THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH. PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 8, 18G6. THE NEW YOHK PRESS. IDITOBIAL OPINIONS OF THK LEADING JOURNALS TJFON CURRENT TOPICS. COM P! LI D BY BUT PAT FOB EVFKIKO TFXKORAPH. McCulloch on "MonopoMeii" from the lYibune. The Hon. Hujrh McCulloch was formerly a Whig, and is accustomed fctill to assure ins oiu iriendB tliat he Is a moderate protectionist. He has an unquestionable right to be a free trader if his convictions lead him to be; yet there is a moral obligation to maintain a reasonable con" sistencj between word and act, professed creed, andcasual inculcation, whtchwe regret to see disregarded nay, defied by onr country's Minister of Finance. Fioni the beginning to the end of his recent elaborate report, Mr. McCulloch talks as though he had never been a protectionist and never knew how to be. Take, for example' the second of his "general principles' of taxa tion, of which he asserts that "the correctness has been proved by other nations," so that they "may be safely adopted m a guide to the legis lation that is now required:" "2. Inst the duties upon imported commodities upon borne productions and thai these dmie should not bo so liitfli as to bu prohibitory, nor to build up home monopoliti, nor to prevent that lroe exchange of , commodities whicn is the hie of coinmorce. In or, on uie other baud, should they be so low as to sciiously impair tho roveuueo, Dor to subjoot the home nianuiacturers, burdened with heavy internal taxes, to a competition with cueap labor and lamer capital which tiiey may be unable to sustain." What is a "monopoly V Is it not an exclu sive privilege, by law conferred on a designated person or persons, o proUuce or supply an article which others desired? Mr. McCuUocb, lor example, is our ouly Secretary of the Trea sury, and while he retains his place, enjoys a monopoly of tho privilege of uttering nonsense tind sophistry (it he will), from tho highe-tt and most autuorita ive financial position. But in what allowable, what conceivable sense, can a nigh duty imposed on a foreign product "build up home monopolies," while every person living in this country is at pertect liberty to produce just such (or better) articles, and cell them so cheap as he may.? Do let us have this matter uia-le so clear that human audacity will not suffice to attempt its further perversion or mystiQcation. Let us suppose that there is one, and but one, mine of zinc, or plumbago, or nickel, In our country, and that this mine belongs to an indi vidual or company ; it minht be fairly urged that a hich duty on imported zinc, plumbago, or nickel (as the case mny be), would create a gainful monopoly for the benent of that person or company. In other words, it would enable the owner or owners of that mine to sell their product (within certain limits) at their own price. Now let us suppose Congress should impose a prohibitory duty say $100 and upward per ton on all imported Iron, for instance, would any such result be produced? What would thenceforth regulate and eovera the cost of iron to our consumers? At tirst, lor a very short time, there would be a deficient supply or iron, and a consequent eiihaucement of its price. But would not this fact inevitably, in . fltantly stimulate and insure an increased home production of iron? Here are blown-out lur . n aces all over the land, standing idle because they cannot be run at a profit would not an inr.i'ftfigp of even Sf ner ton nut manv of thpsp at once into blast arrain? And if the price were en hanced $10, $15, or $20 per ton, who does not know that more, and still more, of them would be set to work, and that new works would be erected whenever ore, coal, and lime could be conveniently brought together, giving employ ment to tens of thousands ot blasters, choppers, masons, Cfuarrynien, furnaeemen, etc. etc. Who that ever read a pace or thought an hour on the subject does not know that this process of erecting new iron-works and reviving those now disused would go on so long as more iron could be made at a profit, or until the profit of this pursuit had been reduced to the average profit of business in general? , Is there any possible demurto this statement? Aie not the elements of iron production abun dant, widely diffused, and practically inex haustible? Let us suppose all protectionists so stolid or so Ignorant that they would persist in usiug their capital where it would yield them little or nothing, when they might make twenty five to titty per cent, by employing it in iron making, would not free traders evince more common sense ? If tbey now decline to invest in iron-making, is it not tor the precise reason that they can do better that is, make more in some other vocation ? And will they not rush into iron-makine whenever they shall find this more profitable than their present pursuits? Nay, would not the very Britous who are now making iron for our market in the "fast anchored isle." come (or send) over and make it here, it they could thus secure a larger prodt ll.an by making it where they no w do ? Is there any answer to this statement of the eater If so, what is it? And if not, what reason or seLse is there in Mr. McCulloch's bus- bear of "building up home monopolies?" If whut.be says is the sheer, bald, palpable fallacy it stems to us, is it not discreditable to our country that its highest financial officer should presume to utter It? That a "free exchange of commodities." is "the life oi commerce," we have been hearing from free traders thee forty years, during which every protective tariff has been con fronted by the Eveninfi Post and its echoes with predictions that our commerce would be ruined and our revenue dried up by its enact ment. We have heretofore printed those pro phesies, and contrasted them with the actual returns of both commerce and revenue accru ing under those very tariii's of 1824, 1829, 1842, and 1801, which the t'ost fc Co. asserted would destroy t'Otb commerce and revenue. There are many countiies which have systematically ignored or reiected protection Portugal, Tur key, Ituly, Brazil, lor instance and we invite a ioupnii.on between their commerce and ours, especially iu those years when protection was here iu the ascendant. Mr. McCulloch's as-ertions cannot outweigh the statistics ot all nations' treasury departments, our own in cluded. We dtire the Secretary to compile aud present a tabular expose of our commerce and revenue under protection ani iree trade respec tively. Such a table, fairly made up, would be more Instructtve and more valuable than a volume of naked aud oft-refuted assertions. IIobacb Greeley. Tlie Majority In Congress How two Tlitlr Power. They kuuuia from tlie Timet. The firmness of the Union majority in Con gress cannot be doubted. Taere will be no flinching from the responsibilities of the hour- no evading the woik to b j done, or tloin it ini penectly. And that moderation will be miiigiea wtib. firmness, and the exercise of power tempered. v,-Uh prudeuce, seems at least pro oa me. Tho action ol the Senate on one or two sub Jeets shows thai that body wm not bestHte to yee its opportunity as itKalnn unseemly haste Ita refusal to dispense with a retrn0P t0 q0U1. mlrtee in the case ol the bill repeftung the tnnicsly power ol the President, and the dolav in reeard to the District of Columbia Sunvi bill, are indications of a desire that whatever j done shall be done in order. In neither ol the enses is there anv reason' to apprehend dif- fe.ieuce ol opinion between the two Houses as to the merits ol the measure involved. The Semite malority are as fixed in their purposes a) the majority of Representatives; and we do not ap prehend difference either as to the nature of the olledts to 1e accomplished or the means to )e cinploied. It is pimply n dilierem e between precipitancy and deliberation; and the Influence exerted by the Senate in favor of the latter will Lot be unwholceomo. Not that the Union majority in the Hoti9e have evinced a disposition to be mnligaiint, in tolerant, or unreasonable. Tbey are strong, but withal good-natured. They hold to the maxim that what should be dorie is best done quickly. They are resolved that there shall be no misunderstanding ot their aims or their strength. But they have begun no idle quarrel with or about the President. And their pro ceedings in caucus, on Wednesday night, prove that the controlling element Is averse to need lets disputes within the party, and equally averse,to any attcmptot individuals to proscribe cvertbodv nnrt pvervthinff not exactly in har mony with their views. Knergy and unity there should be energy aud unity there will be in party action when measures and principles are concerned; but the mojorlty ot the party are evidently disinclined to submit to dictation when neither measures nor prinoiples ore at stake. If this course be adhered to, the chief danger to the party will be passed in safety. The only real causes for apprehension arise out of the excess ot strength of which the party may carry mutters with a too hleh hand, or It may boast. It may presume upon its ability, and ignore the possibilities of division, and throw away support which it can ill afford to spare. For the exigencies of the time call lor all the power and tor all the judgment which are at the command of the party. And to make these unitedly available, it will be necessary to dis courage rash counsels, hold in check ambitious men, and so shape its policy that it shall com mend itself to the sober sense and calm pa triotism ol the country. There should be sub stantial agreement between all shades of opinion. And this will be possible only if a spirit of mutual conciliation prevail. If there were the slightest hope that the res toration question would be settled on the basis of the Constitutional amendment, the difficulties of the position would be comparatively incon siderable. A little patience might then sullice for the occasion. But the hope does not, can not exist. Other measures, ot some sort, will be inevitable, unless we consent to acquiesce in the indefinite exclusion ot the Soutn, which would be unwise and unsafe for both sides. The country looks lor a settlement, and will pi obably preler it on a plan as near as possible to that sanctioned in the recent elections. But more radical measures may be a necessity. Restoration may have to make room tor recon struction. Oi one conceivable substitute we have a foretaste in Mr. Sumner's resolutions; and a little thought will bring others to viw of a character for which the public mind has yet been but imperfectly prepared. What is tre eminently desirable is, that nothing shall be dono or attempted of a nature more radical than circumstances render abso lutely necessary. The policy required is essen tially a policy ol gradual, do iberate develop ment. If the amendment be, after all, ineffec tual If other steps must be taken to realize the results which the amendment has been in tended to produce let the exigencies of the position be made so apparent that the loyal people of the country shall be reconciled to both the agencies and the consequences. Their minds are fixed upon the cardinal point; they intend that all the States shall be brought into the Union upon terms satisfactory to the States that subdued the Rebellion. It one measure will not accomplish this, others must be tried. But in conjunction with this positive purpose is an unwillingness to employ more coercion than is manifestly indispensable. Hence Hjbecomee expedient tor the Union partv in Consrress to "make baste eiowlv." and to take care that every step shall be indicative of an anxiety to promote the truo interests of both sections. The Mexican Difficulty The Official Cor respondence between the United States and France. From the Herald. We have published an interesting budget of correspondence between our Government and that of France on the Mexican question, culini nating in the existing difficulty with regard to Napoleon's non-fulfilment of his original en gagement for the withdrawal of his troops. It thus appears that in May last the French Gov ernment was called upon to explain the object of reinforcing instead of reducing its army in Mexico; that in August Mr. Seward became very anxious to know the secret of the mysterious adventure of the Empress Carlotta from Mexico to Paris, and that the French semi-official jour nals affected to be incredulous as to this alleged adventure; that on the 16th of August Mr. Seward complains of the appointment of certain French army officers to important positions in the Government of Maximilian, thus making it officially a joint-stock concern somewhat oflen sive to tne united states, un tne i7tn ot August Mr. Hay writes to Mr. Seward that the visit of the Empress Carlotta to Paris will not atlect the engagements of France with the United States or change of the Emperor's policy On the 24th Mr. Seward communicates to Mr, Bieelow the President's proclamation nullifying Maximilian's Mexican paper blockade. From this point to October 8 there appears to have been a resting spell, when Mr. Seward, in a despatch to Mr. Bigelow, begius to express his misgivings as to npoieou'8 intentions touching i do removal oi uis Mexican expeditionary forces. Mr. Bigelow, October 12 (the Atlantic cable being brought into requisition), replies in a of.nf.rfll H'Dt thflt Nnnnlunn iu i-nnllcr nnvinus tr get out oi Mexico, it possible sooner than his stipulations require. He hopes to remove the last or bis military establishments in March next. Upon this hint, as it appears, the Admin istration resolved to send at once a minister to Juarez, under the impression that there would be a lair opening tor tuc reinstatement ot the republic even in riovemoer. The letter ot instructions to our Minister. Mr. Campbell, dated October 20, follows next in order. After reciting the engagement of Napo leon to withdraw his troops in three Instalments, aud the reliance of the President upon the Empe ror's good faith, and after expressing the hope that be may conclude to make a clean piece ot vterkot it in November, and the opinion that Maximilian may probably evacuate the country in advunce ot tne brencu troops, Mr. Campbell is lelt to bis discretion as to his general move ments, but is specially instructed to bear in mind that he goes to the republic of Mexico as represented by Juarez, and to no other uoveru roett; that he is not to embarrass the French in ineir atpurturc; that tho United States contem plate nothing like the conquest of Mexico, nor any aggrandisements in the way of Mexican land; a that neutrality our policy, but that General Sherman accompanies Mr. Campbell in order to assist in the re-establishment of the republic, and law and order therein, by such dispositions of the United States land and naval forces as he may deem expedient to this end. Mr. Campbell and the General are to look up Juarez :it Cuihtnhua or elsewhere, or they will remain within a convenient distance, as may appear best, in order at the first opportunity to give him a helping hand. It next appears that General Grant was first desigrated to accom pany Mr. Campbell,! but that, as he found it inconvenient to go, General Sherman was selected in his place. We come next to the particular difficulty with Frar.ce in this business. Mr. Bigelow, under date of November 8, writes to Mr. Seward that the French Minister of Foreign Affairs had inl'ormedhim that Emperor would reraov all bis troops in the spring, but none before that time; and that, on being asked to explain this change in the programme, M. de Moustier had placed it on purely military reasons; and that subse quently the Emperor himself had made the same apology, to the effect that any reduction of his forces in Mexico now would Imperil those lemaining behind, and mildly suggested that the course pursued on the border by the United StaUst had contributed to this state of things. He would pive not auother man nor another dollar totMaximllian hod counselled him to abdicate, and hBd pent out General Castelnau to look after the interests of France and Mex ico, in view ot the suircested abdioatiou. Mr. Bigelow, alter an Louest und earnest reaiou- elrance to the Emperor, left him with the Im pression that this embarrassment ', would be removed. On ttaa 9th or November Mr. Howard trans- mits to Mr. Biaelow a copy of his Instructions to Mr. Campbell, for the. information ol the French Government, even to tho readms of the despatch, if required. On the 22d of November the Secretary of War Is informed of the exist ing condition or aniiirs, and Is requested to give nth new instructions t6 our military forces on the Rio Grande as he may deem expedient. - On the 23d of November Mr. Campbell li Informed of the situation, and on the same dav wo have the famous caDle despatch from Mr. Seward to Mr. Bigrlow. It is a pungent, remonstrance to .the French Government against the postpone ment ot tho promised withdrawal from Mexico ot the first detachment of tho French expedi tionary corps a postponement In which our Government, for reasons frankly communicated, cannot acquiesce. Our Minister to the Mexican republic cannot be recalled, nor his Instructions modified; but still entertaining the hope of a pacific solution of this unexpected difficulty, and still relying upon the friendly protestations of France, the Mexican mission and tho mili tary forces of the United States on the border will be held aloof while awaiting furtheradviccs from Napoleon. Thus ei.ds the last budget of Mr. Seward's diplomatic correspondence on the Mexicau ira brotlio. It is en improvement upon all his pre ceding correspondence on this subject since the close of the Rebellion. From that day to this last letter he had been engaged iu the unplea sant task of dislodging Napoleon from his ' grand idea" of Mexico by protests,' and warniusrs, and special pleadings, and endless demands for ex plantations of oflensive things done, or for things promised and not performed until the country bad lost all patience with this temporizing diplomacy. At length, from the embarrassing Eostlion in which the Administration is placed y this policy ot indulaence and forbearance. ttte President himself finds it necessary to inter pose wim a ctecistve requisition, ana the result is the recent cable despatch, as the solu tion of all this correspondence, announcing tbegracious capitulation of Napoleon. Had this decisive course been adopted with the collapse oi toe Keueiron, six n ontns ihereaiter we might have had the Mexican republic reinstated in the Mexican capital. As it is, there is some thing of credit due even to Mr. Seward, for the patience, the diligence, and thetcnacitv with which he has held to his text, until we may say ne nas nterany scoiuea mapoieon out ot Mexico, Tirrltoiinl Governments for the South cru State. From the World. The South should feel neither terror nor de presslon at the growing favor with which this wild scheme Is regarded by the Republican party. It proves that the Republican leaders despair of getting their heels on the necks of the Southern people by any other method. They perceive that there is no other way to get con trol of the suffrage aud introduce the negroes to the ballot-box ; no other wry to carry such amendments as they wish to engraft upon the Constitution; no other way to subject the do mestic concerns of the South to Federal control. Torn and squirm as they may, they cannot escape the ugly fact that thirteen States stand like an immovable barrier against every amend ment to the Constitution which the radicals wish to have adopted; that the number of States must rise to lifty-two to overcome this opposi tion; and that that number will not be reached in this century, if ever. Hence we see efforts aheady begun in both Houses of Congress for degraoing these 8 tates into Territories, and tho Republican press everywhere wheeling into line to march in this movement. The South should take courage at this practi cal confession by the Republicans that they are reduced to their last trump, and can win only by a fiagi ant violation ot the Constitut.on. So long as the Southern communities are recog nized as States, the Constitution stands between them and further oppression. Unless they can be broken down as States, the radicals are checkmated, and will soon be made to bear the odium of keeping this dangerous question un settled. They leel that it is incumbent on them to put this subject at rest in somo way, and finding all other paths effectually closed, taey attempt the desperate expedient of degrading great populous Staies Into Territories, and gov erning them from Wushineton. The South ought to rejoice to see the Republi cans reduced to such straits, because it is per fectly certain the attempt cannot succeed, and that its failure will weaken, and perhaps divide and demoralize the parly. Tho first difficulty the Republicans will encounter will be iu agree ing upon th details ot the territorial bill. If the State Governments are abolished, other Govern ments must immediately be substituted; tor not even the radicals would wish to abandon the South to the horrors of anarchy. Tne negroes Vtould not be sale in a community of outnum bering whites without the protection of some kind of government. If the new Territorial Gov ernments should rest on universal suffrage, the preponderance of the white population would stcuie the electien of hostile white officers. But this is the least of the obstacles to the suc cess ot the new plan. The executive and judi' cial officers of Territorial Governments are always appointed by the President, aud so long as Mr. Johnson remains in office the radicals would gain nothing bv the substitution of his appointees for the Governors and Judges I uuu y"D ' "uvrruuieu 1 sure, he would have to send their na overnments. To be mes to the Senate fcr continuation: but all the Senate could do would be to reject them, and await new appointments by the President. It the Senate kept rejecting his aopointments as fast as he made them, the Territorial Governments could never go into operatiou, and the whole scheme would be frustrated. To accept such Territorial officers as the President would ap point would be no pain lor the radicals over the present sjstcm, while to reject his appoint ments would defeat the operation of the Terri torial scheme. The only effect of the Territorial project would be to exchange ono dead-lock for another; the present dead-lock between the non-iatifying States and Congress for a dead lock between the President aud the Senate. But supposing that, by some ingenious quirk, this difficulty could be Hanked ami passed, and the new governments put in operation against an adverse local public opinion, a new dead hick would immediately be presented, in a con stant conflict between prosecutiLg officers and Southern juries. Laws are of no force without penalties, and penalties can be inflicted only alter a trial. For the punishment of ordlamy crimes, and the ordinary udmiuistrasion of jus tice, Southern juries would doubtless give im partial verdicts under the now system, as they do now. But in enforcing the kind of laws which the Territorial scheme seeks to introduce, Southern juries could not be brought to agree, except on verdicts ol acquittal. All laws ot that class would be a dead letter, which vain attempts to execute would turn into derision, These difficulties and obstacles will bo appa rent to congress as son as the. Territoria nro iect begins to be discussed in a practical vfew. It is outraryto all probability that the con flicting views which w ill natuially exist can be so completely reconciled as to secure the assent of two-thirds ot both Houses to the details of any plan of government. But without two tbirds of both Houses it would be promptly knocked on the beud by the veto, the dead lock appearing in a new place. But wc will suppose that this barrier is broken tbroi eh; that the Territorial bill is passed oev thevrtoot the President; that the new officers uie all appointed and sworn in; and a warrant issued lor the arrest of some opposing citizen. His counsel imuied'ately prosecute the offioer for illegal arrest, and if the case is decided against him in the local court, it u appealed and the law point carried up, by rapid stasis, to the Supreme Court of the United States. There can be no doubt whatever that the Territorial law would be decared null aud set aside us uncon stitutional, and thus the Territorial scheme, after months of exasperating agitation, would be an ignominious abortion. C nn k resit and (he Prenldenti From the Xation. , . ' Supported by an overwhelming majority ol tho pe6ple, and for the most psrt re-elected to their seats, the majority of the Thirty-ninth Cn. gress have returned to Washington under cir cumstances not unlike those under which the Long Parliament came together in 1640, and w ith a spirit very similar. That famous body, it will be remembered, was composed mainly o' the same men who were summarily dismissed in the spring of the year by Charles tho First, who attempted once more, for a few months, to govern without a Parliament. Hut temporary arrogance only irritated the Commons Into severer measures, and he Lad to accept harder terms by far in November than had been offered to him in April. So Congress, having been compelled to appeal to the people, and having been triumphantly sustained, is no longer disposed to hesitate and compromise, as it aid all through last spring. So long as there was any possibility ot conciliat ing Mr. Johnson, or any donbt as to the drift of public sentiment. Congress was anxious to avoid an open breach; and even when 'the bieach was evidently final, Congress refused to 00 anything which seemed to imply a feeling of personal hostility to the President, or distrust 01 bis intention to act within constitutional limiis. This is no longer the case. Mr. John son has defied Congress with all the force ol his vituperative powers, and has very plainly indi cated his wish to find some excuse for breaking it up. Congress feels, therefore, no delicacy iu dealing with him within the scope of its legiti mate powers, and is evidently resolved to make him realize his deieat and tuture insignificance. We hold that the events ot the last few months will justify very stringent precautions against the daugerous tendencies of the Presi dent. He has shown a decided inclination to usurp power which does not belong to him, and i for i he future. No action, short of impeach ment, if decorous In form, can be too severe lor this purpose; for Mr, Johnson is not a man who can be cheesed by mild and moderate restraints. Our views on the subject of Impeachment we need not reiterate. The question is not likely to arise unless the President takes some new step in defiance of the populir will. The bill introduced by Mr. Stevens, in relation to appointments to ottice, is in substance a good one. It is aiready ridiculed In some quarters as a mere measure for the protection of office holders, and it is said that the country feels no intciest in these squabbles for office. But the merit ol the bill is that it will do moie than any measure ever yet adopted in this country to diminish the number ol these squabbles. The pow ers exercised by our Presidents, and espe cially by Mr. Johnson, iu the matter of appoint ments to and removals lioni office, are utterly inconsistent with good government and with ' the real intent ot the Constitution. If Mr. John son has, as he pretends, the power to remove an officer confirmed by the Senate, to appoint a successor without consulting the Senate, and to reappoint him alter it has rejected him, then the Senate has no teal voice in the matter, and the form ot asking its consent is a ridicu'ous one. The subject is one ot no small importance, and we trust that the present conflict between the executive and legislative departments will lead to a settlement of these questions upon a new and sound busts. We should much regret, however, to sne the appointment of revenue officers committed to tho Supreme Court, as proposed by Mr. Kelley. No doubt it would just now greatly improve the character of the appointments, but it would eventually destroy the character of the court. Tho price is altogether too dear for the advan tage to be gained. The impolicy of the measure is indeed so apparent that we cannot believe argument upon it to be necessary. The reconstruction of the South will clearly be taken in band by Congress in a more uncom promising spirit than at the previous session. The rejection of the Constitutional amendment by the entire South seems to be certain, and it is not likely that Congress will wait for any re consideration of the subject. It is necessary that the South should be made to comprehend iis position, and should no longer be allowed to suppose that it can dictate or even reject terms. Reconstruction is the duty of Congress, and not oi the Southern States; nor has the toimer any more right to leave it at tho option of the South whether the Union shall be restored, thin it had in I860 to leave it to Davis and Stephens to say whether the Union should be dissolved. Tho present condition of the South is not tar re moved from anarchy. If the governments set up by Mr. Johnson are legitimate State Govern ments, they are entitled to representation in Congress. It they are not entitled to this, they are bald usurpations, having no more cluim to recognition than the Empire of Mexico. This is a condition of affairs in which Congress has no moral right to leave any part of the Union. Whether the people immediately concerned preier anarchy or not, the interest of the whple people of the United States forbids that anarchy should be tolerated in any State. And this, we think, will be the decision of Congress at its present session. The situation of Mr. Johnson is certainly pitiable. Not many cays will pass before he will be deprived ot alibis streneta; and be is even now utterly without influence, even in the party which gives him a nominal support. His coDimuance in office may lead to positively beneficial result?, in bringing about a reduc tion ol the Executive power, which has been growing so dangerously ol late years. Dis trusted by all parties, there will be no deter mined opposition to any reasonable measure for limiting his power, and tnus a benefit may be conferred upon the nation which never could have been looked lor from a legislature acting in baimony with the executive department. The President's Message is really nut worth commenting on. It repeats the old arguments Kr the uuconoitional admission of Southern Representatives, but plainly with a discouraged spirit. It is not belligerent towards foreign powers, for which we may be thankful. As it could not be expected to do any good, it is some relief to be able to say that it will do no hnu. Like its author, it is without infliencc and without importance. Congrejs is now, practically, the entire Government of the United States. A great responsibility therefore rests upon it. We ore glad that it is disposed to be thorough iu lis woik, that it is fearless and lesolute. We hope tbar it will cast aside all dcm&goguisui, and act with prudence, steadi ness, and wisdom, as well as with courage and firmness. We leel bound to protest one more, however, against .he practice with w hich the session has been opened, of stifling debate by the use of the "previous question." werepeai, that aiegisia tme which decides without discussing, and re luses to hear the minority, is guilty ot as great a scandal a3 a judge who decides with out hearing both parties. What with the custom ot ti amine measures secretly iu committee, and bringing them before the House simply for the purpose of reading taem, and the custom of eagHlna the minority by tho "previous ques- tiou" on all occasions ol importance, Congress is rapidly losing the character of a deliberative body. , An assembly which legislates without delibe rating is little better, or may become lit lie better, than an elective camarilla. HaU-a-:iozen men may shape all its action, Fecretly, and the main body vote under their orders without taking the trouble to think, much less to give nusonslor their opinion. The fact that the President has now been reduced to compara tive insignificance, and that Coneress is virtually In possession ot the Government of the couutry, Instead of exempting it from the necessity of debute- aud deliberation, render debito and de liberation nioie necessory than ever. To pass a bill taking awav tiom lnui a power conierred by a previous ConeresB, as Las just been done, without saying one word in explanation, is in the highest degree discourteous. It may be said that his conduct has deprived him ot all claim to courtesy, and perhaps it has; but no misconduct of which he or any oue else may be guilty can in the least degree diminish the obligation under which Congress lies to do all thirgs decenty and in order, to preserve lis own character and the character of its proceed bias fire from rri roach, and to show propjr respect to the people whom it serves. ' No mark oi that respect Is more important than a rigid rbstrvanceot the time-honored parliamentary practice of arguing before voting. The practice of voting without arguing is still in its infancy, and Mr. Johnson's excesses, and the excitement ot the war, blind the public, we fear, to its danger But it rnnnnt be checked a minute too soon. It will, if allowed to run, develop a temper amongst politicians which would soon make representative institutions a sorry farce. SPECIAL NOTICES. gp UNION LEAGUE HOUSE, FniLADELrnu, Ceccmber $, 156. THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THK TJ NI O IS LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA WlIL DE HELD AT TUE LEAGUE HOUSE, ON MCNEAY, December 10, at S 0'Clock P. M. . By order of the Hoard of Director. GEORGE It, BOKEH, 12 4 6 BECRETABV. ECSf CORN EXCHANGE NATIONAL BANK, W-SJ I-biladkm'MA, October 18. 18BS. Ihe VIcc-rreMdent ol the Hank. Alfxnndcr Whil uen, Ttq. bavins In A) ay last, l,i virw ot proionved boence Id t.urupe roincd bis poxltlon, the lloanl ol Director to day elected J. W. Torre, i-nq., Ylue-Fresldeut, and 11. V. tcUelky, Kfii , Cwliier. 10 17 Al.fcia.HDKB O. CATTELti. President. THE BOARD OP DIRECTORS OP a3 the ALLKU11KNY AND PITTSBUKO OIL COMPANY, bave Miladay declared a Dividend or TWO Vh.it C'EHT.. payable oi and a ier Monday 10th Inst. D, YAHDERVfcfcB, Treasurer. December , 186. 12 4 tuths3t BATCHELOR'S HAIR DYE THE BEST IN THE WOKLD. HarmlpPS reliable, instantaneous. 1 be only pertect dye. ho disappointment, no ridiculous tluis, but true to nature, black or brown. UfcMUNK la SIOJSED WILLIAM A. BATCKELOB, ALSO. Er cererntlngFxtract oi alllleflennirestorea.preservea, and LeautUles tl e hair, crevmw baldness. Moid by all DiugKisiB. Factor? No. 81 BARCLAY 8c, N. Y. S3 KSf JUST PUBLISHED " By tne l'm siciansot tne NEW YOKK MUSEUM, the Slnetteth Edition oi their 'OUK LECTCBES, entitled PHILOSOPHY OF MARIilAOK. To belied lice, ir Torn stamps, bj aodressinpt Socre- tsiv itew lortt iiuitum o. Anatomy, S6S No 8l8mOADVAT, New York. FIRE AND BURGLAR PROOF SAFES EVANS & WATSON MANl'FACTCBEBS OF FIRE AKD BURGLAR-PROOF S A. B1 E S . DESIGNED FOB Ba.uk, Mercantile, or Dwelllng-Hoaaa Ca Established Over 25 Tear. Over 24,000 Safes in Use. The only Safes with Inside Door. Never Lose their Fire-Proof Quality. Guaranteed free from Dampness. Sold at Prices Lower than other makers. WAREKGOMSi No. 811 CHESNUT Street, PHILADELPHIA. 98p J XPEIUENCE rROYES IT MARVIN'S SAFES ARE TBE BEST. ALWAYS FIRE-PROOF. ALWAYS DRY Twenty-Five Years In Business. MANY THOUSANDS OF OUR SAFES IN USE MARVIN & CO., No. 721 CHESTNUT St. (Masonic Hall), And No. 265 BROADWAY, New York. FAMILY SAFES, BAKKEBb' STEEL CHEjTS bLCONlHAND SAFES, bend for Illustrated Catalogue. 8 23 stuth3m CARPETINGS. QAIIPETINGS! CARPETINGS! Reduced to Present Gold Prices. J. T. DELACROIX, No 37 S. SECOND Street, ABOVE CUESNUT, lias received per late arrivals, 200 PIECES J. CKOSSLEY & SONS' BRUSSELS CAR PE TINGf NEW AND ELEGANT PAI'TKUNS. Also, a large line of TilHEF.-l LY EXTR Ail) rlM. lM.l'Aia CAltl'E'lS. DAMASK V L- V V 'I I A 1 LT A O 1 K n U 1 I I i DtiLl I UiAC ftf-n TaUE AM) BAG CAUfET8, OIL CLOTHS, 8HA DBS I AC, wuicu win ue soia low in cuusequuDue oi taer in Gold. J T. Dl.LAl'KOIX, Ko. 81 8. KfctOND Street, 10 27stutn2m Between Cbesnut and Market NOTICE. CARPETINGS AT REDUCED PRICES. LEEDOM & SHAW, No. 910 ARCH STEEET. BETWEEN NINTH AND TENTH BTS. C4 3mrp STOVES, RANGES, ETC. 27 OAS STOVES! 27 1HE EAGLE PAS-IIEATIN STOVES WILL HEAT Your Officts, Parlors Dining, 81ecping, and Bath-Room, AT LESS EXPENSE, LESS TBOUBLE, KO DIRT bfUOKE. OB ASHES. They sie all warranted to do the work. Call and see tboui at (i. W, LOOMIS', li 1 lit J Ko. at S. SIXTH Street. rhUadtttphU, Pa. JT RA K K LI N M I L L S SELMAIS1M BUCKWHEAT. A new and very choice art;c. Every family should use it DUections tV'Ucn ready 'to commence ailug, ml tho hatter to the usual oonsiatenoy. . , j FOB BALK ALL OROCEBS. 124Utrp WATCHES, JEWELRY ETC, CI1B1STB14S! W. W. OASSIDY, No. 1 SOUTH SECOND STIIEKT Oferi sn ent'relr new end most careful'y select stock of lAMEBlC'AN AND GENEVA WATCH. ' JEWEUIT, SILVERWARE, and FANCY ARTICLES OF JiVEBIT DEBCB1PTION, suitable for BRIDAL OR HOLIDAY PRESENTS.' J An examination will show my stock to be unsur- panaed In quality and cheapness. Partfca'ar attention paid to repa'rlnR. 01K KITCHEN & CO. HAVE OPENED THE IB NEW STOKE, SOUTHEAST CORNER TENTH and CHESNUT Streets, WITH A FULL STOCK OF WATCHES. JEWELRY, Silver, and Silver-Plated Ware. FANCY GOODS, Etc. Tbelr Stock being entirely new, and selected with the almost caro, they Icel confident or being able to salt the teste of those who wish srt'cles In tbelr line. Tbey solicit an Inspection of their goods. C. B. KITCHEN. J. II. OLIVER. N. KTLOST, Salesman. II 17 Imrp JTOIl THE HOLIDAYS. SMITH & DREER, S. K. Corner ARCH aud TENTH Streets, Have now on band a Wen selected Stock of WATCHES, JEWELRY, SILVER, AND SILVER- PLATED WARE, Suitable for the Christrnas Holidays. A call Is respectfully solicited. 12 a Imro TBEODOBE SMITH. FRRDINAND J. DBEBH, JS N1S LADCfcMUS & CO. DIAMOND DEALERS & JEWELERS. Yf ATt litS, JKWKLIU 81I.VKK WAKK. .WATCHES and JEWELRY REPAIRED. 802 Chestnut St., Phila., Owing to the .decline! Ol Gold, has made a great re Auction in price of his large and weVXatsorted stock o Diamondei ' ' , Watches. Jewelry, . Silverware,' Etc. The public are respectfully Invited to call ana examine or stock before purchasing elsewhere. - 2$ la LADOMU8. T. POWELL. t. t. flEGEI.. REMOVAL. 3 ISAAC DIXON, WATCH MAKES, HA VINO BEMOVED TO , Do. 120 S. ELEVENTH Street, below Chesnut, Has opened s new and carefull elected stock of floe etcnes, Jewelry Hirer and Plated Ware. H. B. Chronometer, Duplex, Paten Lever, and Plata tY etches carefully repaired and warranted.1081ec8m S I LV ER-WARE FOB BRIDAL PRESENTS. G. RUSSELL & CO., No. 22 North SIXTH St., Invite attention to their Choice Stock of SOLID 81 1. VKK WAliE, suitable lOrCUUIttTAlAb andBRlOAL Hth.SENJi. CAM HENRY HARPER, lo. 0 ARCH Street, Manufacturer and lea!eriu Watches Fine Jewelry, Bilvei'-I'lated Ware, 8 1J Solid Silver-Ware. B1CII JEWELRY. JOHN BRENNAN, PEALFrt IS i DIAMONDS, FINE WATCHES, JEWELBT Etc. Etc. Etc. 9 208 13 8. KIGI1TII ST., PIULAUA. liOWMAN & LE0NAUD, MABl f ACTl'KERS OK WHOLESALE AND EETAIL DEALEB IN Silver and Silver-Plated Goods, No 704 ARCH STREET, Those in want of SILVER or SILVER-PLATED WAKJ. wi.l hud it much to their adrautage to visit ourSi OhE teioio making their purchases. Our Iouk experience In the muuiacture ot the above kinds or fci.i il I'uuhlts ua to del? competition. e keep un poods but those whicn are of the FIBHT C'liASM, all vt Jur own wake, and wM be suld at reduced priios Utit JpINE OPERA GLASSES IMPORTED AND FOE SALE BI JAMES W. QIKEN & CO., 10 18t( No. Oli CIIKSMT Street. TF YOU WANT PERFECT SATISFACTION .L In every respect, bnj the celebrated Fl'.e.8ro COAL, l gg aud Htote sizes, at SI par ton. A,.h genuliieKAOLK VEIN OOAL. same ales, auie price and a very hue quality of LEU Kill, Egg '.aid Stove, at SI Wiper ton. 1 keep nothing but the l"jU OrJuis r" celvsU at io. nsBtiuiuTluui) rro I t - few
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers