustice attending and following these national crimes, make a very black page in our national history. For a good xuany years our civilization had not 2egun to encroach on the vast domain of the .' Indian country, and we knew not much . about its roving inhabitants, excepting an occasional big talk at Washing ton, or the sketches of Catlin or Farkman. Hut our outgrowth has at last reached that distant region, a path must be opened for the iron horse across those plains where only the buffalo and the Indian have ranged lor centuries, and the white man once again Stands face to face with the red. And, as has always happened, the contact has produced combustion and explosion. The question now is, how far the conflagration thus begun is to Spread, and whether it can be checked and extinguished f This Indian war will be on a very different scale from any that has pre ceded it; and it is a matter to be most wisely considered and conducted, or it may devour up as much of our substance as the Rebellion Itself. ' In all former conflicts with Indians, the tribes have been comparatively smalt, and their territory relatively contracted; and yet liow many years and how much blood and jaoney it ooBt to conquer them I Now they are in large numbers, with a continent behind them into which they can ily from before our troops, and where they can dart on weak con voys or isolated ions, inaeea our military expeditions against them have been well com pared to going duck-shooting with a full brass iand. The fowling-piece, as well as the snare, is vain in the Bight of such wary Wrds as they. The attempt to extirpate them by force of arms must extend over many years, and . involve a frightful, per naps a ruinous expense. And this danger is to be inourred, by the testimony of officers who have seen the most Indian service, iot the especial benefit of the traders who would cheat the Indians and the contractors Who would cheat the Government I We numbly Bubmit that we are not called upon to pay the ""bummers" of the advancing army of civilization bo ruinous a price for services we can well dispense with. It is demonstrable that it would be vastly cheaper for the United States Government to supply the Indian tribes gratuitously with every article the traders furnish them with exorbitantly, from this time forth, than to go to war to protect these last in their thieveries. We are not disposed to exalt the "noble savage" into a model for admiration, as Rousseau and his school used to do. We know his vices, and propinquity has dis persed most of the enchantment that dis tance formerly lent to his image. ' But still lie is the image of God. though craved in copper, and is entitled, to treatment as a and an unfortunate' one. numan i twinjr, Violence and treachery and cheating have exhausted t'j.-v utmost in dealing with str.pt: 9 we now try the variety ; ivl humanity, and see how tVicS. ke Indian country of just;"i they wi 1)A T)Ut UB Iff 1l.itmimaud of brave, sensi- He, humane ' aiUUar'r officers. Let no In dian trader, be ,1rau,ttd within a hundred miles of the fiW r. "t the Government appoint coinpettat saU' l agents, furnished l)v the nation wi-ii a'l i'1' merchandise the Indians need, Whoa'? t." r-j'ii it shall be to , j. l-ot this be done, t,j to see. that it is ;3 f Indian outrages a.' I'a would pay lor supply them at fair yn and a fit military oil. done lastly, and the c; would disappea: , tK j ltudt AnA fiivilii.' on i Christianity would 1.. a wiv onene .1 for .aem by justice. . We n; i.ot ti.nm ii noihine illusory or imnrao- ticable about thit, scheme. It would be adding tiovrI function 2 our Go 'ernment; but then our relations t it the Iriians are entirely anomalous, and jAnst b -ixoeptional. If-the Indiana, be seen t' 1 absf late Justice In their trading affairs, aul pnt jted from white men with the eamo ii Vvli; -Kty that white men are protected '"-, ui m. we Deiieve mat Indian wars r i: i t t o iniposaiumues. "" ona can d onb Ulvi the political issues of .war will boou Yiii away, unless revived the folly t't 'thoijo who assume to be the special frinda of ihts t outh. . There can be no dispute upon . u;) (slavery when negro suf rage is an ticoorc lialwd fact. Nor will those Who were luiidnnl in opposition to the admis sion of the n;Tro tu political privileges, venture wpon any piautioul cttort to take from him the Fallot which he lias gained in spite of them. 7,,i.Umhh. in a few isolated States, a blind and Tiartv will take pride in delaying the ri)lioation of the principle of equality to their own States, but this cannot d.at its final triumph, nor: give rise to a natioi$;i oontest. inir that these issues, w'icyh have uyni.ied so much of our own thought, and which have absorbed cur energies ia the past THE DAILY EVENING TELEG It APH PHIL must paas away, we by no means admit that the party which has maintained the side of universal liberty in the contest so nearly over must also pass into obscurity. Tar ties live long upon the tradition of past achievements longer, in many cases, than is good for the country, or even for them selves; for a party is better dead than moribund. The Whig party of England held power for seventy years npon the credit of 1088, and even yet, although reduced to a mere shadow, has the largest share of the Government, by virtue of its past history. The Tories retained power uninterruptedly for fifteen years after their triumphant con clusion of the war against Napoleon. So, in this country, the Demooratio party lias lived through blunders, incapacity, and corruption of the most amazing kind, solely upon its traditions of past glories; and to-day the great embarrassment of its managers is, that while its present organization is too offensive to the loyal spirit of the country to warrant the hope of winning a majority to its Fide, the party name constitutes so much of its strength with its present adherents that an abandonment of that nam" would probably disband the party. . We see no reason for supposing that the Republican party will prove an exception to this general rule. It ha3 achieved a military success as complete as and more marvellous than the triumph of England over Napoleon, which gave the Tories a long lea?c of power. It has enfranchised a larger proportion of the Southern people than the Whig party of Eng land did of its people in 1832. The strength of the hold which it has thus acquired npon the new voters is proved at every Southern election; and there are as yet no serious indi cations of its power being diminished at the North. It cannot calculate upon a blind and unconditional support; but it has overy reason to expect that it will command the grateful and affectionate adherence, within reasonable limits, of vast masses of men who look upon it as the instrument of their own elevation or the preservation of a system dear to them as their own lives. Some questions, over which there is just now much clamor, are not of sufficient impor tance to have a permanent or general effect upon politics. Thus the eight-hour delusion, which is being made use of quite extensively by desperate politicians, will speedily expend its force in a few still-born statutes. Probably nine-tenths of the real workers of the country have no interest in an eight-hour law; and even the classes who are deceived by their addle-pated leaders into relying upon it as a means of their elevation, will speedily be dis gusted with its results, if they succeed in put ting it in force. Nor will any of the other schemes for interference with property or busi ness raise any permanent political issue. A community ia which property is so widely spread as it is in our Northern States cannot be led into any hare-brained plans for its redis tribution. The laborer who ' has saved one hundred dollars is too tenacious of that to be willing to divide it with his penniless neighbor, in the hope of getting a larger share in the general division. The South contains a much greater proportion of destitute people, and therefore such visionary schemes may for a while be popular there; but the colored people are beginning to accumulate property under equal laws, and will lose all interest in confis cation as soon as they have homes of their own, however small and mean. While severely censuring those who strive to delude the negro with the hope of plundering his late master, we are not apprehensive that any such efforts can be successful. . . .. The issues arising out of temperance and Sunday laws are merely local; and though they may be controlling in New York, yet they will be settled there without affecting national politics very materially. : The reconstruction of the South will not be completed, even under the most favorable cir cumstances, until the spring of . 18t8; and nntil that is accomplished, its completion will be the chief political consideration with the people. Even after the restoration of the Southern States to the full privileges of the Union, there must be a period of anxiety for the successful working of the new machinery which will tend to unite the Republican party, and thus to prolong its power. Financial questions must, however, absorb a larger share of attention iu the future than they have in the past. The amount to be raised by taxation is so large as to require a degree of wisdom in the mode of assessment which has never before been called for, and which ' is consequently not to be found among our legislators. The public mind ia unedu cated on these points, and the people, seeking blindly for relief from burdens which oppress them, are for a time at the mercy of charla tans, who offer remedies which seem to prom ise intsant relief, but which really aggravate the disease. The hard lessons of experience will soon make us all wiser, and we shall learn that the possession of long rivers, great mountains, vast prairies, and free institutions does not liberate us from the laws of political economy, as thousands of well-meaning men now firmly believe that it does. By-aud-by they will discover that water runs down hill in America just as much as in Europe. Now, there is no absolute necessity for drawing party lines upon financial issues. For years to come there will be so much doubt as to the stability of the new order of things iu the South as to make it the duty of all good. men to cooperate in guaranteeing equal rights, in maintaining justice, and in promoting edu cation. In most of the Southern States, if not in all, the numerical power of the colored race will steadily diminish, by reason of the in crease of white immigration, hitherto kept out by slavery and its concomitants. The colored people must rise in intelligence with a rapidity unequalled by any other liberated race, iu order to oouuteract their loss of the influence of mere numbers. That they are capable of doing this, we believe; but the work to be done by and among them is immense, and requires ail the moral influence and material aid which the North can give. It might be seriously re- vuraea u the National Government should fall into unfriendly hands. For this pur pose the .Republican party ought to keep itself in power, and if it acts wisely it can do bo. But it must be tolerant of differences of opinion upon minor points, however import ant they may be. It hag no right to construct a platform upon which a large minority of its members cannot stand. It has , no right to deny nominations to men who are preferred by the people, and against whom no objection is made except that on some qu.,ti0a of revenue, currency, or local legislation they differ ' from the party manugers. This is the natural tend ency of all triumphant parties, and ja pn9 0f the principal reasons why they fall agunder. It is a moral impossibility to find a hundred intelligent men whose views coinoido np0n every political issue; and parties, which orga nize by millions, must inevitably contain Ka endless diversity of views. ' Nor is it upon mere party grounds that we desire to see toleration upon the subjects we have mentioned. These subjects will be more impartially discussed, and the popular verdict upon them will be more likely to be Just, if mey are not maue the subject of party divi sions. ) Neither will either party feel bound. upon its accession, to power, to reverse the financial policy of the preceding administra tion, as it otherwise would; and thus the stability of commercial arrangements would not depend upon the maintenance of any party. In proportion, therefore, to the cer tainty of Justice which either side to these controversies feels, should be its anxiety to keep its dogmas out of more partisan politics. If, however, the managers of the Republican party, elated with success and over-influenced by special interests, should insist upon con formity to their financial views as a test of party fidelity, they will certainly destroy its 8upremaoy. For by virtue of the very intelli gence, education, and morality of its members, of which the party is so Justly proud, It ne cessarily includes within itself a multitude of conflicting opinions, deliberately formed and conscientiously adhered to by men who will not suffer dictation. We suppose that a party caucus at Washington would decide in favor of an inflation of the currency; but if it should proceed to rule out of the party all who re fused to endorse that 'opinion, it would lose almost every Eastern State. l'arty ties hang more loosely than they formerly did. Twenty years ago a majority of ten thousand was enough to determine the political character of a State for years. Now majorities of thirty to fifty thousand are no guarantee of permanence. The defeated party is not disheartened; the successful party can not venture to relax its efforts. A greater responsibility, therefore, rests upon party managers to avoid needless tests, and to abstain from attempts to drive men as intelli gent as themselves and more independent. The Meeting of Congress. . From the Tribune. There are two broadly discriminated classes of ex-Rebels in the South:!. Those who are not to-day fighting against the Union only because their weapons have been stricken from their hands; and 2. Those who are this moment good and hearty Unionists, sincerely devoted to the integrity, greatness ana pros Ferity of our whole country. These last re gard slavery and secession as utterly vanished as thoroughly, Irrevocably dead as the Crusades or the Inquisition. They include some of the ablest statesmen and bravest sol diers of the defunct Confederacy men incapa ble or duplicity or liypoonsy, and whose pre sent loyalty is as fervent and profound as that of some, at least, of those who would seem to question it. Congress is about to reassemble for the des patch of business: but we understand it to be generally conceded that nothing will be done that is not expected to conduce to the restora tion of the Union. The first work in hand is n such a definition of the Military Reconstruction act that the wayfaring man, though a Johnson or a Stanbery, cannot misconstrue or pervert it. The good work of practical reconstruction, so suddenly and balefully arrested, must be reinvigorated, and placed beyond the possi bility of further obstruction. But we trust Congress will not adjourn till it shall have fully and finally deprived those who are Btill at heart Rebels of the advantage they now derive from the frequent fulinlna tions of Messrs. Thaddeus Stevens and Wen dell Phillips. If a majority really favor a sweeping confiscation of Southern property, or mean to keep the ten States now under military rule in that condition indefinitely, let the truth be made clearly manifest. But if, as we firmly believe, two-thirds of each House are opposed to confiscation and are anxious that each State shall be promptly qualified, through the actions of its people under ' the Reconstruction act, for self-government and representation in Con gress, bo that it may participate in the choice of our next President, then let this likewise be made clear and indisputable. Let the States now under military rule be plainly told what is required of them, and let everything be done that netjd be to insure the supremacy of loyalty and order, but let there be no am biguity, no evasion, no uncertainty or vacilla tion; deceit is the weapon of slaves; craft is for cowards and tricksters; let the republic write its demands and purposes on the sky, and let none have a right to complain of ag gravations of the former or fluctuations of the latter. We do not complain that Messrs. Stevens and rhillips say just what they mean; we only deplore that the retioence of others gives undue emphasis to their maledictions. ' The Rebel interest, at the South recites and reiterates every utterance in favor of confiscation and indefinite military rule; the voices that should be heard above these raven croaklngs are strangely silent. The South knows exactly how Mr. Stevens would deal with her if he could; it does not know, and is not enabled to ascertain, what Messrs. Wilson, Fessenden, Sherman, Morgan, Frelinghuysen, Bingham," Kelley, etc. etc., purpose to do, especially with regard to the prompt and thorough re storation of such Southern States as shall fully and cheerfully comply with the require ments of the Military Reconstruction acts. We submit that the cause of national rehabi litation is suffering by this reserve that the national industry and prosperity also languish because of it. Let the session now imminent be signalized by a beneficent Irankness on the part of those members of either House who mean that restoration shall be as speedy as is consistent with liberty, Justioe, and national integrity, and the country will , have good reason to rejoice that, a summer meeting oi Congress was rendered necessary. i hi Mexico and' tha Indiana Two Mora "Twin Hellca" for tbe Max Hew Party. From the Herald, i There are two nuisances on this continent which it is time we should abate, both in respect to our material interests, and in the discharge of the moral obligations of a civilized people. It was once prescribed as a remedy against the Indians that they should be wiped . t. t ; i l i . . l i . OUl. xi seems uneiy iuui t-uia preauupuuu must become a policy, and it is in no way probable that the continent will be at rest until something very nearly like the same rule is applied to the Mexicans, as they now are. Mexicans and Indiaus sot taxed are the ogres of the hour; aud the party that shall come before .the country with the abatement of the Mexican nuisance and the Indian nuisance as the main points of its platform that shall promise immunity to our prairie railway enterprises and Beourity to settlers, with the show of keeping its promises, and that shall also guarantee the good conduct of our mugi-d neighbors such a party will have a better claim to the support of the American people than had the Republican narty. with Its famous and delusive fulmiua-' tions against the twin relics of barbarism. , . Mexico is to-day just where she was in 1858, when, even under the presidency of the slow and careful Jiuoiianan, me propriety of estab lishingta forcible protectorate was weighed by the country ana proposoa in ine lixecuiive message to Congress. Anarchy then, as now. as supreme; but even then,1 though of course m interest of an American citizen was safer than any other interest within Mexloo, no such act waa committed as the recent seizure of a Dasseneer from Oirt-iWlr of ah American shin. luterfoienoe In Mexlcau Affairs was based theu AD ELPIII A, SATURDAY, upon the broad grounds of international neces sity. It was argued that the nation was sim ply a prey to its disorderly elements, and that having in its public conduct passed that line within which regard to the rights of others should have kept it, it must be restrained for the sake of publio peace. Violent sectional dissensions within our own border and the war put an end to all that, and European powers came forward, headed by France, and inter fered practically, pretending the same motives that urged our Government, but actuated cer tainly by very different ones. Our freely ex pressed hostility to that interference, arising from want of faith in its purposes, made it ineffective, and its relinquishment and the failure of the empire that it attempted to esta blish leave Mexico where she was, with, per haps, the addition to her troubles of a further demoralization of her people the natural consequence of war where the masses are de praved, and without the tone and elasticity of a high moral character. It is doubtful whether the common struggle against imperialism has given her any more than a temporary unity, ller people are ready once again to fall into parties whose differences can be Bottled by nothing less than mutual butchery; and as we are involved in these struggles morally and materially as they trench upon our rights no less than upon the sovereignty of all law we must debate seriously the necessity of taking up the Mexican question onoe more. just where the breaking out of our civil war compelled us to leave it. There is less difficulty in the case with the Indians; for, compared with Mexicans, even the worst Indians on the plains have a moral character, and some respect for obligations once solemnly taken. Indiaus are the superior race; for in Mexico the miscegenation of In dian and Spaniard has resulted in the produc tion ot a mass of mongrel wretches naving the vices of both races with the virtues of neither. With the Indians we know what to count upon, and we need not be cruel if we are firm. We had to expect Indian troubles at this time. and could and should have provided against them, this last great advancing wave of cm lization has filled the red man with natural alarm, and war is the only means of protesting against further encroachment. lie is fighting now, not the corruption of Indian agents, but the Pacific Railroad, and we must deal with him as one of the necessities for the construc tion of that road. All this will be easy when tne question comes out of the pigeon-holes aud jobbery of departments and bureaus, and is treated directly by the people. It is time this was done. These questions of Mexico and the Indians have become of such national im portance that they must take their place in the political issues of the day, and be settled by the direct action of the people. Senator Wade's "Jump Forward." Front the IHmes. a number oi journals ohject to the con struction which has been put upon the Law rence speech of Senator Wade, and suggest less objectionable meanings of which they con sider it susceptible. The Evening Post started the idea, and the St. Louis Democrat, among oiners, nas adopted it. According to these cruios, wnen tne senator asserted tnat "pro perty is not equally divided, and a more equal distribution of capital must be wrought out," he intended merely to say that the tariff must be revised, and the whole system of taxation amended I And when he declared that Congress must do away with the "terri ble distinction" between the capitalist and laborer, and foreshadowed "the approaching struggle" of labor against wealth, the Demo crat insists that his remarks covered no more than the ordinary problems of finance, and such an adjustment of taxes as will divide the burdens of governmene fairly between the ricn ana tne poor." We are asked to accept the more favorable interpretation ot the speech because the gene rally received version "would prove him Btupid and brainless demagogue," an "insane politician, and the reverse of the "sincere and able man" which his admirers deolare him to be. But we have used no epithets against Mr, vvaue. we nave neither impugned his abi lity, questioned his sanity, nor doubted his pa- triotisnf. Had we been disposed to arraign his sense, we should have assumed that his grand flourish about a "jump forward" in ad vance oi ail otner radicals amounted to no more than an avowal that he is a free-trader And were we inclined to rate him as a "stupid and brainless demagogue," we should have treated ins demand for a more equal distribu tion of property as a roundabout plea for taxa tion reionn. I he explanation invented by the Democrat for the purpose of extricating him irom me oaium oi a wild and anarchical social ism may be necessary to qualify him for the office now occupied by Mr. Johnson; but it is fatal to Mr. Wade'8 reputation as a man who says what he means and sticks to it, whether otner persons iiKe n or not. We judged Mr. Wade's utterances by his reputation as an advanced radical, who knows the significance of the words he employs, and knows, moreover, how to employ them. We construe his language literally. When he tells us in advance that he is about to "jump lorwara, and to loosout lor something start ling, we are convinced that his scheme for dividing property more equally, for adding to tne rewarus oi lauor, ana reducing its bur dens, by act of Congress, means more than an intimation that he is for free trade and reduced taxation. If these were his only objects, there was no necessity ror bidding people to observe a mighty "jump," or for reproducing the ideas of the French socialists. The Providence Journal Becks safety for Mr Wade in another direction. It doubts the accuracy of the report of his speech, as pub lished exclusively in the Times, and suggests that had he used the language imputed to hiui other members of the Senatorial party who were present would not have listened Bilentlv, As to other Senators who heard the Bpeech, we Know that Beveral or them at the moment realized the extravagance of Mr. Wade's pro positions, and the discredit they throw upon iue parcy wiin wmcn ne is ldenuued. Tne Cotton Tiadc. From the World. Of all the nations abroad, England ia the one whose power and prosperity rests most upon cotton; and which was most dependent upon this country for a supply of the article, until the war here cut off her supply and com pelled her to. oultivate the plant within the limits of her own possessions. . The countries which are the most successful in cultivating cotton next to the United States, and whose growths have, for years, been placed 1 by the side of our own in foreign markets but with only a small degree of suc cess are Brazil, Egypt, and the East Indies. These countries having had experience in the cultivation of the staple, and- possessing facilities . for its productfou proportionate to the extent of the consumption, it only re mained for them, on the withdrawal of their successful American rival, to extend their operations and increase their facilities to tha highest degree within their power. .... This they did when it became apparent that the United States would not be likely to JUNE 29, 18G7. Old Bye Wliislties. HIE LAEGEST AND BEST STOCK OFfi FINE OLD RYE WHISKIES IN THE LND IS NOW POSSESSED BY HENRY S. HAIMMS C CO., Nos. -218 and 220 SOUTH FH0NT STREET, UIIO OI FJKKTIIE RADIK TO THE TRADE, IN LOTS, TERMS. Their fltork of Hya Whlikln, IN BOH D, comprises all tha favorite brands extent, and runs through the various months or lh09,'00, and of this yaar. uu ta Irt date. Liberal contracts marts for lots to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot Errlrsson Line V harf,or at Vonded 'Warehouses, as parties may elect. resume the loading place iu the markets for several years after the breaking out of the Rebellion. There was little risk in directing all available capital and labor to this end. The mills of England were closed; her people and tier snips were idle; her stock on nana was exhausted; and her commerce her best prop was Buffering at the rate of nearly one hundred millions a year. She could well afford to take cotton from all quarters of the world and at any cost, cue could afford to take under the Government protection and assistance tbe cultivation of cotton in her own Indies, and send skill and capital to energize and increase the efforts of Egypt. init tne growths ot ail these countries could not stand before the American cotton, previous to the war; nor can they, by any possible means, do bo now. the moment the South is capable of producing a full crop. As long as we produce a bare million and a half or two millions of bales, foreign growths can retain the field and furnish England with the bulk of the cotton she requires for consumption, but not longer. In 18o'0, when American cotton was selling in the Liverpool market at eleven and a half cents per pound, Brazilian was asking fifteen and a half cents; Egyptian the same figure, and West Indian fifteen cents; and in the year 1864, in the same market, when American cotton was scarce and prices up, it was sold at fifty-five cents per pound, against fifty-six asked for Brazilian, fifty-five for Egyptian, and fifty-four for West Indian. Thi3, it should be remembered, was at a time when all the American cotton England could get was by running the blockade, and with all its extreme scarcity and the great risk in obtain ing it, the article could sell for one cent a pound less than the Brazilian. The Egyptian crop of 1804 was about two hundred and ninety thousand bales of four hundred pounds to the bale, and the East Indian crop, lor the same year, about six hun dred and seventy-five thousand bales, of like weight. Of the entire quantity of cotton con sumed by Great Britain in 18G0, fully nine- tenths was from the United states, and the remainder drawn from Brazil, Egypt, the East and West Indies. Of the quantity taken up by the continent, about seventy-five per cent, was American, and the balance East Indian. In 1864, of course, the quantity contributed by this country was a mere bagatelle com pared with the results of former years. Yet, while Great Britain paid in 1860 about two hundred and five millions of dollars for four and "a half million bales which comprised all the cotton she purchased in that year at an average price of eleven and a half cents per pound, she actually paid in 1864 over four hundred and twelve millions of dollars for about two and two-third million bales, at an average price of about forty-five cents. In this latter year the sum paid on American cotton was forty million dollars on seventy million pounds, against one hundred and fifteen million dollars on about one billion pounds paid in the former year. In 1864 the supply was drawn from all quarters of the globe; East India furnishing the largest quantity, Egypt being next in order, and the United States following. England paid the East Indies over one hundred and Rnvan mil lions for cotton that year, and Egypt more ! man sixty millions; neither of which countries received more than Bix and a quarter millions in 1860. While the continent consumed seven hundred and fourteen million pounds in 1860, it used but three hundred and sixty-eight million pounds in 1864; and while in the former year it paid us over sixty millions of money, in the latter year it paid but little to us, and paid one hundred and sixty millions to other nations. In the great cry for cotton Bent forth by England, and the stimulus im parted by the exorbitant price, even China and Japan increased their supply to fifty mil lion pounds in 1864. These facts and figures will serve to exhibit to the people of this country the money influ ence of the staple, its importance as an item of commerce among nations, the loss to Eng land caused by the termination of her supply from this country, the immense loss to the South in being cut off from the purohases of the world during the war, and the disaster her greatest interest has sustained in the movements of competitors to establish a suc cessful foothold in the market during her dis abled condition. The South has nothing serious to fear from her rivals in cotton pro duction, unless her crops annually fall much Bhort for several years, by reason of the worm or wet season, or from her failure to establish a satisfactory labor system; provided, indeed, we except a long continuance of high prices. If prices continue above twenty-five cents for eiglit or ten years, it is probable that she will sustain heavy and even Irreparable damage; but if she can throw two and a half million bales in the market per year within three years from this date, the balance will be cast in her favor, and she will promptly resume her lost place in the markets. Let her bend all her energies to effect this result, and not become discouraged by obsta cles which Bhe should firmly face and sur mountwhich Bhe can surmount, and which must be surmounted by her sooner or later. It had better be at the start than at a distant day, when the hundreds of millions which should be collected to her coffers are distri buted among foreign nations. Last year the crop was redaoed by the worm and the wet to a one-third yield; some planters largely lost, and the people became discouraged. Many declared their intention to abandon cotton and put in corn. . To do this would bo euicidal, and the South would realize the fact" only too late. The whole section ought to rise to a comprehension of the in terests at stake. The results of the current year are sufficient to fhow the utter mistake of diminishing the cultivation of cotton. The crops everywhere, and of all kinds, promise abundance, and the capital, labor, and soil which produced a mil lion and a half bales last year would produce three and a half million bales this year. This means restoration of prosperity at a rapid rate to the South. Let her reflect upon it, and weigh well a decision to relinquish, even to the bmallest extent, the cultivation of this great controlling staple. X VEUT ADVASTAGEOCa ', WATCHES JEWELRY, ETC. r.TERICAN WATCHES. W. W. CA.SSIJ3Y, HO. IS SOUTH SECOND STBEET, ' PHILADELPHIA ABES ATTENTION TO HI3 TABIED AMD EXTENSIVE STOCK or OOID! ASP SILVER WATCDES AND SILVEK-WABE. Customers mar be assured tbat none bnt tbebea articles, at reasonable prices, will be sold at bis store A fine assortment of ILATEI-WABE C'ONSTAKTLT ON ITAIfO WATCHES and JEWELRY carefully repaired. Ai orders by mall proraiitly attended to. 4 10 vrsmSta LEWIS LADOMUS & CO., Diamond Pcalers and Jewellers, KO. 80S tnESM I ST., PHILADELPHIA! Would tnvlts tbe attention ot purchasers to tbelr large aDd handsome assortment ot DIAMONDS, WATCHES, , JEWELBT, SILVER-WARE, ICE PITCH EES In great variety. ETC' ETC A large assortmeut or small BTUDB, for eyelet boles. Just accelved. WATCHES repuired la tha best manner, and guaranteed. Mp FRENCH CLOCKS. . ItrSSELL A CO KO. NORTH SIXTH STREET, ' Have just received per steamship Europe, an Invoice ot , v -MANTLE CLOCKS, Purchased In Paris since the opening of the Expos!, tlon, which lor beauty or design and workmanship, cannot ba excelled, and they are offered at price which invite competition. 5M, C. & A. PEQUIGNOT, alanutactnrers ot Cold and Silver Watch Cases, IMPOST ICRS AMD DEALERS 1ST WATCHES. Office-No. IS South SIXTH Street, Manufactory So. Is fcouth I IFXCtreet. PHILADELPHIA. JOHN BOWMAN, No. 704. ARCH BtrMti PHILADELPHIA, MANUTACTUKEB AND DEALEB Hf I BILVEB AND PLATED WARE, Oar GOODS are decidedly tha cheapest in theolty TRIPLE PLATE, A HO. 1. WATCHES. JEWELBI. W. W. CASSIDY, NO. 13 SOUTH SECOND STBEET,' ' ' tocof M Mu'lr1' new u1 most carefully selaot AMERICAN AND GENEVA WATCHES, JEWEIBT, BILVEIU WARE, AND FANCY ARTICLES EVERY DESCRIPTION suitable for BRIDAL OB HOLIDAY PRESENTS. An examination win abuw my stock to be unau- nnCTl IB If UMJ1I.J WIU LllWUUmi Particular attentlun paid to repairing. . j HENRY HARPER, ! No.j 520 ARCH Street ! Manufacturer and Dealer la WATCHES, VINE JEWELRY, . , SILVAUt-PLATED WABE, AJTB U ' stOLID SILVER WARS 11 mm Large and small sizes, playing from i to II airs, and com i-1 ii K frum to .xa Our assortment comprise im h choice mliKll. as - 'When the bwallow. Homeward Fly." "Evening bong to tne Virgin," "In Marseillaise." "Hoiue, bweet Hume." "f uust waltz," etc. etc, ' t ' Bwirtwi beautiful selections from the Various Operas. imported direct, and for sals at moderate prices, by i FAIilt & BUOTHEIt I Importers of Watches, etc., 11 llsmUirpl No. Ki ClIESNCT St., below Fourth. PATENT MOSQUITO OAR. ,''! JFST ISSUED. . EVERY FAMILY UHOULD HAVE ONE. Fortune to be muds to evsry State. Call and sea eueef tbem. Can b nianufacinrd very low. bTATE fcWUTB FOR SALE BY nubiisauai iiibiu.j - I tUlaa NO. 19gl BROWN STBEET,
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers