in Judging him to-rliy as a ,ubllo servant, U not his record, with which I have nothing to do, but it is bis possibility ot srrvmor us wheu he under takes to serve. It ho cannot hear criticism, let hmi quit public life. Our public servant? are either to no our mil. or to run beyond it bv a miperior wisdom. Hv what rieht do they claim exemption irom criticism ? At Constantinople, if you remain in private ll'e. before one Bltmlc act shall be criticized you shall bave a Court and a Cadi to jttdee your case; but go once Into the public service of the Sul an, and the bow string, without trial bv Judge or jury, U your laie at the nri-t oniiasion. The same Is substantially true, and must be true, iu all Governments. Toe public servant must do his work, or he numt submit to bo told that he has not done It. This 1 the sum total of my criticism. All I ask of the public servant is that be shail exhibit the same fidelity that we nave in the industrial buslncs concerns ot the country. There Is do mystery about govern ment It li a matter of common sense. Tnero is no peculiar machinery about it. Hoir, gentlemen, my view of our situation Is just this. We need more to-dav, peculiarly, emphatically, the voices and instincts ot the people, because now and in former times de mocracy has produced no leaders. Lincoln siiid with pre-eminent truth, "If this battle is fought, the masses loufjht it." To day who are the parties to the great quarrel and to th great Issue that agitates the country? Whut is that issue? Well, it Is simply this: We have struggled for seventy years to be one country, with antago nistic institutions. At lost' the irrepressible conflict has referred itself to arms the South meaning by that term not a geographical sec tion, but an idea, residing in Philadelphia and Chicago as much as in Charleston; the idea that the Declaration of Independence is a mistake that oligarchy and aristocracy are the only safe iovernmeut that one man is born with' whip .ud spurs, and another man bitted and saddled, jut he, the Brst, may ride that intelligence is tn.nMous that education U revolutionary tint., in the language of Pickens, of South v' iroliua, "II a man raises his hand and touches vrruinent, it is anarchy." In the language the man of South Carolina, "Would you ich a hor.-e to read, would you give an ox an : cation?" It is just as reasonable as to teach a luwhanic ,for, eats he, "the educated and ' wealthy class, because the wealthy man w the .siime light to rule the masses and use "ni as man has to use the animal." this idea, originated at the South, yet confined re, lebelleu against the Declaration of Indo rendeuce. appealed to arms and was beaten, ('hat is the meaning of victory, tt it has any t gniticance? It is that the rival idea the idea i uinveisal education au open Bible un tagged lips the Declaration of Independence equality before the law rights resulting from manhood, and limited only by that idea, is to remodel the Government iu its own shape, re constructed alter its own model that is the significance of victory. Now iu that issue, which is not a short one, ideas arc not developed in an hour. Creat communities do not change their convictions by a battle a single genera tion h not long euough to get rid of national prejudice. The injurious tendency of democratic institu tions iu haste. In the old countries, where half of the minds are the Government, where five hundred active brains are the State, they lay uud lay and plan to-day, watch to-morrow, turn ude at the close of the next month, watch the ' ill of events, are not discouraged by transient - vils, and, after long patience, the iong-brea thed, hound-like patience ol oligarchy, without rest ind without haste, they reap in the end full har vest ot complete success; but the trouble with die masses is like a child, they dig up the seed in six months to see whether it has sprouted. They must have an immediate result. They must see a palpable effect. They cannot wait ior ideas. Ourt danger Is that we hasten after a paste board reconstruction, an outside cure, a seeming peace. Why, the Democracy thirty years ago commenced this very struggle between the prejudices ot the dominant white race, and to-day. alter thirty years, a generation honors the industry of the blacks, which has been so tireless and so ceaseless and successful, that three-filths cultivated the land of the South land, the very basis ot the Government the foundation of power the source of governmen tal lorce. Now this problem of getting rid of the igno rant, besotted, defiant, revengeful, bigoted white racei full of prejudices to the negro, be cause it'is whipped and likely to be converted because unsuccessful this problem is one the nation has to solve. For what are the parties to it ? On the one side stands the mobocrat of the White House (applause) this self educated leader of Eebeldom within the camp of the loyal States. I am called a harsh critic. A year ago in September I ventured to say, in the city of New York, that the Presi dent of the United States, instead of being a mistaken triend, was a deliberate, systematic, conscientious enemy to the loyal Siates that he was not merely in error, but was plotting antagonism. Niue out of ten of my audience hissed me. Well ! I wa wrong; I' wai mis taken. My mistake was that I said that the President bad pone to the Democratic party. He had not. He never stayed in that camp long enough to betray it. He never went there. Our children will see the proof of my oelief in black and white, within ten or twenty veins that before the 4th day ot July, 18t5, the President was in direct personal communication With the Ketel South at Portress Monroe. Supposing it was not a party definition. It was not a partisan treason. It was the South erner and the Rebel revealing himself the moment he stood under the full temptation ot powor from Mobile, from New Orleans, from Charleston. As early as the lOih day ot June, you may have, If jou seek it, evidence that the leaders of the Southern Union had gotten up from their kDees, defied Northern clemency, shook their bauds at the Republican party, and boasted that they had a friend strong enough to prefect them in their opinion, whence came, all over the (South, thus early, an unfaltering, un hesitating confidence in the power that was strong enough to protect them. We shall tee it fina ly, when the Cabinets and statesmen meet, as I believe, in the im peachment ot the President himself. At any rate, no one doubted to-day that the mobocrat of the White House is the eiticient, substantial leader ot the eitort of the South to save her idea Irom the consequences other defeat. (Applause.) The South is not a hypocrite. There is no sham. (she docs not pretend to philo sophy. She believes In her system more thoroughly than we believe In ours. She does iudeed, from th3 crown ot her head to the sole of her foot. She believes that society is only safe in the predominant clashes, that capital must own labor in order that the Government should exist. She is strivins to do what the thou sand brains that make her Government desire striving to save the wholesale defeat of her idea, oligarchy. The President stands iu lront oi it, and it is cot supposed that be is declaiming de mocracy. The President, like the rest, lelieves, and under that conviction is plotting to put us back as tar and as near as possible to the America of 1800. That is hiB treason; 1 do not exaggerate it I do not wish to visit it with hard words. Wade Hampton is as honebt a man in the sin cerity ot hia intellectual creed as I am, and he is putting, as I put the energies of his being behind his idea. Now you cannot crush a revolution with rose-water. Yon cannot make a real man with a sham one. It j useless to fut William A. Seward, without a conviction n front of Wade Hampton, running over with conviction. (Laughter.) Now and then, gentlemen, one of the men must say aye, and the other no. Then there is a quarrel, and then there is a tight; then there is an Issue, gentlemen, between two ileus or sections. Now, the South, plainly, without com promise or concealment, lets us know that, in tier ideas of civilization, she does not believe that it is safe, or best, that the negro should be counted as a political element. It is not that she hates him. It Is not that she wLshe to crush him. It Is that she does not believe it safe to count him as a political element. Con gress sat seven long months, debated every thing, and adjourned with what they called a gene of amendments. For it did not join TDAjLYEVENING TELEGRArn.PniLADELPniA WEDNDAY, Issue. They said to tho white men or the South, "Comeback as the dominant race. You aie welcome to liee halls on certain condi tions We leave the negro and the machinery of your State Governments as they wero." That was the amendment. That was not joining issue with the South. It was a neutrality. It was au abdication. They went to the people; they met tbe great Instincts of (Iip masses; they tried to look into thefacesof their constituents and sny amend ment. They could not. The people ignored it. The people joinrd Issue with trie President. The people said, "We bave our right hands on tne jugular vein of this sell-Htyled anstocracr. and. by the livlnir (iod, we will strangle it before ve let It bo." (Vociferous appanse) The masses joined Iksup, and there are but two parties to this quarrel. One ts the South, . led by the President; and the other is tho iustincts of the pcoi le, blindly groping sometimes the masses hardly knowing fconsciously what they want but leelins their way towards it with an unre lenting, remorseless fate. ' These are the parties, and this the quarrel; and it Is general, so far as the whites are concerned. Why, I will prove to you that this Congress went down to the people with this amendment in both its hands. Tbe moment each individual man met his constituent, what did ho say ? Suffrage. What hobby did he lide t The negro. What word did he not dare to omit from his speeches ? Rights of the black race. Kelley, Wilson, Ashley, DoutwelL and Bungs wherever you follow them the tenor ot their speeches, the burden of their arguments, ?he tone of their pledges, is all suf tincp. It is not amendment. Like Hercules' antagonist, they have touched mother Earth, and come up as suflraeers. You say wbv did they not say it in the House or Rcpref entatlves ? I don't know. I sometimes think it was like Cooleridgc's Unitarian Church; he preached to them twelve months.and debated whether he would preach another twelve months. So he went around to see what was the result of his preaching. He found that three fourths of tbe people went, solely out of example, for the other quarter. (Laughter.) So these men, tutl ot impartial suffrage, goes up to the House of Representatives, and every man is afraid of his fellow, and they did not seem to get over It till policy got down to this canvass. It is evident that there is but one idea. It Is the status of the negro in the future. It is this Government oligarchy or democracy it is the South on the one hand and tho people on the other. Why, look at it; let any man try to gain say this truth, this unuttered instinct of the ptople, and where is he? Let any man serve it, and where is he? No matter wh'tt his party recoid how black if he will otilydo service to-day, the people forget the past and hug him. Look at Lincoln on the prairies in Illinois, the pet of the West, ho tried to serve this opinion this curving wave of the ocean; and Viitnets Beecher, he tr ed to gn'nsay it and went under. (Prolonged applause.) He had been the apostle tor thirty years, but he beat against that cloud and went one side: no one trod alter him, his footsteps were the only ones. Take the New York '1 1 m(8,' trying to serve Johnson, and acknowledging that on the first day ol January it was worth sis hundred thou sand dollars, and that to-day it would sell out lor half ihat. It tritd to go against the wave, instead of with it. Witness Grant, the Wellington of the nation, the idol of the army, gathering armfulls of laurels. In his own State of Illinois, an audi ence of twenty thousand men, one-hall his soldiers, when a letter was read from him, re ceived it in silence. Wrhen one man asked tor a cheer, silence; another suggested a cheer, silence; a third suggested a cheer, silence; when the pet of the State, Ingersoll, mounted the platform and said, "Not a cheer tor a Grant?" and a hundred men responded out ot twenty thousand; but the General chose to be neutral. He does not take a platform, or any part in this stiuggle lor this great idea, but the people "never buy a pig in a poke." (Tremendous ap plause, lasting upwards of five minutes.) His the most wholesome sien of the times. (Ru newed applause.) It is a symptom of intellec tual and moral health in the people; they know what they want. They do not forget the services ot any man, but what they demand is service to day, (Applause.) Now, in this ttrugRle, where shall we look lor help? The principles ot the South having en camped in the White House, want to spread her quarters into the Capitol, and to take pos session of the Government to get her band on the helm. Well, now, reconstruction that is a great problem to which 1 alluded. We are in danger of being contented with a sham demo cracy. Look at it what is expressed in the sense and essence of our four years' history just ended ? It is that we have been obliered to uphold this Government with the bayonet. That sec tion would have gone off if it hadn't been held by torce. Great Britain holds Ireland bv force ! Great Britain ould not exist as a gove'rnment one hour, except by torce. Let her throw otf the trappings of force and trust to public opinion, and there would be a revolution in a lew hours. Now, for four years we have en deavored to hold our nation touether bv force, and have done it; but that is not tiie American idea ot government. Tho American idea is to hold the Government together by popular opinion, by harmonious cohesion, by natural gravitation. Two negroes chained toge ther don't make a marriage; put South Caro lina In chains and draa her to tne foot of Massa chusetts.and leave her there that is not a Union. A Union begins when you bave made South Carolina for you have tho right to do it over into such a moral, social, industrial, arid intel lectual form that i,be gravitates towards the North and New England naturally. Thet is re construction. Wcv, we have tried it. We have reconstructed the West. You did. New York did. New England did. How? They took their brains, thtir capital, their enterprise, went to the bare prairies of Illinois, dotted them with towns, cobwebbed the m with railroads, covered them with schools, mlused them with the spirit of government aud civilization, and the West is so made in the image ot the East, imbued with, the industrial enterprise ot a civilized eeahoard, that you could no more tear theui a-under fiau you could the solid globe on which they rest. (Applause.) Now rec instruction Is tbe same thing elemen tarily. The war means that Pennsylvania and New York, New England and Ohio, are to go down with enterprise, school, capital, and Ideas, and make tbe South, over in our Image, fo that it may be one homogeneous Government. That is reconstruction. Some men toss the word "reconstruction" about as if it meant Alexander Stephens sittinir arm-in arm with Charles Sumner, or Judge Kelley walking down Pennsylvania avenue with Roger A. Prvor. You might as well dam Niagara with paste board. (Laughter.) Keconsiructlon com mences when Pennsylvania or the Connecticut Yankees can go down to New Orleans and walk its streets with fiecdorn, with lreo lisp guaran teed, carrying capital and his Ideas, his energy and bis education, and be an clement iu the character ot New Orleans. That is reconstruc tion. (Applause.) As loug as that (act is not possible, reconstruc tion has not begun at all. Is this peace? There is no peace. Thomas J. Durant, for thirty years the leading lawyer at tbe bar of New Orleans, of whom General Butler said to me, when l asked him hi character. "He Is Rufus Choate in rhetoiic, ana Samuel Adams In character" wheu he proclaims to the civilized world, "I cannot live in these streets of New Orleans, where I ventured to live until the summer ot 1866; now I have it, take my children and wife, and go North" when he uttered that singular protest, when he made the statement of that melancholy lact, be recorded in the face of the world the proof that we have Lot yet conquered the South that New Oileans belongs as much to Jeff. Davis as to us. Now, until he can go back, until half a million of dollars and its owner can no down to Charleston, there Is no reconstruction. . There is no mystery about it. You make a town, you make a State, you make a country this Is remaking one more tifncuHy, but no mystery.; Now who proposes to make it? ' The President nronnkps that vou ahull not make It. He proposes that the South shall put a girdle buuui ueroeir, and repudiate Northern ideas; that sovereignty shall come back as it was, strong euough to support oligarchy aud repu diate tretdoui. That Is his error. It U not a move, nor a policy. I do not care for Governor Aiken, or his opinion) I do not care for what oihers f-sy of totni. 1 Now, tie error of the plan of Concress Is the swindle o( Contrress; for it is a swindle. (Laugh ter.) Yes, it is a sw indle. Suppose we us the word compromise. That is a good word, which you will find in both Worcester and Webster It lias an honest meaning. Two men own larms nnd do not know where the line run they don't waste their moii'-y on courts, but sit'dowu and make a compromis", and tun the line some where. Two men have mndo a contract and made money, but they don't know how todivid It, and don't intend to fee lawyer-, so thev it down and olvide it with common sense. ' Both panics at present should be consulted about the right to vote-that is, a compromise In 178ft the white men of Massachusetts and South Carolina met together and shut the neero outside of the door, and cheated him, and called it a compromise. (Applause.) The Thirtv-nlnih Congress did the same thing. They met to aid the loyal white man ot tho South, and the Piesident of the White House consulted with them nnd t-hut the doors aaalnst our allies our only allies In the South; for in tbose disastrous yesrs, when hope almost died, when with Blck enmg hearts we watched the two beams of the scales hanging even, and no man knew which would strike the beam in those long, drearv months of 1800 and 'til, '62, aud 'f.3, wheu we learcd tho foreign hand which would make one weigh the mos-t; what made England and France trcmblo before tbey put their hands into our quarrel ? It was that In our own scale hnng four mil lions ol blacks, representing the justice of uod and the civilization of the nineteenth century And when the South craved assistance, Napo leon looked down to the foundations of his throne, and Victoria scrutinized hers, aud they heard the muttered protista oi Lyoua and Man chester's staniug thousands, and dared not put themselves into our quarrel, against God and Justice. (Applause.) They were our allies, but when Congress met to settle the fate of tbe nation, they shut the door in their faces, and having swindled them out of protection, we came out on the portico' aud8nld. "Bebold tbe patent compromise I" The negro said, "Give mo a vote; you took rac for a mark for tbe bullet, now give me a ballol." "I can't do that," said Thaddeus Stevens, "here is a plate, of soup cooked at the public expene." "(ave me my banner," said the black man. "You can't bave that," said Massachusetts, "but you bball huve the right to buy land in South Carolina, and if you dare to take possession you shall fce sho You shall bave the riehts of a trial by jury, wl ere tho judge and all are Rebel?, who will be sure to cheat you. Tbe tbietariesei on Sunday mcrning tor stealing, assured the officer that he could not escape as he had conscientious pcruples against travel ing on Sunday. So the Congress, when it gave the nrgio this sham, ragged tragment of rights, pretended they had scruples about giving him that ballot which was guaranteed, and protec tion alike. But the main fault does not lie there; the main disgrace does. It Is a sw indle, not a compromise. It was a mistake of states manship altogether. It was an ablication of duty. Seven month in longdebate tbey argued to protect him. Who Irom? Protect him with Buieau and Civil Rights bills. From whom? We do not have an Irish tureau nor a Ger man bureau. We do not bave a civil rights bill lor the Irish. What do we have a bureu tor the negro tor? Who will hurt him in those ten territories where Le litis been our only ally Who will hurt him? I look back three years, and see Wade Hampton on his knees, in the month ot April, a baiter around his neck, and his hands tied behind him. He could not hurt the ueero then; but we unloosed his hands, we took the halter from his neck, raised him to bis feet, gave him tho land on which he stood, put the power of a ballot in his right hand, gave him back his property and prestige, and then set to wont to protect the negro from him. Protect the nesro! The rulers ought to have given to the loyal black man at the South the right to vote, aud then protect the w hite man; for that is what jou will have to do. (Applause.) Protect Robert Small from Governor Aiken? No, indeed I Give Robert Small a political status in South Carolina, and pass a bill that be will not abuse it and hone. Wade Hampton. Protect tho negro Irom Mayor Monroe, of New Orleans ? Nay, more; give to such men as Durant, of New Orleans, all tbe power, and toeu circumscribe It, and you will see that he will not abuse Mayor Monroe. It Is the cart before tbe horse. I am not making nice distinctions to night. I am not claiming too much of Congress. We met the Rebellion on our frontier with four millions ot black men, and some hatf million of whites, our allies. Who Is to be tnMed with Sower? Are our allies to be put at their mercy ? o no I (Applause.) InMead of that, the policy of Congress trusts the while, dominant, still unconverted, rieriant, revengeiul while race with power, and then sets to work to create machinery to guard them. Sheridan said once, in the English House of Common", "I have heard of a man dashine his head out against a brick wall, but I never heard ot a man building a wall expressly for that pur pose;" and yet this is exactly what Congress has been doing for seven months. Tbe error and tbe danger are here every single question of gTeat importance, rporally or lustly, to the tir.unc ul c.rcles of our seaports, has a vast interest. Thev look at that possible revo lution and panic when the country floats back to coin; they remember tbe dreadful 1819 in England's history, when Sir Robert Peel dragsed tbe nation buck to guineas; when every other man was a bankrupt, and then say when is our 161ii to con e ? Under this policy, nobody can Ml how soon. Nobody can tell how wide these influences will be, and on the policy whi unsays to the South Be a part of use, come into bar niony with the nineteenth century, arrange yourselves with the industrial energies of tbe ration and all its ideas, and we have twelve mil lions of customers tLat w ill make every Northern spindle do double duty, make every Noitheiu band be crowded with work, tido us ftooi that possible panic, and h ave us no possibility ol one. The nation has not skill, industry, or capacity sufficient to supply the aching void oi a truly reconstructed South. Four millions of negroes wanting fifty to a hundred dollars a year of Northern manufactures, or from five to seven millions of whites in the same condition ! Why, it would add to the demand on Northern manu factories two hundred millions ol dollars for only the nepioes. On the contrary, admit the element uncon verted. No bin that it is unconverted, but it is unconverted. They mean to get capital; not Horn you, not from idea-', not as Illinois got it, trom Northern energies and en terpiixe, but from the Government, from in tritfue, from diplomacy. The South, minority as sbo was, ruled us from 18U0 to lgiit), with tbe singlo exception of Kansas. She means to try h again, once in that hall ot Seuate and Howe. It Is not c.-seniial reconstruction that she will there Beelr to gain, and it is throujh political intneue, through the re ouices ot pieseut triuir pb, that she will fill her exhausted exchequer. Pay her debt ! Some men are afraid that tbe South will try to pav it debts. 1 never knew any great anxiety on the part of iXlp South to pay Its debts. They do not mean to settle with the English bondholders. They know that Sheridan spread his trad titty miles wide through the South, and made ihe tetrl toiy void wherever he went. Thev know thar. that void is to be nilel up. The Noitb stands up with her bands filled with gold, ready to till ir. only accept her idea. Tbe South says "No !" by the voice of the President; "but I will have the money." Vice-President llaniliu tells jou bow, when he sais he was offered a Texas bond lor fifty thousand dollars, with ihe intima tion that he should vote right to-morrow--'! did not accept it," he said, "but I saw around me many a Senator that did." Now the needy and bankrupt South wants this capital. Put them back iu their seats, and she will bring bushel-baskets full of Confederate bonds, not worth a cent today, but will bo worth 70 per cent, tomorrow. And I know at least oue Massachusetts Representttive that would not stand the temptation an hour. Why, you know saints do not come In troops, or travel In natalhons; so these mn in Congress re r.o bi tter, on au average, than the men out ot It, nnd it is tot surprising that you may Hud men in that 250 who are not superior to J. A. blew art, ot New York. . . , The South Is not tempted by nionev; ne does not want the foul com; her nmbition does not lip in that direction. lam doing her no injustice. She believe in an Idea through tho macbtneiy ol Government; she thliks to-day tbat she is serving civilization, and when in she will put in oreratiou all the machinery of tbat political arrangement- w hieh ruled us for sixty jeais, iind so fortify herself in that weakest ! point. Many ol you will understand it. You know as well as I do. I was thought to be an enemy to the South. The Abolitionists were thought to tie her wornt enemies, and he Stood on the Ironfernnd said, "You are leidlng Ame- I rica ai. d tbe nineteenth century a muck. You lire jeopardizing our Ins.It itions.. . This , will only end In bankruptcy. You are running, on thethlck bosses ot the Almighty's buckler." 16(11 I dawned upon hpr, and she was where she is to-day. Now. says the patent Christianity from 1 the Plymouth pulpit, heie Is u consolation that has foigotteu common sense: "Coni6 H back us you are, covered all over with your errors, lull of your mistakes, bigoted with alt your old, and. as we thought, conquered errors.. Come back, and try tbe experiment again." : . Why what, then, were the nses ot victory? Whnt was the use of five long years of war f Why did we try it? We could bave submitted in 1800. The war meaus that two Ideas tiled their strength one conquered, and couquered. by the right of its justice and its strength, It is a pride to the nation. (Applause.) That is common sense. The Rebel is to bo consult! just as tar ond Just as much and Just as fast as will be lor bis entire benefit, and tor the Safety ot the nntion in an acknowledged form.1 (in-1 plnuse.) " . v Well, now, I have spoken thus briefly 6r the aspect of aflaus. How hball tbey be , met? Shall we right this battle? The President haa. confronted and deserted us. What stands next in the pyramid? Tne Cabinet, that little circle' of counsellors that surround him. And who arc1 they ? The Attorney-General Is a man selected because he was willing to be a tool, and be cause, having done the dirty work of the profes-' sion, he was the fit tool tor the service required. Tbe Secretary ot the Treasury is a man that agrees so far in theldensof his chief that, in any villany to be perpetrated against the North, he will be the tempter instead ot the tempted. The Secretary of tho Navy is a man to utterly ignorant of his post that his holding it is a farce, and so utterly corrupt that any honest act he J Tint 1 1 1 1 Vl n firtllltv rf milBt honn Kaon a mint.L.1 ana so utterly corrupt mat any uonest act be would be guilty of must have beea a mistake (laughter) a man who never had convictions, and who alwavs changed his - professions, when ins ctiet ordeted mm. . . i.r.s v The Secretary of War Is a man of emlnernt service (applause), of great energy, but tbe nation has no key to his Intent or his nolic His next act may give an honorable interpret-, nun iu m w uuie career, out l say it nanus in a cloud. The Secretary of State is one whose warmest ftiends deny his weakness, on- the ground that age has chilled the intellect of his prime. (Applause and hisses.) - ' ' This is the Cabinet nnd f!inrrAs T fiouo nnrlooJ vored to paint to you, neutral, not treacherous, ' . 1 1. .LJ , .1 T. . 1 A V . . , . vuiy it ouuiuuiru. it nouil'u 10 uo certain wnat the elections would say. It would not be a leader. It risked nothing. It had no convic Ions. Tbey were delegates, and not represen tatives. Now in this warfare of ideas no man enn get another fell of convictions. Who has not convictions? The Congress had none. Let us hope that it comes together on tbe fourth day ..1 It 1 . I. ' a j . J vi Keceiuuer wuu convictions, (rroionged applause.) It has bad convictions in the can-1 vahs. It has expressed them in tbe face of the' people. Let us hope when it enters the halls of congress, it will throw reconstruction out of one window, and the amendment outof another, and begin the business by impeaching the Presi dent. (Prolonged applause, a lew hisses; again applause; hisses again, and drowning, deaten Ing applause.) . . My friends, Mr. Wilson, a Senator from 'ray State, in a recent speech in his own native town, Nailck, pointed out the South as i slaughter-Held trom one end to the other. He said tweuty-tive hundred negroes have been, Dutuncreo. rnere is no safely lor them In tho Carolina; no execution ot law anywhere;' and whtit is tbe remedy ? Why, be said, we will give you a bet'er President on the lourth day of March, I860. Now, we will, or try to. But. gentlemen, there are three years bet weep now and 18(it. Aie wc to lote that in tbla i great national problem? Are we to loe three years, w hile the South has tune to grow and cohere, nnd get nil her machinery straightened ? Is the Demociatic party to grow stronger, and in 18C9 to meet us with a mithty banner? And in the meant me the real reconstruction ol the coun try iincommenced? ,' I pray you, look at it! Over fifty thousand in the Empire State voted for the mobocrat oi the White Ilouhe, even alter his Wettern jour ney. A million and a quarter ot men are ouhw side. It is a crcat cloud. It is an immense con sideration, wilh the patronaae ot the Govern-. ii. in ui-uimi ii. ,jn ia not saie to risk . many. uuui mm ruuu a rresioenu AH nour lost is an opportunity for misfortune. What foreign con: plication may come iu? Who knows? Months now are pregnant with the effects of centuries. On the first day of May Napoleon sat on his tiiioue. and looked over Kuiope and said, 'No body can touch my sute mountain. My roots no oow n to the granite of the nineteenth, cen tury." But be looked up In thirtv days, and the vust phantom of BNmark rose", and ho was nowheie. Austria said, '"l am a thousand years old. I strike my roots through the strata of ten centuries." Sli" came into tho field and wis vanquished. The three years may do for us great things. Why, in three years we can bu Id railroads and mako spindles vocal and till all their laud with plenty. We can call up the poor w hile mau; lilt up thp massed against this arittocracy; outflank the Wade Hamptons and the Governor Aikens; and -in three years no man knows what we may not do. ,. On tbe 5'hday ot December Congress reoBsemV b'.es, and reconstruction will commence.' .May it throw shanii out of the window and com mence bus:nes by impeaching the President," and success will be yours ! (Appiaue.) Seqoes ' ter bim Irom office. Why, suppose a Bank;' President to-day comes into jour bank, robs the safe on Monday, foiges ou Tuesday, steals notes on Wednesday, you indict him on Thurs day; do you release bim.on InJay, aud give him. the keys ot tbesaieou Saturday? No!' You' shut up the facili'les of mi&conouct and curb' biui from his malfeasance, lnireach the Presi dent! He has conspired wiih the South to help' them lake this great and latal step, The South never meant to rebel. Jeff. Davis never meant to reb.'l. He never wanted 10 leave Washiiiatun, and to give up the army and navy. But tho excited and misguided masses ot the South burned him out of Wn&biugtou. 11? meant to be tbeie, and Breckinridge meant to be there, and have the seat of government at, Wuxhiugtou, and to be rcooeuized by Europe.; Tbey though we woul I rebel, he knew his cards,, he Baw his misiHkc in ninetv oavs.i The effort, oi the President to-day is to correct it, to make t the foiiTQ ine uoternment. let us rebel. ' I'ut r. her where she was in 1W0 tons. 51 y Policy is 10 put thHReoelout nf the effijir of sute, a'gd tucu we will run the machine. That 1-, I waot, tbe commencement of tbe elements or , the Anirrican nation ro be pUntt-d at the South It will take a long time to grow; God moves a geneiatiou into their grve. That is the way He gets lid nf national dlllitnltic?, aud most of these will have to go before we git rid of thent. (A vole, ' That U the truth.") L'egiul Begin now! And what I contend lsj', tbat our public men are talking cnatf, tue sham ol politics, instead of rational. siibstannaU national action. Men do not do their duty. Sena or Wilson say he knew Ust January the . President was a traitor. What did be dor Tried to com iliate him. And he Is called a practical sfatQfmen, and I am a ianatic have an unlortu- nate habit ot speaking out iu meeting. Practical statesmanship ineau knowing a grout deal," and telling nobody. Practical sratesmansnipn means, don't let tbe negro have a vote in tna fc District, for tt will irritate Governor Swana. Give our allies In Mary laud no help, lor it would have irritated Governor Swann. This l pructi cuUtntcsmanshlp I ,(Laugbtcr.) ,.."-'" u Dou't criticize General Grant. W inay ue him. Tbat is practical statesmanship. Tlin iiatiou needs uoimxIv. (Prolouged p4tiutie;) oVEMDKR 21, 18G6. Above all things it need to know its servants before ll tnjsts them. (Cries of "yes." and ap plause.) There Is a reticence. There is silence which covers nothing, a man says notbinsr, because he has nothing to say. That l no quali fication for ofheo. lherelis a reilcence that covers something. A man says notulng because be has something which ho does not want to pay. If that Is the explanation of General Giant's reticence, we want to know what he conceals before we make birr. Tresiient, and my criticism on there lending Senators and Gene rals Is, that tbey do not do their dutv to-dav. Many n en put the blood ot New Orleans upon tbe President instead of on General Giant, on whom part ot it belonas. What is his business? The armed hand of tho Government. Twenty thousand dollars is his salary ; lor what? to moke the flag protect tbe citizens of New Or leans as well as it doe? tho? under this roof. (Cheers.) If be cannot do it, let him report to Congress and ask lor Iresh power. If be won't do it, let him tell tho people whether it ts of hts own will or becausphe Is hindered. (Applause.) Fellow-citizens I feel not knowing what you feel I feel the keenest national disgrace that New Orleans was a possibility. It was ours; the symbol ot victory was that the "Stars and Stripes" protected the citizen. Why, was it not a fact ? Couldn't it be done ? It has been done. Don't deem tbe reconstruction ot the South a seeming impossibility. There is a Yankee who went down there and made New Orleans quito sale i or Yankee men. (Prolonged applause. Three cheers were given for Butler.) Only ex tend the jurisdiction of New Orleans from Mary land on the north to Arkansas and Texas, aud the problem is solved. That same New Orleans that was sale lor Yankee men and Yankee capi tal, can be made so over again. Why was it not done? Tbey have said that General Grant was not allowed. Then he owed that fact to the people. Tho masses fought this battle, and if General Grant was not allowed to make the flag competent defense for citizenship in New Orleans, he should have satd so to the North, through the telegraph, and Boston and Chicago would have hasteued to send torth men enough for the service. What I contend for is for honorable men to do their duty. Suppose a rebellion in Ireland was to break out. Suppose that Wellington heard in London tbat a man had been assassinated in Cork for cheering the Queen 1 He would have beeu in Cork in less than six hours, and in half Of that ttmp n iprnnrHfc nil Pnnlunrl minl o cheered in the streets of that city with safety. HT V. . T nnl. 1 iz, . . ' J ''"i bh i our neumgion, is tne reason. But tbe armed hand ot the Government was battling in the waters of the Lakes, while the Mag ot the country clings to iu flagstaff in every Southern city heavy with Union blood. . This is not victorv. this is not Hdflinr thta u not official responsibility, this is.not criticism to (lCITIfinri 7Y1 nvn mf.rlr V'a a 1. a. uciuanu more worit. no, a solemn the most solemn crisis that any generation ever met. ' tS VOm ,ooltPd across the waters In 1861, and said, "Tbe bubble of Democracy has burst, the great Republic 19 overthrown;" but they looked in sixty and ninety days and saw a million of men rise as if by magic, and crush it out more thoroughly than any despotism ever did. The most gigantic of any rebellion, and Europe said, "Yes, Democracy can fight." Now comes the second chapter. Can demo cracy govern ? Has tt brains as well as muscle ? Can tbe people control themselves, and succeed in rising above mere hero-worship, and can they solve this great problem and remain a Union? Tho world looks at it. Upon you and me rests the responsibility. Let no partisan pride ;:let no tenderness; no consideration of profession; let no bastard Christianity alienate, and common sense mislead you. What we want ! is the same fairness of conviction and loyalty to ideas that the South has shown herself. -, I am no alarmii-t. Iam not despondent. A man w ho asks hi9 way home from the nearest .root does not the less design going there, man who plants bis seed in the spring is not fearing starvation. 1 am only raisiug my voice with the lest. I am nor merely arguing for the ueeio, ana i rememocr tnai mis great war has , left one chair vacant at every tearth. It has robbed every poor man's table of a comfort, every poor man's son ot some of his means ot rising to a better educated position. It has ground down industry with taxes, in order to subserve a great national purpose. I would to toa that the masses would not be cheated out of what they have so fairly, earned ! , (Great 1 apply plain Saxon terms to Suxon doeds, know they are hard terms: but a Saxon can 'sin twice as tast as the English dictionary can de scribe him. We hav5 gathered all the virtues and all the vices of our nature into a hotbed lor cultivation, under this democratic form of government,, and they come up many a tall branch both of mischief and moral virtue. It wao(i woo gave us the victory, no one can uouor; dui we miiii not now cheat the negro. (Appiause.) , . Whether the struggle w ill end in three years, or thirty, uod only knows. Give your leaders oarmony, and. it ends in a lew short months 1 But give to us the niacMrom of party politics and no man knows its conclusion. It is not in a man to save us, nor in a man to harm us. The i'reioent mmseir is but a waif on this great uix-uu. ne ouiy uappens to no in a pivotal place, and in ordinary times we could not re move bim. It is the defect of the republican government, that where we get a mistake into the Presidential chair, it takes four years to get This slowness Is, perhaps, inevitable to repub lican institutions, but, perhaps, more important. Jow, when events, and the proscriptions of ine I'rei-utent, nave given to us tho constitu tional iiht to get nd of him, we should begin this great social change at once. (Applause.) I do find fault with Congress, and this practical state-niau6hip. which went down to Tennesseu and dug up a trauor, and proclaimed him Presi dent in the month otJune. , Tbey have done nothing iu Congress but to quarrel over Ne braska and Colorado, botn of them the betrayers of the Nonheru idea. Congress then goes into caucus, and, by tbe voice ol its bet and lead ing members, 6ays: "We dou't know that we biiall ever meet again." Do you suppose they would have adjourned fn Cromwell's time? Noj tbey would have held perpetual session. Tl at was practical states manship. They feaied the Preiiient, yet placed him fn unlimited power, with -unlimited meaus ol corruption. How was it in the time of Kim iLouisXVI? Tbe Convention never rose. Con gress should bave said, "We will never rise," or it ought to have stopped the supplies. (Ap plause.) The caucus meant nothing. It meant that Douiwell, Kelley. Stevens, and Sumner could nt trust Government, and jet they trusted it with untold millions. If you cannot impeach tbe President, stop the supplies, repeal every act that pays the public creditor, aud pay the capital to tne country on our side. (Applause.) , I confess, fellow-citizens, that I would insist upon ihe renewal ot constiiutioual law, and by that mean make a Northern victory a victory. (Applause.) The taxes ate a reality; tbe people have a right to all tbat tbey eurn; and whether impeachment or stopping tie machinery of the Union w hatever tbe remedy bo in these davs of revolution, like tue loug Parliament, the legislative body representing tbe loyal North is to assume and be tin? Lniou until tbe ideas of (Le North are firmly pbnted, (Applause.) d have detained you longer than I intended, but (hi is a very serious question. It is oce that goes down to tbe very roots of civilization. It is not unlikely that it is going to remodel old Europe. Soon a million of black votes, recorded in Wai-hiogron, will my to Cuba. "Break off thoseshackles, and you will recover ihe isiauus into harmony with" the nineteenth lentnry. It meaus the black raco is taking its place nrn'mg the races of the earth. , . . Don't think I, tear Johuton in hts high sta tion. Whenever I .think ot him I am ulwavs reminded of the device of tbe Russian peasants, wh endeavor to kill the bears for their oil and ;lide, without the use of firearms. They select a hollow tree filled with honev. banir over' It a huge stjue: the bear comes along and puts his bead in and Hindis tbe Lumeft, iven the. rock ft fut) to itet It out of the wa.v. and It. truo to its ot'utio of pravitv, falls back aud b.iti biui a bin: UunJI vi1 tie Bwlngg It clear around tbe circle, and it; cWs biick and crushes him to death. (Applause.) . 4So with rresMent John-on. I itt cume Maine and Vermont. These were, the light blows. Second camo Indiana, and then came Pennsyl vania and New York, swinging around the circle. No fear wben such people speak, and the public functionary ot these States will soon be telling us why he did not betray the Union. Tbehun.ble individual will stund'on this plat lorin long before the fourth day of March, 18G9, explaining why he did not succeed aud why he never meant to. (Prolonged applause.) MEDICAL. R HEUMATISIYI, , NEURALGIA, COl'T, ASTHMA, POSITIVELY CURED AT LAST I NO CURE, NO PAY. ' , DR. FI TLER'S WONDERFUL RHEUMATIC REMEDY IZ'msT? ut' nd Asthms. Is trutr i i "ii'frf f ""0,d world Ihuusands oi nuffown)' f.L yr'.. i.1elr. wn i"rpr1"8- i wall nd ib terrlolB .Tm. , n? JtVJS "Hl'y curwl l""ov " t be moat womar.ui remedy known id if,, olvtllr.ed world. Ue n.ii...er, uoed owardly only, contain, no mW. oo chimin, nuiwram, moia.i, or knyiaiog lumr ou i.uuced irom Sli) to J per boaie. Wan.ntiS to ca every cue, Or the emount paid positively returned - the onl leiuedy so guaranteed, t'ropared bv lit H ii.Ktt! Ureduaie oi the University of Penoy,vnl now one at our oldest puynlcliuifi. Advice gratis. Allhcted invited to call. So. 29 N. F OURTH Street, be ow Market 104 A810ljDIM CUKE UK TtHKUMAllrtM. XT. v. Yoat.lo.lfl:i6 S. Ihlruenth atreet jut reco vered irom Rheumatism and Keura gla auHurod manr yeaias cured by Dr. Killer's great Remedy. AlO&T REMARK All LK I'UKK OF RHEUMATISM Mm. Reeney.Klderoad above ropier, iufferedorer 20) ears now well. lr Kltler'a Remedy again. KXIRaORDINARY IXHJS U RlifcUMATISM Robert loole, ho. 4;i0 Wilder atreet. want the oiiMIe to know iliat he Biiilereii a longtime; couldn't move Cured by lr. Filler's Remedy l?enectiy harmiea7 o. 2S N. Water at . cured of Rhe-imaiiam by three leeooooniul dowa of Dr. tiler's IauUilble Rheumatic Rtuiedv. lie could not walk .v ASIOMHU.NU. AL1. RUAN JOS. H. COMLT. Fraoklmd suffered 11 years. Cured by one bottle of Pr itler'e Rheumatic Remedy, and au a to tit ret cniedb' nslnir the Kemedv. 10 get HOST WOhDKKFUI. CURE OF SEUBALQIA AND RI'fcUMATiS.M At,U known. Mr Joseph Stated. Andalusia, anflcred i teiinie. Irled everything, cured only byUr.ru ler a Remedy. ' ANOIHRK CURE. JOSEPH BTEVEHS. Esq o 833 Owen atreet, P outhwark. who has suffered Ibr ftyeaiswith Rheumatism, lias born completely cured by using one-ball a bottle of Dr. Fltler'a Great Rheu matic Kenedy ; nsed Inwardly. Depot. Mo W H FOURTH Mtreet. Warranted to cure. ' 8 t wa LOO KAN f L I Vfi ! ELECTROPATHY. Drs. GALLOWAY, WHITE & R0LLES, THE OLD MEDICAL ELECTRICIANS, And TEACUERS of this new system of caring dUressea. y ou:d call the attenUon of the sick and afflicted to their new system of practice, which baa ahead; gained great popularity In this city. During the past six yean w lav treated 1 WE NIT TUOUSaRD persona suffering ii om the various forms of disease (many of them by special guarantee, cnarging nothing U we tailed), and in almost every case a cure has been effected. keai the follon ing HOME CERTIFICATES. AN ASTONISHING CUitE-AMPUTATIOU PRE- V E in 1 i D ,I.w,cuFe ta,tn weke bV W GALLO WAT and W 111 i h, ol an ulcerated leg. which caused much soffer lnv, and eten threatened amputation. Smoe my own ureat cure several oi my irlends suffering irom Neural gia. 8k n Disease. Dyspepsia, and other complalnaj. have also been penectjy cured. I will clifertuUy answer the Inquiries ol the diseased and suffenna . ABRAHAM FLUKE. IAO. 1951 Camao atreet, PhUadoiphia. IMPORTANT CUBES OK OBBTINATE DISEASES. m2tuVm!MCC mMtef mMOn' P' c-E' B 8P"1 Bheii James Brown, Inflammation of Stomach and kowebv Pino atreet above Sixth. " ileiiry Rover, Neuralgia of the Eye, Twenty-third and Coinelnemlo!'e?,1 D""""" Throat DUease. w.Mi.KttkJ"We EPnePt'p Fits. No. 1020 Market street. b,MV,y,,ro.SS;Kp"r,ue.K.,t,rteeet M,MM UeD"l -Co1m'uTrc&&'t'ta,Tll0f Y W CneStHt'lrtto,, -4"thm8 ' Mn '"'din, F.manuel Rey, Attorney-at Law, Dyspepsia. No 707 Bnnsom street. Horace C. Wlnslow, Weakness of the Kidneys Frank, lord. ' U. C. ehurtleff, Cancer In Stomach, No. 3722 Marke street. J. M Bnlst, Rheumatism "o. 1333 8. Broad street Juoah Levy, Bronchial Consumption, No. 432 Market street " Fdward T. Evans, oreacher ot the V. E Church, Dys- r3'Helmu,h5t?t,lnB L"yn' " Lu". AO. Jamca N ugeni. Deafness for tlx years, and rlngfng and roaring in tue bead, Wilmington, Delaware. 'i bunas Harrop, severe Diabetes, hose Mills, West Pbilaaeiprla. Ueoree Giant. Rheumatic Gout, long standing. No. Ii 13 C lief nut street. M. T Desllver. Chronic Neuralgia and Inflammatory Rbeumattem, No. 173(1 cbesnut streut Id ward AlcMatiun, Consumption. No. 12i7 Front street. J. ltlcket. Chronic Bronchitis, Constlpa'lon, and Con. gestlou of the Brain. No fill c low lull stieet Chares VI . Dayton, Paralysis of the lowvr limbs, Glrard house. J. lui McCormick, Diabetes. Ko. 1220 Ridge avenue i horles K. Buckingham, Urinary Dliiiculty, No. 1331 FUben street. Aquila Davis, Chronic Diarrhoea Forrest Housn. J. J Iloopcs, loi'g standing Mclailca, and Enlarged Prostate (ilxnd. Darby township, Delawure county. V i Ham (1. Khuver, Liver C'oinulalnt, Hermuntown. Joseph W. Foravth, Acute Rheumatism, No. llk'2 Archsttoet. K clouser, Genoral Paralysis, No. 415 N. Second street. Many ot thtte ferjuns ire cured in le$ than a utet-t. N. B The Institution. No. 1230, one door from Thlr-te-nth street, is ho ouly houe in this city where our sjsiem it practised, rnjirlncipled paries In other lockii.iea. who c'aiin to tieut diseases according to eur late discoveries, may then tore be regarded with suspicion. PHY HlClAXi and STUDENTS can enter at any time for a full couise oi Instruction in thia linni.1 Diocovnur In ihe Mealing Art BUOKI AMi THE HOST IHPROVED INSTRU MENTS FUKM8H I D. An Interesting clrruinr mailed by addressing DRS. I, ALLOW A 1 . W'HTK A llLES, No. 1230 WALNUT Street, Philadelphia. Consultation tree. H 1 wsJui N IE W PUB LICAT IONS. MARtCN HARLAriD'S HEW BOOK. 6UNNTBAKK. By the author ot 'Alone." "Hus bands and homes," etc. 12mo. BEtlliOVEN'S LE1TKRS. Translated by Lady Wallace. 3 vols. 16 mo. B1UI.OW PAPKRH. Becont series. 12mo. MELODIES FOR CHILDHOOD. WUn highly colored Illustrations. 12mo. THE STATE OF THE CHURCH and the World at the Final Cuihreak or Lvil, iand Revelation ofantl- Clirict, his Destruction at the eecond Coming ot Chi 1st. and tne Uihering in ol tie Millennium. By Rey. J. O. Grtfctry. At. A., with an Appendix bj M. A. p. Jollfle. Price. H 25. Forsaleby JAMES S. CLAXTON, ( (successor o William B. & Alfred Martlen.) 11 Id lm No. 1214 CSF.BNUT Street. L E T T E 11 C OP Y-UOOKS, 300 lMigea, lSO. LETTER COP1 -BOOKS, ' 50O pages, aj-OO. LETTER COPY-BOOKS, iooo !, a-wo. KABKK'S PKKC1L.8, TS cants Doata. KNV15LOPKB, $1'33 icr tltouaavud. K. IIOSKINS1 ft).,' BLANK BOOK A! ANTVACTCKER&, hTA'l llfKF.UX AND CARD ENGH A Vt . , 6 etr,ip No. 913 &&CH titrwt." : 4 V
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers