THC NEW YORK PRESS. .nrroBIAL OPIHIOIfB OF THB LEADINGI iOVUVkt VrOB CTBBKNT TOPICS OOMHLKD BVKH1 -PAT FOB TBB BVBN1KQ TBLEOBAFH. Oar Syete of lit farm. Mr. Secretary MoCullocli, In his report or laat December, submitted an inquiry wblch ill by-and-by acquire paramount importance. 'How shall tbe necessary revenue be raised Hinder a system of internal and external taxes, 'Without sustaining monopolies, Without re pressing Industry; without discouraging enter- S rise, " Without oppressing labor!" Mr. cCullocb made n , attempt to discuss the question be bad raised, or to suggest the answer of which It is susoeptible. That task he resigned to Mr. Wells, whose report as Special Commissioner of the Kevenue forms th only official notice of the subject which has yet appeared. As a record of facts relating to the industry of the country, and an exposure Of the clumsiness and fundamental blundering of the fiscal legislation growing out of the war, Mr. Wells' report is of great value. But it ia neither exhaustive In its treatment of the evils of tbe system, nor thorough or consistent in its suggestions of amendment. 'Its author seems to have labored under a Sense of the necessity of adapting bis proposed changes to the predetermined will of Congress, and hence, while its exposure of the disease is conclusive. Its prescription of remedies is Weak and unsatisfactory. With all his short comings, however. Mr. Wells is so far ahead of -the majority of legislators, that bis views exercised slight influence upon the action of the session. Congress not only did not enter tain the problem presented by the Secretary of the Treasury, but left In full play a system of Internal and external taxes which sustains monopolies, which represses industry, which damages enterprise and oppresses labor. The Very course which au enlightened financier would shun commended itself to the favor of the" members, whose policy in reference to taxation stands next in the list of crushing ilia to an inflated and inconvertible currency and a divided and disorganized Union. The burden of national taxation ia bad enough when stated in its simplest form, free from the local loads, which vary according to Circumstances, but in the aggregate render it intolerable. A taxation for the sole purpose Of the Federal Government amounting to $1140, gold, per head or about $15-70 cur xenoy would be oppressive under the most judicious management. It would settle upon 718 the unenviable reputation of being the most fceavlly taxed people in the world, and would le a formidable incumbrance in the race with other nations. The adjustment of the burden, however, has been the reverse of judicious. Instead of so districting it that it should be felt In the least possible degree that it should leave enterprise untrammelled and labor com paratively at liberty the system which la in operation makes itself visible everywhere, and forma a drag from which no device of industry can escape. It permeates every branch of production, crippling its power, and foBtering the evils which make themselves manifest in depressed trade and the discontent that per vade! the working classes. Considered from this point of view, the strikes and combina tions that are occurring in nearly every part of the country are the struggles of suffering in dustry, unwisely curecleu, lnaeea, bat evinc ing a disorganization and depression of pro ductive forces to which no man should be in .different. Mr. Wells last December desoribed the entire Industry of the country as "in an abnormal and most unsatisfactory condition," and tbe six months which have since elapsed Lave rendered it worse than ever. ' ' A Bound fiscal system confines itself within the narrowest limits, and works through agenoies which neither oppress the laborer . nor. lessen production. The objects of taxa tion are then few in number, and of a kind Hot necessarily entering into universal con sumption. England whose fiscal reforms during the last twenty years render her in this respect a model worthy of our imitation ha9 selected for taxation tea, coffee, sugar, Epices, spirits, silks, tobacco, find other com modities which, like these, are not essential, and, therefore, do not of necessity form part of every family's expenditure. On the other ;hand, according to Mr. Wells, the Internal revenue system : established by Congress covers an aggregate of not less than ten thou sand articles, while the number of articles subjected to taxation under the existing tariff 5a estimated by tbe same officer to be about six thousand. ' Thus, while England raises her enormous le venue, amounting to $10-92, gold, per head of ita population, from about three-score arti cles, all told, this country, to raise $11-46, gold, per head, extends its taxation over six teen thousand articles ! The relative influence of the two systems upon enterprise and indus try may be readily understood. One system is economical in its administration, affords ; narrow scope for fraud, falls lightly upon tbe working classes, and is scarcely discernible -in the movements of capital or the operations Of industry Our present system, on the con trary, requires an army ot office-holders to manage, provides endless opportunities for evasion and fraud, cuts down the comforts and even the necessaries of the million, and ' deranges and damages every industry in the land. . "For this system our law-makers have no exouse. It is - the worst possible system, ' Viewed exclusively in relation to the net revenue of the Government. It is a worse foe i to national industry than would be unfettered competition with the so-called "pauper labor" of Europe. It is a drain upon labor and enter prise so exhaustive to both as to endanger the national prosperity and credit. As a revenue Scheme, then, it is indefensible, and now the turmoil of conflict is ended, the imperative . duty of Congress is to revise the system thoroughly, simplifying it, and relieving the ountry from that which now weighs most heavily upon its energies. To do this i 'boroughly, however, the work must be under taken iu ttie interest of the people, not for the Deneut of monopolies. And there will be ' 5 i ?i pe on tLe subject until Congress 1 Sfi tB01n non-partisan, enlightenel.and Sti c,?6 W?he k 0Te Com mittee or Ways and Means now exercises Almost absolute control. exeroises . It ia understood that Mr. Wells' visit to , Europe is mainly for the purpose of studvinS the revenue systems in orrUonere,. ' T-T , t0, ,n8,Weirl"Kl , the lotion pro , pounded by his official chief. Bat Mr Wells alone, la unequal to the task. . The 'field la ' too wide for any single man, and his coaclu ' slons bb in the case of his admirable report ret last December lacks the authority which ' must command the iudgment of Congress, aud . render impotent the intrigues of lobbying monopolists. Mr. Edward Atkinson, one of the ablest manufacturers of Massachu setts, ' In bis suggestive and very valuable " )amphlet "On the Collection of Revenue," roposes the -establishment of a " per fnanant Board of Commissioners of THE DAlXiT EVENING TELEGRAM PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, Revenue, constating of at leas fito com petent mn, secure in their - tenure of office, well paid, and selected because of their fitness and ability." , Huch a Board, ho remarks, "known to have the matter of reve nue in charge, would take it mainly out ef party politics. The people could not afford to have it trilled with. The Board of Commis sioners would prepare changes and give fair warning, thus giving each branch of industry time to . prepare, and preventing disaster." ro long as the factitious prosperity occasioned by the war continued, there was little proba bility of successful agitation on the subject. Everybody felt rich,"and nobody was disposed to complain because Government exacted a heavy percentage of profits. Things wear a different aspect now The taxation is more than the country can long endure, and a re vision of taxes. and a reduction of their amount will soon be reoognized as a necessity. One of the principal difficulties with which the friends of fiscal reform have to contend, Is the general want of information on the sub ject. Until recently, tho American people were so little troubled by the tax collector, that they seldom thought of the system which was at the bottom of his visits. Hence the appositeness of Mr. Atkinson's brochure, whioli is well calculated to stimulate investigation. It shows, too, that substantial relief may be obtained with comparative ease, if Congress will but shake off the grip of the monopolists. Accepting the published estimates of the Secre tary of the Treasury as the basis of his calcu lations, Mr. AtkiiiHon maintains that reforms are feasible by which the national taxation may be reduced from $ll-4fi, gold, per head, to $8C0 per head, without diminishing the ability of the Government to provide for tho diminution of the debt. He proposes, in the first Instance, to tax articles not of prime necessity, such as tea, coffee, sugar, liquors, spices, and silks; next, the interests which are the furtheSt removed from labor, such as licenses, inoomes, stamps, banks, and the like;" and yet again, "such commodities as represent the larger amount of human labor, skill, and invention, and the lesser amount oHhe gratuity of nature." In this way, as in England, the bulk of the reve nue of the Government might be obtained without impairing the productive power of the country, and the remainder from sources in volving limited expenses of collection and yet more limited opportunities for fraud. ' We mention Mr. Atkinson's suggestions in cidentally as apropos of our general argument, without supposing that they will suffice to acoomplish the reform they are intended to promote. That will only come when the people shall make themselves heard, which will probably not be until business becomes yet more depressed, and industry yet more dissatisfied. All things, however, point in that direction. The want of confidence which paralyzes markets, the suffering caused by high prices, and the chaotic condition of in dustry, outside of the rural communities, are circumstances which cannot long remain in operative. When it shall be understood that these circumstanoes are aggravated by the present method of taxation that the collec tion of revenue needlessly obstructs the pro ductive employment of the people the cry for reform will be heeded at Washington. ; The Ritualistic movement In England. From the y. Y. Protestant Churchman. The interest in the Ritualistic developments in the Church of England continues unabated. Letters from abroad inform us that it consti tutes the topi o of conversation and discussion upon the highways of travel, in drawing rooms, literary circles, and that it is absorbing the minds of leading men in Parliament and Convocation. It does not excite our surprise. To a super ficial observer this new movement may appear as did the charge against Paul to Gallio (when he was accused of "persuading men to wor ship God contrary to the law"), to be "a ques tion of words and names." But to those who like Eli would tremble for the Ark of God, who are jealous like Paul of judging innova tors, it is a question of vital moment to the purity, to the peace, and to the influence of the English Church upon Protestant Christen dom. No one can affect to regard Ritualism as a matter of little importance in these times, without exciting a suspicion either of his candor or of his devotion to the principles and practices of the Protestant faith. It is plain that these new forms of clerical vestments, of conducting the service, both as to bodily pos ture and movement, and as to intoning and chanting the prayers, as to administering the communion by elevating the bread before the eyes of the communicant, and drawing the sign of the cross in the air with the hand, as to turning the baok upon the congregation and bowing to the communion table, and as indicated in practices which are well known to exist, and as well known to be unauthorized by anything either in the spirit or the letter of tbe rubrics, are all designed' to introduce and advance the theories and dogmas of what is substantially Tractarianism or Romanism. We may trace the origin of these practices to the desire to impress upon the public mind tbe theory that ministers of the English Church are sacrificing priests, and that the body and blood of Christ are really present in the elements of the Eucharist, llence so much reverence and so mauy "acts of devo tion" are paid to the place where the commu nion is celebrated. llence the word "altar" is always upon the lips of the Ritualist in stead of the simple and more liturgical word, "table." llence it is considered so important that the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper be frequently administered, and, in one word, this great error, which seekB to rob Christ of the glory of a finished atonement, is at the foundation of all this parade of form, and ceremony, and practice, which is compromis ing the evangelical character of the Protestant standards of faith and worship of the venera ble Church of our fathers. Now it is plain that the Ritualists are not satisfied with the principles of the Reformation. The very teaching which they seek to inculcate was deemed by the Marian martyrs so contrary to God's word, that they preferred death to Buch heresy. Cranmer was the principal author of the Thirty-nine Articles and of the language and order of the communion service; indeed, the controlling mind of the compilers of the English Church Liturgy. With Ridley and Latimer, Rowland Taylor and John Bradford, and Bishops Swope and Farrar, he and others of eminent learning and piety died in vindi cation of those doctrines which are set forth in the Thirty-nine Articles and the Liturgy. ( They were secured at a oost of precious blood, the liberty of Protestant England pur-) chased "with a great prioe." But the Ritual ists are seeking to revolutionize publio senti ment. They quote and use the language of the first Prayer Book of Edward, when the mass existed, and it was supposed that there was offered up a propitiation for the sins of tbe qnlok and the dead. They also ignore the modifications which were made of the last clause but one of the Act of Uniformity which provides that "such ornaments of thq churou and of the minister thereof shall be retained and be in use as was iu the Church of England by the authority of Parliament, in the second year of the reign of King Edward, VI, until other ordi-r shall be taken by the authority of tbe Qiuen' Majesty." The "other order" took place in 15G4, which was iu these Werds: i. .."In the ministrations of. the Holy Commu nion in CAthedral and collegiate churches, the piincipal minister phall use a cope, with Gos peller and Kpintoler agreeably; and at all other prayers to lie said at that oommunion talle, to use no copes but surplices." Item: "That every minister saying any public prayers or ministering the sacraments or other rites of this Church, shall wear a comely surplice with sleeves, to be provided at the charges of tbe parish." :. These were the advertisements of Elizabeth in 15U4. , On the accession of James, nothing was done to rescind the previous legislation under Elizabeth. In 1604 the canons were passed which are almost a verbal transcript, of the advertisements. The twenty-fourth Canon reads: "In all Catholic and collegiate churches the Holy Communion shall be administered upon prinoipal feast days, sometimes by the Bishop, if he be present, and sometimes by the Dean, and sometimes by a Canon or Pre bendary, the principal minister using a de cent cope, and being assisted with the Gos-, peller and Epistoler, agreeably according to the advertisements published Anno 7, Eliza beth." The rest of the Canon has no refer ence to the subject of vestment. , : Canon 5d says: "Every minister saying the public prayers, or ministering the sacraments, or other rites of the Church, shall wear a de cent and comely surplice, with slrieves, to be provided at the charge of the parish. And if any question arise touching the decency or comeliness thereof, the same shall be decided by the discretion of the Ordinary. Further more, such ministers as are graduates shall wear upon their surplices, at such times, such hoods as by the orders of the Universities are nereeable to their decrees, which no minister shall wear (being no graduate), under pain of suFpension. Notwithstanding, it snail be law ful for such ministers as are not graduates to wear upon their surplices, instead of noods, some decent tippets of black, ao it bo not BUK." T he Canons make the law of the English Church upon the subject of vestments plain, especially as there was no attempt : under James I or under Charles I, even by Laud, to restore the eucnarist vestments. ' The second rubric at the beginning of morn ing prayer, in the second Prayer Book of Ed ward, in 1552, expressly forbids those vest ments which were authorized by tbe first Prayer Hook of Edward in 154'J. The lan guage is: "And here it is to be noted, that the minister, at the time of the communion, and at all other times in his ministration, shall use neither albe, vestment, nor cope, but being Archbishop or Bishop, he shall have and wear a surplice only." (See "Liturgia) Britannic," by Keeling, p. 3.) The advertisements of Elizabeth, as quoted above, and referred to in Canon 24; the lan guage of Canon 58, quoted above, and the prac tice of the English Church for a hundred years, are sufficient to show that the rubrio before morning prayer, in the English Prayer Book, was subject to these clear and distinct limita tions. . ; j . In the revision by the Savoy Conference, we do not discover that any exception was taken to the existing practice as to church vest ments, which renders it highly probable that these objectionable vestments now pleaded for under the rubric were not then worn and it should be remembered that the same rubric was in the Prayer Book of Elizabeth, while she forbade these vestments; and the revision ists retained it in lCti'2, because, as we must believe, the advertisements and canons suffi ciently qualified the rubrio. It ia plain that the subsequent legislature of the Church must govern the construction to be put upon the existing rubric, otherwise we cannot reconcile them. We rejoice that the whole subject will be brought before Parliament. Bishops and archbishops have remonstrated in vain. The Archbishop of Canterbury has expressed the fear that the intervention of the Parliament is necessary to the seourity of the establishment. The English people are fast beooming dis affected towards the Church of their fathers; disBenters are rapidly multipying; the Romish Church is offering Glorias and Ave Marias to Heaven, and rewards to those on earth to con summate the "possession" of the clergy, and the whole nation is threatened with the abominable idolatries, the stupid supersti tions, and the enslaving power of the Papal heresy. We do not wonder that excitemeut and agitation stir the currents of English thought and sentiment to their profouudest depths. Let these apista of Papal mummeries cast off their disguises, and go out irom us to their own places, into the Church which counte nances these practices but let them not sup pose that English Churchmen aud Protestant Christians will suffer their temples to be turned into mass-houses; their sacraments into sacrifices and charms; their worship into dumb shows; their ministers into drawling ceremo nialists, and the standards of Scriptural faith and Apostolio practice abandoned to Anti Christ, without a struggle worthy the memory of those brave and good and true men who counted not their lives dear unto them, so that they might keep the faith and testify of the gonpel of the grace of God. The remedy plainly is, to keep the whole subject before the people; to weigh the argu ments and sift the evidence upon which such monstrous perversions of the Church's teach ing are set up. The pulpit, the press, and the agencies of an enlightened Protestant zeal must be employed, that these dreadful errors in doctrine and practice may be exposed and abandoned. The laity must be challenged to see what is the inevitable result of such inno vations, and that, if they would not have their daughters subjected to the demoralizing ordeal of the Confessional, and the Church of their fathers shrouded in the grave clothes of Romish corruption, and buried in the dark? ness of mediieval superstition and Ignorance, they must protest and cry out against this movement. . . . t The root of the evil Is Sacramentarianism, The Church of England . must be purged of dead branches; the fountains of her sacred learning, at tbe Universities, healed of their bitter heresy, and sprinkled with the savory salt of Evangelical, Trotestant teaching, from the Prophets of the Reformation. Reconstruction Out ot Court , ' From the Nation. The Supreme Court baa dismissed the bill of complaint brought in the name of the State of Georgia to prevent the Reconstruction act from being carried out. The grounds of the decision are not yet made publio, any farther than that the Court deemed the cases to be out of its jurisdiction. The Attorney-General did not raise the objection, as he might have done, Congresa having ao decided by the pre amble to the statute, that the plaintiff had no legal existence; and we may assume that this mportantqueBUonhMnot been passed upon by the Court. The main argument of Mr. btanbery was directed to prove that the con troversy was not over the possession of pro perty, bnt over the control of political power; and that with such a j controversy a court Of equity had nothing to do. This argument will, we believe, be found to have decided the judgment of the Court. If so, the whole sulieme of resistance to the act of Coneresa must fail; for there ia no possible method by which Judicial intervention can be obtained in time to save the de facto Governments of the Southern States. The work of reorganization must go on; and when it is completed, the derision of Congresa will make valid what ever may-have been irregular, leaving no, choice for the courts but to recognize the. governments which Congress has approved. 3 Undoubtedly it is no light matter that the' highest court In the land should thus disclaim tbe power of inquiring into the constitution-; ality of an act of Congresa destroying the Government of ten States. . For it must be observed that every word of Mr. Stanbery's argument would be Jnst as applicable if Mas sachusetts, instead of Georgia, were the com plainant, and if Congress had undertaken to overthrow a State Government which it at the snme time admitted to be perfeotly legitimate. No State in the Union, therefore, can rely upon the Supreme Court for protection against the usurpations of Congress. This is a grave fact, which deserves serious consideration. And yet, notwithstanding all tbe perils of such a decision, it is clear that it is justified by reason and experiencs. There is a point in all controversies beyond which ho court can Balt-ly go. Political economy Jias demon stinted that human legislation hits it) sphere, in attempting to transcend which, :ho matter how worthy the motive may be, It only works the more injury as it strives to attain an ideal eood. And so the sphere of iudicial action ia limitfd by natural laws, and the judge who goes beyond bis proper jurisdiction for the sake of doing perfect justice, really injures the cause which he aims to serve. He may be able to do justice in the particular case in band, but he cannot help creating a precedent full or evil. Purely political controversies are, of all things, the least amenable to the jurisdiction of a court. The origin and existence of a State. the existence and justice of a war. or the vali dity of a revolutionary change in the form of Government, are all of them questions which no nation ever allowed its courts to determine The highest court of republican France met in December, 1851, and regularly deposed Louis Napoleon, declaring all his acts to be void; but this decision, although unexceptionable in theory, has never been followed by any other court in the world. The Supreme Court of New York believed the Convention of 1846 to be unconstitutionally convened; but if it had attempted to enforce ita views, it would have made itself ridiculous. The Supreme Court of Missouri recently tried the experiment, and was simply crushed out of existence. Even where the courts have achieved a temporary success in such a coarse of action, their de gradation has been .eventually brought about by it. Thus, the Superior Court of New York city, some yeara ago, interposed for the pro tection of the city against the plundering schemes of the Common Council: but . the plunder has gone on in different forms, While the court has been changed from the ablest to the weakest tribunal in the State. Politicians found that the court might prejudice their in terests if left to the control of able and honest men, and they speedily found an excuse for turning such men out. All devices for protection against the will of a decided majority of the governing class are certain to tail; and nothing is more un wipe than to thrust a few judges across the path which such a majority have resolved to pursue; As the Attorney -General pointed out in his argument, two-thirds f Congress. united in the pursuit of any object, can crush everything which stands in their way. As a practical question, it ia nseless to oppose them; and, as a question of principle, it is more in accordance with the republican idea to trust a large body, fresh from the people, with the decision of political questions, and even with the legal interpretation of a politi cal instrument, than a small body of men not governed by the views nor familiar with the wishea of the people. Congress, as well as the Supreme Court, is sworn to obey the Con stitution; why should the one be trusted to keep its oath rather than the other f The immediate results of the decision just rendered by the Court are unqualifiedly bene ficial. Even if the suit had been merely enter tained, without a decision upon the merits, the effect upon the South must have been very injurious, while it is difficult to estimate the mischief that might have been wrought by the entire success of the complainant. It could not have saved the State from the ultimate control of Congress, and it-would have intro duced new elements of evil into the conflict. We think that every intelligent Southerner certainly every shrewd lawyer or politician feels relieved by the decision. Certainly it is a cause for gratulation among all friends of regulated liberty. . .. , The speedy reorganization of the South under the Reconstruction act is now made all but certain; and this done, it ia the duty of all friends of peace, prosperity, and reform to press for the adoption of a constitutional amendment prohibiting disfranchisement or other political distinctions on aooount of color. We need this at once to settle the negro ques tion forever, or, in other words, to ensure jus tice and tranquillity, and to enable ua to give a reasonable amount of attention to the re moval of other abuses. Time spent in trying to get Congress to force negro suffrage on the States by act, we regard, even if it can be shown that Congresa has the power, to be time wasted. . , Our Political Difficulties The Solution. tYom the Herald, We begin to realize what a legacy of trou bles our. civil war has left ua in the South. The New Orleans riot, the Memphia riot, the Mobile riot,' the Richmond riot, and the dis turbed elements of society in most of the cities, as well as in some parts of the countrv. all show a very disordered state of things and point to danger in the future. The only ex ception is found in the rural and plantation districts away from the towns, where political agitations have not reached. The cause of all this 1b found in the struggle for polltloal power. The question at bottom is, what party snail gain the ascendancy, or wno snail govern tho country f The negro vote, therefore, ia the object in view; for that is regarded as an important balance of power. That ia what led Wilson, Kelley, and other radical oratora from the North to the South. The peaoe and harmony of the South, ita restoration, the in dustrial and commercial interests of both North and South, are as nothing in the eati matlon of politicians before this all-absorbing obiect. To Obtain that they would foment a war of races, inaugurate over again the dread ful scenes of San Domingo destroy the pro ductiveness of the South and the commerce of the North, and burden the loyal States with a vast additional debt through the necessity of keening a large standing army. i.'...Tnr.rreBtxndence and other sourcea cf Information from all parts of the South, it ia evident the political agitators are Bowing the Btorin through which we are likely to reap a MAY 18, 18G7. Whirlwind. The negroes would bsve been quiM, rfjoicing iit their new-born lree ltn, and would have gone to work cultivating ine sou and improving their condition, had tliev been let alone. Now that their passions and cupi dity have been aroused, they are: looking for confiscation and a distribution of the lands among them, exemption from labor and eleva tion to positions they are totally un prepares to occupy. Hostility between the blacks and whites is the natural consequence; hence we see the former congregating in the towns making violent and armed demonstrations, and the latter alarmed and excited, ian we wonder, then, that - such riots as wo have referred to occur r vr shonid we do inrpnsea if worse were to follow t ' We saw in the case of Kansas what trouble the rivalry for political scendancT created;' but the bloody drama there, with all its disturbing "consequenoea tluoughout tbe rest of the country, was a small affair compared with what we may expect to see in the South if a solution be not found for tbe difficulties of that aeotion. What should be done to neutralize or stop this agitation for political power, which ia fraught with so much disaster f Settle the question of the next Presidential election at once. That is the first and most important step. Let the people of the loyal States yes, of the Southern States, too take up the ques tion in earnest and without delay. In eighteen months the election will take place; in a year the nominating conventions oi me different pailies and factions will be held; and next winter Congress will be more occu pied with that subject than any other. We call upon tbe people, then, to head off the rival parties, factions, and candidates, with all their plota and schemes, in and out of Congress, and take up General Grant. He is the man for the times a bead and ebouldera above all others, both in popularity and ability. If the voice of the people couldle beard to-day, it would be over whelmingly in favor of him. Competitors in the race with him, if any should be bo presumptuous aa to run, would be left be hind far out of sight. Why, ihen, should the people wait for the action of Juggling, irre sponsible conventions of politicians J . Tho convention system ia corrupt, unknown to the la ws and constitution, and ought to be abolished. The way to abolish it effectually and to inaugu rate a new and the only proper mode of nomi nation agreeable to our republican institu tions, is lor the people primarily to put for ward their candidate. Let them do so now, and let that candidate be the man who saved the country in the war, and who, of all others, is the man to save it again from the difficulties that surround ns. The extreme factiona, the radical faction, of which Wendell Phillips is the avant courritr, and the Copperhead faction are already alarmed at the name of Grant. They are de-; nonncing and plotting against him in advance. But that is only kicking against the pricks that will serve him. The million of soldiers whom he led to conquest and glory, and the millions with whom they are connected, will make this greatest General and hero of modern times the President. A grateful country will delight in ao rewarding him ' for his great ser vices. The conservative masses will Bee in him a safe leader out of our sectional difficul ties. With his name early taken up In every town, village, and hamlet, the politicians would succumb, the conventiona may be dia ptnsed with, a Congress would be elected on the Grant platform, the executive and legisla tive branches of the Uovernment would worK harmoniously, full and complete restoration would be accomplished, peace between the North and the South would be established, and an era of unexampled prosperity would lie before ns. ; By all means, then, let the people take the initiative and nominate General Grant for the next President, independent of political parties, factions, caucuses, or conventions; for that would be the solution of our political and sectional difficulties. SUMMER RESORTS. SUMMER RESORTS ON LINE OF Reading Railroad and Branches. MANSION HOUSE, MOUNT CARBON, Mrs. Caroline Wunder, Poltaville P. O., BchujUlU couuiy. . TUSCARORA HOTEL, Mrs. Haunah Miller, Tuscarora P. O., Schuylkill co. MANSION HOUSE, G. W. Frost. Matiaaoy City P. O., Schuylkill county. WHITE HOUSE, Mrs. Busan Uandorf, Beading P. O. ANDALUSIA, James S. Madeira, Reading P, O. LIVING SPRINGS HOTEL, Dr. A. Smith, Wernersvllle P. 0 Berks county. SOUTH MOUNTAIN HOUSE, H. U. ilanderbach, Wotuelsdorf P. O,, Berks co. COLD SPRINGS HOTEL, .Lebanon co. . Mrs. 1, RoUermel, Ilarrlsburg P, O. B 0 YER TO WN SEMINAR Y F. II. blauller, Boj eriowo P, O.. Berks co. YELL 0 W SPRINGS HO TEL, A. U. Snyder, Yellow Springs P. O., Cheater co. L1T1Z SPRINGS a, Llchlenihaler &Bon LUir P, 0., Lancaster co. LTllllA TA M0 UN TAIN SPRINGS, A. B. feather, Kphrata P. P., Lancaster co. 8 6 2m QONCRE88 HALL, CAl'E ISIAN1, NEW JKBSEV. This magnificent SUMMER HOTKL will open on the F1KUT OF JUHK. Families who secure rooms from June 10 to Sep tember 2, a period of twelve weeks, will be taken at reduced lalee. Address. J.. F. OAKE, CONGRESS HALL, OAPK ISLAND. Jllilnibet s URF HOUSE, ATLANTIC CITY, N. J. Tbe above Bouse will be opened on the 1st oJONtt For particulars, eta, address WM. T. CALKB PBCPBIIIOB, . e u ATLANTIC CITY, ft. J. pOLLEGE HILL HOTEL, POUQUKEEPSIE,- Vblfdenghinilwlrximer Hotel, under tbe manage mint ol WILLIAM 1-JtltHV.loruierly pioprlolor of S. CollmoVe oue.Kew York, will be OPUNKD about June 1. Application may be made to UKOHUJji HOiiUAW. Proprietor. ; 0 1m i CODNTEY BOABD. VERY DESIRABLE atx'owmodatious aud excellent BOAKD ou be had at MorriHiown, N. J., tor a season ol twelve weeks from the 1MU of June. Kelerenoee given and re ou ired. A ddress Post Oiliue itom Ho. Ho, MorrUtowu, Aew Jersey. HUlm U11MER BOARDING. TIIAT SPLENDID, D kMjU7, and I popular place Known aa . i OtkaMJT tiKOVtt. t Media (on the Went Cheslor lullroad), Ielaware gi gueau. mil i'euuayivauuk, is now open jor uie reuuptiua WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC, MEniCAn watchho. ... W. -W. CASSIDY, HO. 1 SOITII ajKCOHD STREET ( rKlLADILPEU ' " .,- i : ABES ATTKHTION TO HI8 ' t VARIED AKI EXTENSIVE tJTOt'K or . . OOLD AKI SILVER WATCHES AND MI EVER-WARE. Customers may ba assured that none but tbe bee articles, at reasonable prices, will 1 sold at bis store A One assortment ol 1 ' ' ' PEATEIVWARK CONSTANTLY ON IIAND WATCHES and JKWKLRY carefully repaired. Al orders by mall promt tly attended lot 4 10 wsmftm 'DIAMOND PRS & JEWELERS.! Wst'llS,.wM'T ftMLTCR WARE. .WAICHIB and JEWELRY REPAIRED. . fiaveon hand a large and splendid assortment DIAMOND. WATCHES. JEWELRY, AID SILVER IT AB I i ' OF A Lit KINDS AND PRICES. ' - Particular attention Is requested to oof Uurr toot' Of DIAMONDH, aad theextreaielr low prloes. ; BRIDAL PRK8KNT8 made of Sterling and StAaV dard Silver. A large assortment to select from. WATCHES repaired in the beat manner, and war; ranted. ( lP Diamonds And all preclons stones bought forcab. JOHN DOW MAN. No. 704 ARCH Streotj MANTJTACTTJRER AKD DEAXEB I." s,' SILVER AND PITEDWAIIB. Our bOODB are decidedly the cheapest in theelty TRIFLE PLATE. A NO. I. f, ' WATCHES. JEWELUY. W. W. CASSIDY, Mo. 11 SOUTH SECOND STREET,' Often an entirely new and most carefoliy select stock of AMERICAN AKD GENEVA WATCHES, ' - ... JEWJCLBT, . ... , , ',..!, J 6ILVKR-WARK, AND FANCY ARTICLES ' , XVKBT DESCRIPTION, soluble lot . , , 'j BRIDAL OR HOLIDAY PRESENTS. ' An examination will show' my stock to be unanr. paused la quality and cheapness? BMDJ Particular attention paia to repairing, g ' i C. nUSSELL&CO.. NO. a NOKTII SIXTH STREET, Save Jnst received an Invoice of r BENCH MANTEL CLOCKS, Manufactured to their order la Paris. Also, a few INFERNAL ORCHESTRA CLOGS' J with side pieces; which they offer lower than the sao goods can be purchased In the city. It tot C. & A. PEQUIGNOT, Manufacturers of ' ' ' ' Ciold and Silver Watch. Caaca, ; ' And Wholesale Dealers la ', ' ,jV.!f. AMERICAN WATCH CO. '8, . ' . 1 . t. i t UOWAKD B CO.'B, And TREM0N7 AMEKICAN WATC1IE8 4 t NO. tS SOUTH riETH STREET. HENRY HARPER, No. 520 ARCH Street. Manufacturer and Dealer la WATCHES, JflSE JEWELRY,' ' , SILVER-PLATED WARE, AND ' ! '"r ' SOLID SILVER-WARS mi Large and small slus. playing from a to 11 airs, and coaling from Aa to tJou. Our assortment comprises sucn choice melodies as "Coming Thro' the Kye." .' . , -. 'Robin Adair." ' "' 'Rock me to Bleep. Mother." "Tbe Last Koseot buiumer," "Monastery Bells." etc etc., Besides beautiful selections from the various Operas. Imported direct, and for sale at moderate prices, by FARR A BROTHER, Importers of Walchea,ate., 11 llsmthtrp No. ? CHEteNUT Bt below Fourth INSTRUCTION. BUSINESS COLLEGE K. E. CORNER Firm AND CHESNVT STS i siabllAhed Nov. t, 1804 Chartered March. 14, 1863, HOOU-HEEPINSVI. Course of Instruction unequalled, consisting of prao. tlral methods aotuully employed In leading houses I Dim aud other cities, as Illustrated iu ialrbauks' Book-keeping, which is the text-book Ot this luslUu- Uon. OTHER BRANCHES. Telegraphing. CammercUl Calculations, Business: and OruauieuUtl W riling, the Ulgber Mi hematics. Correspondence, Forms, CommerclalLaw. etc, YOUNG MEN Invited to visit the institution and Judge or them selvtsoi its superior appointments. Circulars on an. plication. L. FAlltUAMJui, A. M., Preuldeut. T. M mrnANT. htcrt-utry. it Ia O XL I 0 T ' 1 AMD '' '' ". Preervcr of Eatural Flower, A. II. POWELL, r No. '725 ARCH Etxeet,' Below. Eighth Booqnels,Wreat, Baslreui. Pyramids olCut Flow rs furnished to order at all aoakouit, . , .,, lUtf
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