THE DAILY EVEG"' TELEGRAPH. 31, 18C7. 8 UMVEJIIal SUFFRAGE. lecture ty V?"'?: Rancher at the Academy of Mt"c-Hi8 Views upon the Great Elementsof Right , and Wrong-The Bal let for Nearoea and Women. .(hVHCIAL fBONOORAFlllO KBf OBT FOB 1HR KVRII- 1KO TKLKOBAPH ' , A large and appreciative audience assembled litxt evening at the Aca lemy of Music, to listen to tbc remarks of the eminent lecturer. At an f arly hour the larRe hall was filled by onr ci ti ff ns, desirous both of her.iinp? the cIMInRiiished .fator, and of learning hl views on this great and all-important subject. The Rev. Dr. Hears, of this city, hi a tw remarks, Introduced Mr. I-eecher to the as-mbly. After the applanse'had subsided, Mr. Bceehcr " remarked that he had been surprised with the remark once made by a gentleman Irom Etiropo, who said mat in bis country an ineir poimcai imiusMone turned on questions of fundamental principles; but in America, all our public ques tions were those f policy, relating to business, tanking, trades, etc., while In Kurope the nations were battling for th eseniisl rights of men, and lor the essential priuciples ot free men and national life. Could he visit our land to-day, he would see that all this hns changed, and that our public questions arc now emi nently questions not only of jirinelple poMti- cal principle but, to a degree unknown sineo the Revolutionary war, questions of p:litleal piinclple based on the deepest of morality, and questions containing the great elements of richt or wrong. And this change which has came ever the public mind siuce 1830 has resulted very materially from the free-lecture system, which has now epread so thoroughly through out our land.' Having bcn a lecturer tor thirty years, he was able to speak Irom his own ex perience. -Prior to 18K0 H was esteemed hn Impropriety for a lecturer in any public course to mingle with his subject aiiy question of politicul or public interest. That seemed hard, but after the passage of the Fugitive Slave law, certain persons bargained with iecturers, when delivering their remarks, not to maintain the sanctity of that movement. Distinguished men perambu lated the country justifying the measure. I remember saying that,, for my own ldve of poli ties, they shall have both sides of it. From that day to this, more and more, every seaiou, the public have demanded lecture courses that -(-Lou Id Inform them as to public questions. Thus 'were these lecture courses originated, that the people should be enlightened as to questions, of national importance. Kxcitlns questions are now considered the only ones which are desire 1 to be heard; and now, what ever men are obliged to think about, to speak or act about, whatever men are called upon in any sphere to do, they have a richt to demand that-the moral and practical elements of the qneptions thus agitated shall be discussed in public. Exciting questions are demanded as subjects" for lecture1", for excitement means vitality; - Questions were never before discussed as they arenow. Our history will go to illus-1 trate the safety of freedom in the discussion of all questions of usefulness to the Com monwealth. ' , ' 1 purpose to present to you to-night, as a sub ject, "Universal tSutfrage Manhood tiutfrage:" for 1 hold that the right to vote U not a right conferred, but a rlht inherent. I believe hot that a man has this right conferred by a body who vote tt as a prerogative, but I believe it is theirs as an inherent right conferred hy thr. con futation which God gave them when they were born; and thU I shall argue, carrying it out to the most logical result. This view is the natu ral result of the unfolding of American history from the spring of that history. .Originally only the church members could, vote in our colonies. This now excites a smile. That is only a new variation of the aristocratic clastr; for It waB held that the bent men in society should govern the State, and that terra is originally the very term of aristocracy. In one age nod State it was determined that such and such men were the best -men. in another age and condition of civilization, it was held that' such and such other men were the best -men. Onr New ftnelnnd fathprs under took to put the State under the control ot the best men; and they held that the best men were the most sincere Christians ; and if there was to be any class, why, of course, the honest Christian men are the best fitted to be that class. "Practi cally, it would be follyand evil. It you gave political power to church members, then we should have a revival constantly going on in every part of the land. But there was a cliange, reluctant and slow. In losing power, our fathers felt as all men do. They loved it; they did not like' part with it when they had it. Notwithstanding their con scientious theories, suffrage forced itself broader and broader throughout New England, pene trating all classes ot society; and from that day to this, society has been In America, everywhere, agitated with the question of suffrage. The idea of suffrage has beeu, and still Is with many, as u measure of expediency, that it Is to bs a liiatter which the State will regulate, to bo gov erned by the State authorities. This takes trom man his natural right of manhood. Universal suffrage is the logical and fundameutal principle of American society. All political power springs from the people. Governments derive their powers from the governed. Nothing can be more broad than this. The people confer all the power that a Government has. It was troin the people that the Government derived its ower and laws, which they huve delegated From whom did the power come to vote? From the whole people who are originally the great reservoir of that, asof every other political power. To expunge, therefore, large classes of men from political power is a gross inconsist ency with our fundamental principles of gov ernment. To say that they shall not vote is to say that they shall not exercise those power which the Government derives from them de rived from them that It might care and protect them, not diminish or destroy them. We have never consistently carried out our own demo cratic priuciples. We have generally proceeded on the rule that the Government belongs to the best part of society. The exercise ot political power is extended but to a small part not pro bably to one-third of the population of the coun try. If we exclude color, the foreign element and women, the whole political power of this country is in the bauds of not much more thun a third: and in a nation that derives all its power from the whole people iu such a nation the power is in the hauds of one-third, and the other two-thirds derive but the benefits of a toclal connection with the third in power. The unfolding history in political principles leads to the apparent result that suilrage should belong to all, Manhood sutfrage is intrinsically right. It would be difficult, somewhat, to say What are natural rights; and it is not now for the purpose of narrowly defiuing this question that I speak. For we all believe that there is euch a thing as our natural right. If there are euch things as natural rights, that of suH'rue is one of them. Every man must have a potential voice iu .. whatever affects his position, his happiness, his property, his family, his reputation, and his life Itself. To say that a man may be so governed that he Is put out of the control ot his affairs' that his family shall do as is determined upon' that his property shall be subject to division' diminution, taxation, or put to various uses, he having no potential voice in determining these things; to say that his natural happiness shall be destroyed; that his property, effects, and everything shall be at the mercy of others; to remark that these things may be done, and have such a man retain his natural rights, is an ab surdity. man that has not the right to vote Is ex rioted from all these. It may be that he is in direct fhannels of some sort equivalent, bat iere le & tnlt political division of power when a m.n c;in Lave 0 care over all his affairs, and have no voice in the matter of their dWposal. And if a nun has not the right to say what shall b done with his csming", his time, his labors, he has not the right to say as to the making of the laws which bolJ in bond his whole welfare. I argue that it is a natural right to each man, and that he has the whole force of that reason by which vou are able to define your rights On the f ubject. It is said ttat society has a self prese nlng righ!. It has, and may punish the abuse of It. But 1 say that it cannot confer that inherency of right, while tt has its organi zation in man. It i said, also, that society has a Tight to regulate It; yes, but it has no right to prohibit it It may le f-nid that all men are already equal beiore the law, by the same protection, the same rights, whether they vote or not; that the law, it evr tbey be made by one-third of the population, are made in such a way that the interests of the people are equally cared for. That 1p, practlcally,notso. If the whole people have no voice In this, then their wel'nre Is ordained over their heads, and it does not follow that they are still as other citizens. Laws are continually being made, so t'jat they alvantHge one part of society more than another. A law thnt Bhould he made by the advice of gentlemen on Wall street woiifil not suit any other xtrcet in New York;- It would look fo poorly in a financlil point of view that it could not be made to suit others. As another instance, and one more clearly defined, we notice that the laws in the .South are made by white men for white men. The freedmen have been made equal before the Id'v. BuT'they are not erjual, because theirs is a condition e-.entinlly different? from that of the whiles. To give a freedinan the rit,bt made under laws enacted for a class of white men is not equal. The laws of orphanage and such like institutions, made for the whites.wear a different aspeet when compared between, white and black. For the lavsbeing made in the interest ol one class ot Buddy, bear un equally on a different class. In common things, no class can determine for the interests ' of another class; each one ig best acquainted with the wnt9 and interests of its individual mem bers; and their vohes must be heard and lbtr consent obtained before there can be a law enacted to be equal and just. 3at now, Hiflinge is in the hands ot two-third ol the population ot this nation, and they hold the entire power; for we see that but one-third of the people are privileged voters; for those who do hold the franchise hold and exercise the privilege. The vote is that key that unlocks every lock "in the land. It is the lever which can raise and move the nation; it is the power of powers in our society, and he who holds it holds an equal share of the power. Those? who do not hold it are excluded from the participa tion of the power, except in a most indirect way. It is said, Is not partial suffrage better than universal suffrage? But this leads again io the ground of expediency, and assumes that those who hold the vote have the power and right to determine who shall have the elective franchise. I hold that, as the whole population are not allowed to vote, it assumes that they have no natural rights, butaportion have privi leges coulcrred. Manhood suffrage is the only fair ground. Can you vote impartial Biiffrnge to one class of ponulatioii, and that a minority, ou the simple ground of sex? I question why one-halt of the adult population is distrnnchisod because of sex. But manhood suffrage is still better than im partial suffrage. Everything that tends to aug ment the number of votets" tends toliberalize the influence and. opinions Of society. If 1 could have my own way, I would sweep my hand as the sun sweeps its effulgent and cheerful rays across the broad land, and would say to all people, to all classes, from the lowest to the highest, Irom the poorest to the most wealthy, not only vote, but be intelligent. (Applause.) And the question would not be whether such and such, or the best, should be designated to have these especial privileges and jieiuHl,lves. Some will say, Do you wish the Chinaman to votef And 1 will answer, 1 do. And would you have foreigners vote? Just as soon as they took root, i would. I would have them first naturalized, only to see that it was not decep tion, see that it was real, and that they enter tained the honest Intention of staying in our land. And now, you think . that 1 am coming to the question as to whether woman should vote. I am. If you are going to have a nation in which jou shall represent the great truth of a Christian democracy that is, the rights of all men in human society you must not be expected to do that great work w ithout a sacrifice of some kind, a payment for this labor in tribute. For if wo would have an example of one who per formed such good works, yet without a sacrifice, we have but to turn to Him that hath loved us, who loved the world and baptized it with His blood, leaving His legacy of love and mercy, far more precious than all earthly benefits. But we see herein that to perform a good work wo will suffer in payment, mayhap pay it in drops of blood atdf long suffering as tribute. Ho that would be educated must pay by hard work, but we are to be a civilized nation and carry that civilization down to the very bottom of society, and present to those in the lowest walks of life the glories of manhood and wisdom; and not only that, but we shall begin at the top and descend to the lowest, and then rise up, drawing all to see the great privilege and blessings ol education and higher and more intellectual walks of life. But the whole sum total is that if we neglect these classes, we shall have to pay for it- pay for it in self-denial and suffering; but this cause is a glorious one, to influence all in Its speedy commencement. It Is looked upon as a perilous undertaking to allow 800,000 black men to vote and receive education. The discussion of this question has .run all through the public mind. Mauhood to these classes is being more and more mixed up with popular influences and opinions. Univer sal voting is to be the order of this continent, and we all should be prepared for it. (Ap plause.) I wish you to take notice as to how the Irish vote the most mischievous vote a people who are so fierce for their own indi vidual liberty, and so utterly indifferent to any other persons; a people who seem to think that iiborty consists in doing whatever is desired, regurdless of law or order jealous, sensitive, generous, and self-sacriflcing. This good clufs, which is sometimes so perilous in the usage of the ballot, when this gigantic Rebellion arose went forth to fight agaiust the treason able enemy, and declard that they were light sometimes. Almost to a man they voted solid for the plantation. They were workmen votiua aeainst brother workmen. Poor men, and voting to put yokes on poor men. They were the lowest part of society, that shut out from their eyes, like lightning, through their igno rance, against that which was to help them. Voting is the test of education. You see that manifest every election day you that are ob servant of the manners of all classes of voters. Some have lived life-long in the same faith, never differing in the casts at the ballot-box; voting for a parly, right or wrong, simply became they did not want to be disturbed, or go outside the line of their former rules ot con duct. They did not wish to bedisturbed. Thev voted as their fathers and grandfathers had voted. Literally dead men. Nothing but the resurrection could educate such nu n as they. They have pot to feel, to thiuk their hearts must swell with new impulses not looking to the rules of the past, but to the conditions of the future. To snch men, when they come out of their former apathy and drowsiness, voting is education. Take tho Irishman and give him a vote. He acts as if it were some instrument unknown. Like the man with the gun, he picked it up, examined it, looked into the muzzle, managed to fire it. complained how it hurt, and finally managed, alter numberless trials, to come within a rod of the mark. Thus it is with the man uneducated, w hen he first hau dies his vote. He deposits it with, his mind's eye closed, not knowing anything about it, or its use. He slings his vote anyway. Bv-and-bv he begins to find that he is firing at a mark' and although he is told by some persons in a manner that aggrandizes themselves the benefit ot the ballot, yet he receives a teachlntr that that vote is a "means to Rn end -a mSin? in political society in gaining an end. A vote has a more hlenittcnut meaning than Its simple 1 term., ' The Irishman wHl f.rwt "make many mMakes in dlFpoMnp of his ballot, but Ihe education he Is eomtanUy receiving is giving him a better and more definite insight to its great use: Vnd in five years he will have greatly im;; Rnd in ten years will be as w-', M KJr H8 w.: :;crj . the" clu ami Wn to enter the schools, at their daughters becin to see how romety they are, and make pre parations for WarrvlDB With turn nf thr tnru standings thvr lathers have a great care, they have a future welfare for themselves and chil dren to prepare, and they do not vote so wild and foolish as tbey did. The vote, too, is self-defcn.e in many cases. It is an arm in their hands to protect them from outrages. A vote now to the black men Is tho only thing which can save them. They have a rlerht to it for self-protection. They have a right to It. because education will follow it up. They need it now to defend themselves. But some say. Inasmuch as you exclude a great m&ny persons, you are inconsistent with your self. Yon exclude criminals, Idiots, those under age, paupers, and women. ; 1 exclude criminals, because au enmity to society forfeits the right to society. I exclude idiots, because they are utterly incapacitated from taking cure of themselves, and, henc, 1n eapable of using any judgment whatever. I excludo those under age only until a rea sonable time has expired, when (hey come into full powers. Men, you know, in this country are not brn until they have attaluei the age of twenty-one years some men are not born until they have attained the age of forty years, and then only partially. It is fair that a certain limit should be set before any person can attain Lis majority. As to paupers, 1 think it wholly wrong that they are disfranchised. I cannot understand why they are not allowed to vote. Inasmuch as this is a nation which does not make a property qualification necessary for the cxeicise of the iranchise, there is no just reason why a pauper should be excluded. It Is a mis fortune that a man has no property he may have at one time been the most wealthy.' Is there any clear reason why he should bo de prived ot his vote simply because adversity has overtiiken him, and snatched from his hand all that he had? Then some will, latly, say, Why not allow wo men to vote? I believe that they ought to vote. (Loud applause.) And more, I believe that when they think so, they will vote. (Laughter.) The greatest obstacle in woman's way to-day is, that the has been taught to consider this rather as an ornamental orancn, and not as a duty a mere accomplishment, and a disagreeable ons at that. There is no reason why the natural rights of women are net the same as the natural lights of men. Some say, God made a differ ence at the creation between woman and man. There is no argument that can stand against us. Functions may be different, but functions do not regulate the rights. If a man undertook to invent a standard of avoirdupois, and say natural rights are so many stone a man will weigh, you would smile at the idea of a man's rights being determined by thetape line, weight, or yardstick. It is no more right to say that the sex determines the right of franchise. The rights of woman aro as clearly and defi nitely delined as are those of man. None can deny it. If we should change the state of affairs, allowing women to vote and disfranchising men, and suppose a proposition should come that men be allowed to vote "What," they might say, "allow men to vote ! uncultivated, unrefined animals as they are, to expect to ex ercise this right of determining what shall or Bhall not be the law in regard to our happi ness I" If this were the case, you would find no doubt, about the same state of affairs in which we are now placed, God, when He made woman, made her to be a mother, and necessarily a school mistress, and therefore a legislator; and consequently ought to be such; with a mother's foresight, and a mother's love, laboring only for the future wel fare of her own children, knowing what was most needed, she would be the one to exercise law to meet the wants of the people. Jn the early stages of society tho law of force was the law of all. But society, like individuals who grow more refined by the companionship of woman, has stepped beyond, many degrees, to a higher intellectual and moral sentiment. Woman is peculiarly fitted to determine with man all the important questions of the time. It may be that the law of force is in greater proportion in the man, but the law ot moral sentiment is certainly to a greater degree stronger in woman. As civilization unfolds, and great questions are to be settled regarding the principles of ethics, we need the woman's brain. She would be well adapted to meet the modern questions ol civilization. Politics, as they now are, are coarse, selfish, anil even torpid to their very bottom to ail the good re- quired lor the advaucemeut of civilization. ! If woman should have the power to cast ballots and mingle in noltics, strife would disappear, and the ballot-box become purified.' Do you suppose that Johnny Morrissey would have been elected to Congress from New York if the ! women had voted? (Laughter.) Do you be I lieve that licenses of all kind, for perpetuating evil in all its horrid shapes, giving encourage- ment to lust and licentiousness, dragging our sons and daughters down fo certain destruction, wotila have been granted and peacefully settled I if women had voted ? Politics would rise fifty : per cent, in an instant in Pennsylvania if it were , known that women were to vote. It would give, also, new power and a firmer standing to , morals if women were to exercise this nrerocii. tive, and Instead, as some intimate, of weak iog you, I know you would be strength ened. For whatever improves the mother iu intelligence will aiso improve the children. But I hear it is said that women should stay at home, attend to all the household duties, mend the children's apparel and the husband's clothes. There is nothing 60 becoming in a woman as to see her perform all the little and manifold duties of the house with cheerf ulness. Duties, it matters not how mean or honorable in themselves, appear enhanced and becoming when the woman is actuated by a happy and contented spirit. I esteem the woman that per forms her work gladly. I admit that it is a de testable heresy, the idea that a woman is not fit to do anything else than the menlul duties of the house, The sphere of the women of Ame rica is other than that of tho Greek women of ancient times. They were not permitted to meet any of their husband's companions; they were not allowed to come to the door without being veiled. In walking the 6treets, they dared not uncover their faces for fear of punishment. Not so with our women. They are to be the bi ight lights of our laud, to soften the harsh ness of society by their moral, intellectual, and cheeriul natures. Again, some say ir you Insist upon all the rights of society for women, and if the women should voto, of course they would have to por lorm military duty. I have no objection (ap plause), but you know that in times of war they make a selection. Those who are not adupted to such arduous duty stay at home, and others go. and if the men think that the women are better able to stand the hard duties of such n lite than they are. I have no doubt that the women would go, and if necessary, tight well. We want this question of voting righlly adjusted, so that it shall be all right, and repre sent no particular class of society or individuals. Wen have no more right to vote and rule an equal portion of society than a rich man to vote for a poor one, a farmer for a mechanic, a minister for his congregation, or a bishop for the ministers. But each should have his right to Ugislate for his wants, and be allowed a share in foimiug the laws which are to guard his property and his family, and protect their welfare. Tho voices of women roll loudlv up. with petitions and supplications, to those in authority to hghten the burden of sorrow they bear. Men know not the wants of the poor, almost starving women who live in miserable dens in all of our large cities killing themselvea day by day with painful toiling for a mere nit tance to keep them from starving. Thev need legislation in matters of Instruction an help, and they will yet be heard; for women are enterl lng a sphere of usefulness ana a line of dutv which shall enable them soon to guard, help, and protect themselves. ' v' -The Claims of Charles Bumner for the next Presidency are advocatod by The Nmoburyport (Haw,) tfwali and jVew JmfwH Standard. THE MODEOiJ PliMTAH. A Lecture Delivered Last Evening ' at National Hall, by the Hon. J. R. J. Pitkin, of ; Louisiana. erxtiAL moiiooRApnio iioiit on the ivbn- 1MO TKLKORArn ) Last evening Judge Pitkin lectured at Na tional Hall btforo the Social, Civil, and Statists cal Association of the Colored People of Phila delphia. The, Hall was well filled. On being introduced by Mr. Isaac Weir, the orator of the evening spoke as follows: , . . Two hundred and forty-six years ago a vessel, freighted with austere men and meek women toiled through the hiss and buffet of an angry ocean on an heroic mission of self-independence Their sails panted to the mad wind that im pelled them onward, and their eves dreamt be yond a leaden horizon of the God thnt awaited them on an uuknown shore, until at last their knees fell in th snows of Plymouth, in grati tude for His merciful protection and deliverance Strange brows of dusk, wrinkled with menace lowered at them ; winter with all its wild aperi tles assailed them; and yet with nothing over their heads but here and there a naked, writh ing branch, and with the bleak white drifts about them alone lor altars, they exalted their benumbed hands and rejoiced in their new American home of freedom j Two centuries and a half have elapsed. The wind that so rudely smote that desolate "craft has since swayed irem mast and spire many a standard of our new republic, and though the exiles of our proudest American tradition have long since returned to dust, the same solemn print of their knees In the snow, and the same God to whom they bowed, remain to-day and forever. Plymouth Bock, by a silent and Im pellent moral force beneath, has leapt up from the level ol a past age, and towers an august alp in our national history. Over It has dawned a wondrous liberty, in the light of which stands the old Puritan, whose mighty shadow lengthen down to our own eventful present. To-day, my friends, thousands of keels are ploughing the surges from the east and south towards the great ports of our nation. They are laden with an untold tonnage of merchan dise, or with vengeful armaments, whose black muzzles peer out over the sea to snuff danger in the air; but all of them combined bring us not the moral and the material wealth that stood upon the deck of the little Mayflower as she slipped into Cape fad Bay. That wealth was in the devont hearts and democratic purpose ot those noble exiles. A wealth to them of glorious aspiration- a wealth to us of glorious consum mation. To them the germ of a great, undefined tutuie; to us the fact of a grand, ripened pre sent. The speaker then concluded his defense of the early Puritan in these words; We have no right to charge the errors of tho head upon the heart. The cruel, selfish censorship of a court and clergy had measurably educated him into the morbid censor, without doubt, but if the head was hard with its many bullets, the heart was still true, earnest, and honest. Ixjot at the pilgrim band before they had disembarked. There they were, beyond tribunal and bishop; theirs was a broad tabernacle, spanned but by a sky. They were alone with heaven a free, sanguine Church, exultant in their religious guarantees, received not from a King James, but from the King of Kings! Could they now rest content? Had they achieved the all of their desperate mission ? No. They forthwith signed a compact, pledging themselves to sub mit to such fjust and eq'ial laws and ordi nances" as the common good should warrant from lime to time. Thus walked ashore the first freemen upon onr American soli, combined for a oovemmeut oasea ou cneii cuusout and there, houseless, starving, but undaunted stood not only a Puritan church but an inlaut State of 101 men, women, and children ? The speaker then briefly sketched New Ply mouth, concluding this portion of his address as follows: We are told by the historian that so little were political honors coveted at New Plymouth, that it became necessary to inflict a fine upon such, as belna- chosen, decllued to serve as Gov ernor or assistant. Our, State Treasuries will never be enriched by such penalties upon modesty. 1 , Yeais advanced, each contributing its mea sure of immigration to the colony. NtwFJug land at last became a vast filter, through which her people have been distributed over the land. The needs of successive epochs in our history have expanded the Puritan mind, summoned it to more catholic purposes, stimulated and made more robust its faith, and confirmed it far be yond the mission of those dd exiles, as the very instrument of God. It has not yet received its full tuition, but I do not hesitale to declare that whatever of prin ciple is true and great in our land to-day what ever constitutes our best defenses as a people, as freemen, and as men whatever we crave lor our own credit to be historic, is in essence indubi tably Puritan. With the Pilgrims the resolve for liberty was the ore in its bed; colonial history was the spade that delved down towards it; the Revolution was the strong arm that lifted it out, and melted and moulded it to a fact? while our own war has been the firm hand tntrt'grappled the cold bar, heated It red-hot 6nca!)JUre,ln battle-fire, and smote it on the anvil ol a people's will, from iron into lasting steel. God be thanked for it ! The speaker then sketched the Puritan from the record made by him, as one who gainsays not only at heart, but by unrelenting practical pjotcst, all tyranny or restriction which forbids the full enjoyment of the rights or bis manhood id tst, through both his civil and religious rela tionswho insists that bo the despot ling, pre late, or President, not one nor all can impair these inherent prerogatives. In other words, and with greater justice now than in the seven teenth century, the Puritan is a liberal. A parallel followed between our loyal men in I860 und the sturdy Scotch Presbyterians of 1G37, uud concluded thus: Royalty quailed before the plain Scotchman Leslie, and made terms with him even in its old England, pu the margin ot the river, past which it had been hurled back; and I doubt not that Jeffer son Davis to-day hears an accusing murmur in the stream that speeds by his cell, less of the river James than of the sad English river Tyne You may recall au old military evolution! wherein the front rank kneel and tho rear rank remaiu erect, both ranks firing simultaneously. As to our late struggle, I believe it will be shown to us iuthat final dav, that tho regimeuts upon regiments ot loyal Puritan women, upon lowly kuee9, all over the North, were as vitul a reinforcement to the army of Liberty as they were the front rank in the service of God I The speaker then averred that our late vic tory iu the field was simply a brilliant blunder, not a triumph such as we could dedicate to Libeity. We failed to utilize the military re sult, cast off our glove of mail, and left Rebel lion as defiant as ever, and far more venomous iu its hostility, because of its disastrous experi ment at aims. What was our error? This; we hud chastised rebels against the might ot the Government.slmply to become rebela against its spirit ourselves. We inaugurated the war with the axiom, "Fieedom is the inalienable right ot all;" we closed it with the convenient qualifying sup plement, "particularly of our white selves." We were intrepid to confront the red, white, and red, but quailed before the black. We even borrowed the sinew, the valor, nay, tho very blood and life of the negro, and we nave scarcely yet beeu a magnanimous people enough to pay back the loan. Heroes before our worst enemies, and yet ingrates and cow. ards to our best friends I Mere was the danger of forfeiting a claim to tho better Puritan graces forever. Here, the old discharlty, the denial to others of what we claimed for ourselves, an old, crude 1620 prejudice. Jutted out; and it was then, my friends, 1 felt that, despite a then closing four years' struggle, God's great battle for genuine catholic freedom was jut to ensue I It has. It pepan when the other lulled, Las been rafpriR ever since, unmindful of It ns many ot tis may bave beeji, and its results today indicate a tiinmph to which a score of Grants and Shcr mans could rot have condueted their columns. The negro, with all his humility of station, has proved as much a victor In this new strile as when he rushed up into the frown and flash of Port Hudson 1 It is in the war of preudices that he has nobly avenged your desertion ot him, and jou now capitulate by tendering him the chtaf weapon from the arsenal of a republic the ballot. , - The speaker adverted to the negro at consi derable lencth In combating a position taken by Mr. Boutvell before the same lyceum not long since, and subsequently assailed universal tmncsty with great vehemence, elating that its popular disavowal North spoke weli for the staid, moral, and patriotic sense of this brave Puritnn people. The sclf-disfranchisement of the Rebels being held good for a period ot say twenty years, and the suffrage and education of the negro, were each the vital parts of the great e scntial whole, the task of reconstruction. The tqieaker then said: It-is worthy Of note that Tyro, the. first. master-of stenography, wan a freedinan, who, sixty years before Ciuist. caught ihe clastic periods that burt from the lips oL a Cicero, and fixad them in mystic characters on ?. page over which, the student will delight to inger forever. ' Fieedom, too.with a greater than Roman elo quenoe, has now spoken trom a summit of nine teen Christian renrurtes; "and again the alert freedman awakens to his office, his ear openn to her speech, and traces its inspiration upon the Images of our country's future! Oue made illus ti ions the brain of a man ; the .other glorifies f n eternal principle. I Upon the subject of frecdmen'i education, the speaker said: t There can be no complete reconstruction of the South until intelligenoe is made the very bialn of loyalty.- There is no complete emanci- Ention of the "negro until he is disciplined to is full claims upon himself as a man, and to the nation's full claim upon him as a citizen. The American people have grasped these two terms of emancipation and reconstruction, but have (ailed as yet fully to define them. Their meaning is, by clear Inference, first to be found by the negro in that rudi mental interpretation of the Constitution the little democratic school book I The temple of Christian iibcrtv. mv friends, however it may have been smirched by the filth of selfish-politics however it may have been made a den of thieves Is, neverthe less, the House of God, and its portal is the humble school-house. Take this simple tale: A father gave his two sons the option of two gifts, one of which was a Bible, the other its I purenase price in money, une son cuose tne ! money, the other the Bible, on opening which ' Tirt 4Minfl a mnnh lurrrai eiim than hud Yta ther. So with the negro. You give tne vote, he claniois for the primer. Assure him that, and let him find the ballot between its leaves ! Thus will the South receive its essential, its Puritan restoiation. - - A sharp analogy was then drawn between Englishman Wentworth, the "President of the Noith" under Kinar Charles, and Andrew John son, "the Colporteur of Constitutions and Moral Flasks." The former lost his head at tho dicta tion of the indignant Commons of England. IMacauley's epitaph may serve yet aeain 1 Mr. JobDson's ambition has been insatiate, daring, rash, and fatal. He has anointed the Rebel into a patriot with his new letters-patent; cried "pooh-pooh" in the face of the loyal North, and declare his - magnanimity would . live on the lips - of our children. Washington first com mends himself . to the young through the batchct-and-tree story. Let Mr. Johnson like wise boast his remembrance. I know of no better vehicle to commemorate his futile scheme for the Rebel than the merry-old trill of Guy ! Fawkes, familiar to evrrj child. May it be the Iflist intelligent lisp of our babes! 4,JRemember, remomb-r, " The Fnih ol Novi mber, tiUDDOwuer, treason, and plot; 1 see no reason Wtiy gunpowder (ronton fbhonld ever be forgot!" Con uress was compared with the Parliament ot liuo. The speaker eulogized our Ijwcr Houee. but stigmatized the Senate, and dwelt with considerable bitterness o;i various mom- bers, chiefly Vice President Foster, amonrj l others. He added: Congress must turn over ine Baa iear ot iho, blotted with the chicane of a President, and smeared with the blood of Memphis, La Platte, and New Orleans; and on the new page of our annals, with the firm, de termined band of a John Hancock, engross its peremptory caption of Justice and Kqual Rights! Let that body take up the words of the stout hearted Puritan Pyru, "We must not only make the house clean, but null down the cobwebs !" Having extolled General Butler as a signal Puritan, and with some severity criticized Wen dell Phillips, Wilson, Sumner, and several others, the speaker thus adverted to the wt-U-remem-bered American names Abraham Lincoln and John Brown: It may not be aniUs to advert for a moment to two other Puritans, now gone from us for ever. One, a lineal descendant of a Plymouth exile, exhibited nil the rugged and severe traits of those early pilgrims. A later ancestor served in the Revolution. The rancor of liberty towards tyranny, and the heat of its open challenge of tyranny, tingled, therefore, with good reason, in his blood. The oiher was a poor Western youth, whose hands grasped the axo by day, and the text of his country's history by night; who grew robust in mind and body, throush the wild liberty of the pioneer. Each of these men studied well his Bible. To one, it was the warmth and cheer of the sunlight; to the other, the weird, chill, uhu L-uiuioniess giare oi ine stars, r or one, tt made the precise poise between the true man and the true citizen; for the other, itoutweighed the devout man in one giddy scale by the despe rate citizen in the other. Years ripened the men. ' One grew to the heroism ol the calm, generous, and prescient patriot; the other to the heroism of the mad, impatient anarch. Each was vehement against slavery, but one maintained and the other forgot his loyalty in assailing that cruul curse. One sought by crime to rear a grand democracy of colors; the other, with the 6ense of a liberal Christian statesman, saw God already shaping anewand better republic. One, tramping through the night, with a petty army of seventeen whites and five blacks, seiz ing a uational arsenal "by the authority of God Almighty," and erect between h's dying eons, defying a strong hostile array, was an indubi table Purltan. Vut ctibe iemoto seventeenth tcntuiy. . t. . w 1- . The other, gentle .of heart but stalwart for liberty, lilting high his old pioneer's axe, and smiting at one grand stroke the gyves from olf every slave in our broad land, was' the truer and tho nobler Puritan of the nineteenth century. II one was the stein Cotton Mather of our time, the other wa9 our brave, sweet-spirited Roger Williams. Side by side tbey rest beneath the sward of b people's memory, and thither the thoughts of freemen will often stray, now that the any of tumult Is past. Upon the mound of one, gleaming with dew, rests the calm and mellow moonlight; upon the other frowns the stern shadow of the gallows! It may be that with that passionate love we bear him who was the piide ot our Republic, we, my friends, may Jack the composure to carve the marbles of these two great men; but the chisel of a later day will record upon the one "Abraham Lln colu, the Puritan gentleman, citizen,'- and statesman," and upon tho other the kind yet sorry words; "Alas, disloyal John Brown I" But never can this American nation dare to at tempt this critical office till the stealthy shadow ot that gallows has moved on and crept athwart the prison-bars of Fortress Monroe I The speaker concluded as follows: Let Con gress acoept and act upon the terms of the President in 'tiS. The time -has arrived, my countrymen, when the American people shall be educated and taught what is crime, and that trtaeon is the highest crime known to the Con stitution;! et them add, as a supplement thereto, the memorable words of Solon, "The most per' feet popular government is that where an injury done to the meanest subject Is an Insult upon the whole Constitution ;" and upon these two grand texts let them base their vindication of American freedom. - In debating this topic of reconfitructloB, we frrinthisWc fall to dae back beyond 1801. Do we pluck out vcry thorn in the national side by a mero Cotisttttitional amendment? No ! ,And heic let me say, that. In tho name of justice, I thank (iod that the Southern heart hn. Vi i fi liarrlnAAil 1 '. l. n i L. . , . . t . unn ........ mo I UHrUHU H, Hcaini inn amendment; that the compact which the Thirty ninth Congress blindly proffered has been in uipiiitiiuy rej-im.mcu. iv BTanO Btt aildrtClOUS insult to the section that can alone legally pass upon it. The Southern temper in disclaiming it, despite its license, has affirmed Itself anew. It was a paltry sham to supersede the stern (unction of the bayonet. That amendment should hay contemplated a pat not merely of four Tears, durm" which sedition was toying and plashing its hands iu loyal blood, ijut a pavt stretching back to the, hour when that sedition first folk its brain throb with the mad dream of anarchy. The present amendment decides nothing, secures not lung Vital. It is au apology, not a behest. The war, my friends, was an auspirlous evtl, for through it the long pent animosity broke. Tho bad rheum, the old prejudices, the sectional oonceit, Ihe fierce jealousy of caste, the overt and latent errors against principles . of government, all these had long been the tuition of the South; they were the nerves of their war the very sights on the insntgent rifles. It was these, xt their briel, wicked mustery over the Southern territory, that fell with the armed horde of Lee. In other words, John C. Calhoun is as much a ' felon in Fortress Monroe as Is his modern intr f refer, Jeff. Davis. Open the gates of that dun eeon to-morrow, and it is Calhoun, not Davis, mitt wuiaa umn 11110 ine popular Heart otitn Calhoun was the grand incarnation ot an error -DaviB simply its bungling exponent. ''Liberty is to the collective body what health is to the individual tody," says Iiolmarbroke. The absence of this rich health had prostrated that section. We have now purg d it with cannon-ball and shot, but our medical treatment must not end there, else it will relapse into its old chionlo mlsbabli. i We must watcn it long, and administer to it not such palatable remedies as the piitleui might prefer, but such as its case demands, till at last, cleared of an old faetlous bile that has for year wakened wild fevers in its frame, it convalesces to a Puritan health ! Alanco Capac sought, by prudent admonition And vlrl.nnn& Avamnla r.itl.u. ikm. . , . i 1 .nan " T V. t , nr- wiu over the wild natives of South America.. Where mild, persuasive methods failed, be re duced them to straita and necessities, repre sented to them the happiness of those who sub mitted tq his government; atid these means being followed by his successors, no native re-' pented of adhering to such a dominion, where nothing but virtue appeared In both rulers and rtfnnlp I f Ilia KI.tiAn.l lnita.nmnnt nM.A.Ik rigors, let it be understood wherever they are Imposed that they will be continued just long enough to ciush down a dangerous sentiment that when the Rebels disavow that sentiment i and respond to the nobler claims upon freemen, . the burden will gladly at once and forever be ' lilted. . I The reconstruction, to be prompt an health-' iui, musi oe direct upon, and responsive from, the South. To repeat, then: The exclusion of the di6loyal trom pailicipatlng In this tusk, and the suffrage universal and education uni versal ot the black loyal element, constitute a republican method of reconstruction the iru peratlve one. The speaker having here expressed his dissent to Mr. Douglass' advocacy the week prevloua of abollehing the veto power and the Vice- i-tBiuency, bmu: Our armies, ladies and gentlemen, simply drcrve their wennnn.nrilnla flirnnrrli tVw. I the armor ot treason. We, a a people, must iocs down its visor, and thus slowly but surely stifle its pleas, its breath, and its life together. Then our duty to libeity will have been vxll acconmlislied ! A word more, and I have done. In 1020 a. ! prow bearing the Columbuses of American nueiij yuimeu uue west a new jiaytlower llrui Bf-eumi; Uer .-jouinern riynioutni One nobly fulfilled its mission, so will the other. One was luden with prayers and trusts, so 19 the other. Theie may be calms, head-winds, a transient blot of storm, perhaps, upon the any, biiTthe vessel will cleave on to lis haven. Thank (InA I top mm ti-nlv. i'nmnnD. tu .li. 1V1CUUI, 1UU BUIUI Is turned to the shore-a whue hand grasps the ' th il htends t the ropes trim the sails. W wunu erect, upon mo decs:, his broad-brimmed peaked hat doffed from a brow calmly turned to heaven, stands the ancient, liberty-loving Puritan ! I We are annriHprl thnt T,,.t.. oi.t.i- m - - ---- rw- .-v uuuee i imiu ma speak at Nomstown, in connection with Rev jruiiiips urooas, on xnursday evening, the 17th instant, upon invitation of the Pennsylvania Branch of tho Freedmen's Union Commission in promotion of the noble objects of that society. PROPOSALS. Q O V E R N M E NT SAL E, 1 lie property known as the GOVtltAilhM lANNEIty; AND STEAM. SAW TexaeVenti "flVe CreS 01 l8nd'' Dear 8 N ANrO SIO, ...Hhl! ,Jr2P08a!.),, Plicate, will be received up to the first dav ol Marcu, lb67. lor the pnrohate of 76 aore of lano, more or less, together witb the buildings erected thereon, and the appurtenances appertaining, that is to say : 1,1 One Tannerv. containing i.in u flit r-two wooden vat, seven stone pools, and capable of fanning 16,000 bides per annum. Pe oMumberTad ?W mi' CHf"ibl0 01 8000 feet One imall bto'ne Building. Ihe above pioperty is itualed about to miles above Ban Antonio, on the Kan Antonio river, and the water la conducted to the establishment br a race ot hewn stone, laid in cement. The land was pnrchased and improvements made by the late so-called Confederate Government, and are estimated to have oot 1160 000 in gold. id prope,ty.nttg been nnder le' lor the year 1806, at a Monthly rentot 8600, payable inadvanoe. A secured title in fee simple wi.l be given bv tii. United States Governmtnt. 7 Proposals will be marked, "Proposals for Govern ment tannery and Saw Mil," and addressed to BvH MaJ-Gen. A set Com'n, Bureau Ka'nd A. L., Galveston, Texas. 1117w -pKOrOSALS FOR CAYAXBY HOUSES. Depot Quartermaster's Ofvicb, Ualtimoke, Maryland, ) o , j t . uur7 w, lout. I Sealed Prnnnsnla i-i.. ... .,, , ' ' . at (his Office until miJKSDAY, 12 o'clock M.. January 24. 1867, lor the delivery in the City of Bu -f'n're of lorty-eitht (48) Cavalry Horsea. i.i . wUi U "ubjectad o oaretul Inspection beiore being accepted, l hey must be sound in alt unX iZUrl,?. Vu" "t'lnd irooucondl ..w-, ..vu. iiiiuiu iu iiuuuh men, irom to nine years old, well adapted in every war five lor ihe ability of the bidder to fulfil his arroo-fru.n,u-thib? rnB,antoe'i y two sponsible pJoposal. must aooompiny the on. .!f0."M nU8t'be delivered within twenty posal 0t et,Ptttne of any pro. A"f Government reserves the riht to reject anv "ntraot t9miA to be aado oa compleUoii ot Bids will be endorsed "Proposals lor Cavalrv EorTifd?aa adJre'"1 "dorsiKMdi RltU Uy order or the Quartermaster-General. . A. H KIMBALL, nun Captain ana A. Q. u.. u. 8 a, 1 11 111 Depot Quartermaster. r I W"ilM3i'i!HUi1UJiVI . m..,, a. ?, ,,JZ .ill. THE GENUINE EAGLE VEIN, THE CELE city at 6-60 per ton ; luperlor LEH1QH at W "u wVii vsssura Ats
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