PlBMailKD EVERY AFTERNOON (ffrXDATg EXCEPTED), AT THE EVJHIKQ TELFGRAHI BUILDING, Mo. log 8. Third Street. Trice. Three Centa Tct Copy (Double Pheet), or FIhtofiiCeiitPerWt.,p.y.0e to the Carrier, and nailed to SuUcrlbersout of tbe city m NlneDoIlni. lor ADirntn, one Dollar and Flltr Cent, for Two Months, Invariably ta advice for ,he period ordered. MONDAY, OCTOBER 8, 18GG. The Approaching Judicial Fl. rtlnn. In the ensuing election our cltizels are about casting their votes for three new Judges of the Court of Common Pleas for the city and county of Philadelphia-one President Judge and two Associates, as they are designated. The election, or rather the selection, of the Judges Is the most important duty that ever devoiveil upon a thinking freeman. It occurs only at distant Intervals, and involves his dearest rights, interests, and liberties; It may affect his life, It may affect his liberty, and Altliai fYiM-n Inn. MAn. a """v ui ivdd uiiunra upon nis pro- peny, aeaa or living. Tne stations to be filled or renewed are now occupied by Judges Allison and Fierce, the latter of whom was nominated during the current year, but the lormer, now 1'resldent Judge, is a tried veto. ran in the service, and has been in commis sion either as President or Associate tor the long period of fifteen years. A . 1 .a . oucn an election snould not be restricted by narrow party views, but should take a more expanded aspect; and a man should not be chosen for such a Bltuatlon because he is a partisan, but for his learning, probity, and talents. The Court over which these eentlo- men will be called upon to preside is one of the most important and powerful in the State. It is a creation of the Constitution, and not of an act of Assembly; and by an accu mulation of powers given to it from time to time by different acts of Assembly, its pre rogatives have grown as extensive as those of the High Court ot Chancery in England. Let the people reflect upon this important sub ject. The Court over which Judge Alli son at present presides, for which the Judges are to be elected, is the Court of Common Pleas, created by the Constitution, and which can only cease to exist when ihd Constitution itself shall cease to exist by the will of the people. It operates with various functions, and by means of bill, answer, and decrees thereon; reme dies defects, prevei.ts Injustice, and supplies the deficiencies of the common law, etc. Its functions as an Orphans' Court, Registers' Court, Quarter Sessions, and Oyer and Ter miner, are wide, varied, and extensive. As an Orphans' Court, it attends to the settlement aad adjustment of estates after we are dead and gone, superintends the conduct of execu tors, administrators, and trustees ; sees that they do their duty, punishes their delin quencies, removes them if necessary, makes them give security, etc . ; appoints guardians, takes care of minor children, sees that their rights, property, and persons are se cured, guards, their Interests; protects the widow; settles, adjusts, and distributes, ac cording to law and justice, the property of decedents, and thus controls and supervises with jealous care the millions' worth of pro perty of such a city as Philadelphia. As Re gisters' Court, it also interferes to prevent wrong in testate and intestate cases; sees that administrations are granted to the proper persons to whom by law they belong pre vents injustice from being done to children, friends, relatives, and heirs, by scrutinizing the .conditions and circumstances under which wills were made and administrations granted ; granting issues to try their validity, and, in short, securing to the unprotected, friendless, and latherlesB that protection which even the grave cannot lavish from them I Again, as a Quarter Sessions, what extensive powers are vested in their hands, such as opening roads, streets, and alleys; fixing the damages to be assessed upon people's property for so doing; appointing prison inspectors ; trying all tbe lower order of crimes, assaults and batteries, riots, conspiracies, frauds, to cheat and otherwise injure, lar cenies, forgeries, robberies, fornication and bastardy, tippling-house cases, bawdy houses, nuisances, desertion cases of wives and chil dren; and then, again, sitting as the highest , court of criminal jurisdiction for the trial of the highest offenses, such as rape, burglary, highway robbery, mayhem, homicide, every species of manslaughter, murder in the second and first degrees, and thus holding in its hands the issues of life and death. Can any situation be more responsible or important? And after enumerating all these powers, have we not said rightly in the beginning that the selection of men to fill this court was of the last importance to the interests of the people of this great city ? Of all the candi dates now in nomination the Hon. Joseph Allison is the only one who has been thoroughly drilled in the practice and conduct of the business of this extensive jurisdiction by the labor pid experience of years. Judge Pierce is but a beginner a good lawyer, but has only had a few months' practice on the bench, and is not yet competent as a leader, but will undoubtedly make a good and humane judge. The only man among the candidates fit and competent, we repeat it, as a leader, or Presiding J udge, la the present incumbent, Judge Allison, the President. Fifteen years' apprenticeship have formed him. He U the only man, at this moment, in this community capable of handling the reins of this powerful tribunal. He alone thoroughly understands its practice and operation, and to take him away from it would be like removing the skilful engineer who, by a deep, long, and attentive Btudy, knows exactly how to drive THE DAILY EVENING TELEGKAPH. PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, his engine knows what It will bear, under stands its guage, keeps It up to Its proper ten sion, and brings out all lis capabilities without explosion, or spreading ruin and injury around it We have said he Is the only man in this community thoroughly capable, and we said it advisedly. A man may be a thorough and learned lawyer at the bar, In the full power of his professional knowledge and skill, and yet put him on the bench, and he will prove a failure, because there is, besides learning, a tact, arising partly from the constitution and sagacity of the individual, that books cannot give, and there is a happy practical facility, the result of long application, close observation, a ready com mand of the examples of experience, and an adaptation to occurring circumstances that depend entirely upon the idiosyncracy. If a person has not these advantages, his learning may bo an accomplishment, but not a utility. Judge Allison has eminently all these qualities . lie went on the bench de termined to show himself worthy of the situa tion to which he had been elevated. lie applied himself assiduously to his studies; he accumulated the learning of his profession ; he saw it daily illustrated and called J in action in the trials before him, and in the innumerable questions and arguments that be had, as a judge to solve and settle, his iron con stitution bore him through, and he became, as he has always continued, an acute, learned! vigorous, and impartial magistrate. For the long period of thirteen years Judge Allison has stood before this public as a judge without a spot to sully his ermine . Ilia integrity is unimpeachable, because his honesty Is founded upon a profound sense of religious duty. He deeply feels his obli gation to man, but more solemnly his respon sibility to God I In addition to this polar star in a ludge's virtues while there is in this gentleman an unflinching firmness of purpose that nothing can overawe or intimidate there is a mercy, the offspring of a most feel ing heart, whose mildness has, as tar as possi ble, always mitigated the severity of justice. Besides these moral endowments, Judge Allison happily possesses, as we have before remarked, a physical power of endurance, resulting from a sound state of health, that sustains him amidst the most arduous and complicated labors . We would not say a word in derogation of Mr. Hood, the compe titor of Judge Allison for the Presidency of the Court of Common Pleas. Mr. Hood is undoubtedly an amiable gentleman and a fair average lawyer, with a limited practice. but as innocent as a lamb ct the science of human nature, and as incapable of controlling the complexity of the great tribunal which he is struggling to occupy, as a young and tender child. No, we have something more hardened and exercised than Mr. Hood has ever been in forensic labors. Joseph Allison stands alone as the most fitted for the post; and the people of Philadelphia at this time would manifest a degree of insanity to commit their lives, their property, and the care of all that is near and dear to them, to any other than the tried and honest man who has so long served them. In addition to all, where shall we find a warmer, more devoted, and truer patriot than Judge Allison? In the late bloody Rebellion, from the very be ginning he stood by his country ; he knew nothing but his country and her interests; he cheered on his brave compatriots in their glorious efforts ; he visited every battle-field to aid, solace, and support the heroes whose wants and wounds demanded relief and sym pathy ; he told them they were not forgotten, but cared for and f ollowed with exultation. And if his public duties had permitted, and be could have been spared, his generous courage would have armed his hand and made him a combatant and a leader. There is no tear that he will not be re-elected, or that the people will err in their choice ; but let him be again clothed with his judicial pre rogatives ; again continued in office ; but let it be with such an overwhelming majority that the people may emphatically exclaim,' "Well done, good and faithful servant I" Shall the People Rule? The one great, vital issue to be decided to-moirow is, Shall the law-making power in this Government remain with the people, through their representatives, as the Con stitution provides, or shall It be usurped by the President? Beside this all other issues dwindle into nothingness. The President has assumed legislative functions. His entire work of reconstruction has been legislative, and not executive. He insists upon forcing this illegal and unconstitutional work of hta upon the people. He denies the power of the people, through their representatives, to make the laws upon this most important subject- If the people are to bo deprived of making the laws upon one subject, they may be upon all. J t Is the first step that costs. Let the people arouse themselves. No such issue was ever before presented to them. The foundation of the Government Is assailed. The very vitals of popular liberty are struck at. If we give up the right to make our own laws, what else Is left? How are we better than a monarchy or a despotism? The Democratic Patty Opposed to Pro tection. The manufacturers, miners, and mechanics of Philadelphia should remember that tbe De mocratic party is opposed to the principles of protection to home industry, and the freedom of American labor, under which our State has so splendidly prospered, and developed its wonderful resources. The Democratic party would thrust our laborers down into compe tition with the pauper labor of Europe, and would chain our own industry to the car of British monopoly. The protection system has built up Pennsylvania and has made Phila delphia a great city. Shall we vote to break down that system? General Geary and the Girard Estates. Oon attention has been called to a lengthy advertisement inserted by the Democratic State Central Committee, which states that General Geary was endeavoring to defraud the city of Philadelphia of the estates left her by the late Stephen Girard. The display heads to this article are calculated to inspire terror. They run : "II contracts to take the Girard estate away from tlie City of Philadelphia." "He contracts to brina the suits and pay the copts for one-tbtrd ol tbe property." "He aid 1n conducting the suits aeaint the Cit.v of Philadelphia." "He acts under the contract since he was nominated for (Joveruor." "He will use bis olliical power to naiu the cause." The Democratic leaders say: "John W. Geary has a direct pecuniary Interest in this most iniquitous claim, and in his high place of Governor ot Pennsylvania, if elected, he can wield a powerful Influence to bring success to tbe suit, cash to his coffers, and ruin to the tax-payers." Let us look at the case calmly, and see It this raging lion will not, on closer Inspec tion, turn out to be a harmless ass. The contract between General Geary and other parties, under date of November 12, 1837, may, for aught we know, be correct. We think it very probable that it is. And what if It be a bona fide agreement? What does all this amount to ? General Genry is a lawyer. In order to present their claims, the alleged heirs of Girard desired and found it necessary to employ a legal ad viser. The case was a doubtful one, and until it was settled they were entitled to the chance of being in the right. They applied to Geary and Painter. They accepted the case as attorneys. They probably worked In the case. It was their business, and we see no reason why they should not take a case against the city of Philadelphia as well as against anybody else. He agreed to take a certain fee, an ex tremely natural agreement. The case was tried and forever settled by the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania some three years ago. It was eternally decided . The clients of Geaiy were defeated; and all the influence of all the Governors in the country could never resurrect the dead suit. The charge that Gen. Geary acted under the contract since he was nominated lor Governor is simply ab surd. How could he act, when the case was settled? The published letters are nothing. They merely refer the writer to Colonel Painter. They were probably a request for some of the papers in hi9 hands. And the charge that he would use his influence, if elected Governor, against the city, is puerile. What Influence has the Gov ernor over the Supreme Court? And if he bad, how could he use It, when the whole thing is forever brought to a decision? The attempt is nothing but one of the desperate devices of the enemy. It is a lost card, held back until the eleventh hour the dernier ressort of a party reduced to despair. The Demociatic Nominees lor Congress and tbe Plot for devolution. The people should not forget to-morrow, in voting tor Congressmen, that the Democrats are constantly threatening to organize a Rebel Congress, in defiance of law, and thus bring confusion, anarchy, and civil war upon the country. We do- not know of a single Democratic nominee for Congress in this city who has come out and denounced this infa mous scheme. The implication is that they are committed to it. We would advise all citizens who are interested in peace, order, law, and the quiet and regular administration of the Government all who have large pro perty interests at stake, all who have money invested in Government securities to cut these Democratic nominees for Congress. They are probably committed to a dangerous and revolutionary ploc, which, if carried oat, will certainty plunge the country into con vulsion and disorder. Philadelphia. No city in the land has a prouder record for uncompromising loyalty and devotion to the republic than Philadelphia. For years her influence has been vitally and powerfully felt all over the land. During the war she never faltered for a moment in heroic devotion to the cause of the Union. While New York was getting up draft riots (the infamous actors in which weie called his 'friends" by her Democratic Governor), and thus crippling the Government by a "fire in the rear," Phlla delphia was crowding regiment after regi ment to the front, and lending all possible aid to the cause of our imperilled country. For all this she Is hated by the disloval. but lnvort and revered by the loyal. To-morrow she will be called upon to testify anew her devo tion to the cause of the Union and the Consti tution. That she will give a good account of herself we do not doubt. Her loyal citizens, of all classes, are thoroughly aroused. They will speak in tones not to be mistaken. They will keep Philadelphia, as she is now, the leading Republican city In the Union. The Two Tickets. For the Congress of the United States. Chables Gibbons, ChablksJp'Neill, Leonabd Myers, William D. Kelley, Caleb N. Taylob. For the Revolutionary Southern-Fusion Congress. Samuel J. Randall, Jonjf HrjLME, chajti.e8 buckwalteb, John Welsh, Henry P. Robs. TnE contest in the Filth District Is spirited, with chances in favor of Taylor. Ross Is a bitter Copperhead, and has been one for five years. Taylor is a true, loyal man. The issue Is lairly put. Let the loyal voice of the Dis trict decide who It will trust. liter indent and Reasonable roller of the Union Pnitr. The strength of the Republican position this fall is that the policy of Congress affords a reasonable prospect of peace and repose to the country. We lave just passed through along and exhausting struggle. We have accumulated a great public debt. The pub lic mind craves relief from the Intense ex citement of the Immediate past. The people are anxious to settle down, and have a fair presumption of continued quiet. What they desire Is not merely a truce, but a peace based upon enduring principles. Now, tne policy of tho Union pfy offers this. While it extends the most ' generous and magnanimous to the late Rebel popula tion, it exacts from them such reasonable guarantees for the future peace and repose of the country as our late terrible experience has shown to bo essential. It merely asks them to conform to the changes consequent upon the war, and to abandon certain posi tions which they cannot hold without main taining a hostile position towards the nation. Thus, if we take the equalization of the basis of representation, we find that it Is what we may call a necessary consequence of the war. The war destroyed slavery, and it is but rea sonable that the scheme of representation which grew out of slavery should cease also. If the South still clings to It, they cling to an unjust advantage one which they were never equitably entitled to, and which will now be increased and rendered more odious as being a direct gain to them on account of the Re bellion. Nor is the equalization of represen tation in any manner unjust towards the South. It Is a movement of equal and universal ap plication all over the country. It simply says that a man shall not be counted for nothing at the polls, and for something in the basis of representation. It gives to each voter what is right and just, that each should have equal political power in the Government. Moreover, it is a matter of prudent precaution for the future. The immediate conferring of political power at all upon people who have so lately displayed such deadly hostility to the country, Is of itself a very grave experiment, one which would hardly be trli'd in any other nation on earth. But tbe idea of allowing them to wield a power in the Government vastty exceeding that to which their numbers entitle them is foolishly to court danger. It must be remembered that in the matter of the Senate the late Rebel States will con tinue to hold an immense advantage. Thus, the entire vote cast in these States in the Presidential election of 1800 was less than the combined vote of New York and Penn sylvania; but while New Yortc and Penn sylvania will have, as heretofore, only four votes in tbe Senate, the late Rebel States, when admitted, will have twenty-two. Surely this enormous disproportion of power in the benate is all that the Rebel States ought to claim. To extend the same principle to the House of Representatives, and give lo these States twenty-four members of that body more than their voting population entitles them to, is grossly, presumptuously unjust and perilous. This enormous and menacing power, too, is to be put into the hands, not of our friends, not of those interested in main taining the Government, but ot those who have just made the most wicked aud des perate efforts to overthrow it, and who do not now acknowledge the nefarious character of their attempt, but merely deplore its failure and mourn over what they call their "lost cause." We might follow out the same line of argu ment with reference to the clause of the Con stitutional amendment forbidding leading and perjured traitors from holding office, except by removal of disability by Congress. This class of men had all taken solemn oaths to support and defend the Government. They deliberately broke those oaths in going into the Rebellion. Their present disqualification for holding office is, therefore, a mere matter of prudence on the part of the country. Ihey are dangerous men. In other countries they would probably lose their lives. Here we simply say to them, "Your past treachery for bids your being trusted with future position and power." Could anything be more mild and reasonable ? Equally proper is the solemn repudiation of the Rebel debt, and the as solemn assump tion in the Constitution of the national debt. If all parties now concede the repudiation of the one and the payment of the other, there can be no harm in putting the quostions at rest in tbe Constitution. It is upon these just, reasonable, and pru dent terms that the Union party proposes to settle tbe great question of reconstruction. We believe they commend themselves to the good judgment of all candid, thoughtful men. Colonel B. H. Jejsks, of Bridesburg, manufacturer of cotton and woollen ma chinery and rifled muskets, employs 1S00 men. He issued an order on Saturday to his foreman to close the works at noon of election day, to enable every voter In the establish ment to discharge his duty to his country at tho polls, and to credit every man on the pay-roll with t full day's work an example which we commend for imitation to every Re publican manufacturer In the country. All who want to see a coup (Tetat, vote for the Democratic candidates for Congress. All who wish to see treason made odious and tho Union rendered eternal, with liberty for its corner-stone, vote for the Republican no minees. Bewabe of last cards. All last cards are false, without exception. We detected the one published yesterday, in regard to a letter from General Geary to one Hanoly. So It is with all of them. OCTOBER 8, 18CC. Let Every Voter Go to the Polls. To-morbow will decide tho fate of Pennsyl vania and the Union. We have no fears of the result. It is a practical absurdity to con template a victory on the side of the Doolittle conservatives. And yet for all this positive assurance of the triumph of the right, we deem it the duty of every man who has a vote to make a point of casting that vote. The first half ol the time-honored Democratic maxim, "Vote early and vote often," Is the best advice that we can give our friends in the premises. ' But It is necessary to bear one thing in mind. Hitherto the polls have been opened at eight o'clock In the morning, closing at eight o'clock P. M. To-morrow, for the first time, a law goes Into effect by which the polls are opened at seven In the morning and close at six in the evening. With the great mass of the community this change will create no Inconvenience. The majority of voters can exercise their highest privilege as mere citizens, just as easily before six o'clock as after seven. But with a certain class the case Is different We refer to the class of day laborers, and more especially to the employes of the large manufacturing establishments situated on the outskirts of our city. Owing to the distance of their residences from their places of labor, it will be Impossible for many of them to visit the polls before engaging In their daily task, and after its completion they will have too little time to reach them ere they are closed. There is but one sensible remedy for this difficulty, and that Is this : Let the proprie tors or managers of all the large establish ments in and around the city divide up their employes into companies, and allot to each company a certain hour in the day, during which they can cast their votes. By adopting this method no voter will be deprived of his vote, and the operations of no establishment will be necessarily suspended. Let every voter have an opportunity to go to the polls, and let every voter use that opportunity according to the best dictates of his own heart. The result of the contest will not be changed by a heavy poll, and the re buke to the enemies of impartial justice will be all the more severe in proportion to the fulness of the vote. Shall Rebels Make Laws lor Us? Shall the Rebel leaders be admitted to Con gress ? This is one of the questions for the people to answer. Those leaders had, many of them, taken solemn oaths to support the Government. They committed perjury in joining the Rebellion. Now they ask to be received back into Congress again. What will their oaths now be worth? Are these the men to make laws for us ? Are Union soldiers ready to vote that the men who insti gated the unutterable atrocities of Anderson ville shall have seats in Congress? The Democrats say yes. Their party clamors loudly for the immediate and unconditional admission of men to Congress who were lead ing and undisguised Rebels generals, colo nels, and other officers In the Rebel army, and members of tbe Rebel Congress. Will the people sanction such an outrage ? Which? " Will you have Mr. Johnson as President or as Dictator?" said Secretary Seward atone place during the Chicago trip. Mr. Seward meant something by such language. What was it i it was strange language . We are not used to such talk in this country. It sounds like revolutionary France in her most terrible days . Did Mr. Seward mean that in certain contingences the President would at tempt to play the "Llctator?" Was it a threat? Whatever his meaning was intended to be, one thing is certain, that the people of the United States will never submit to a "Dicta tor," The people of Pennsylvania will an swer that question, so far as they are con cerned, to-morrow. Shall Pennsylvania be Disfranchised t Shall the Rebels profit by the overthrow of the Rebellion, and have more power in the Government than before ? This is one of the questions to be decided to-morrow. Are the people of Pennsylvania ready to virtually dis franchise themselves that the late Rebels may have superior and unjust power in the Gov eminent ? The Rebels will have, if the Con. stltutional amendment be not adopted, twentu- four members ot Congress and twentv-four votes in the .Electoral College more than their voting population entitles them to. This will amount to a virtual disfranchisement of our State, as it will neutralize our entire delega tion in Congress by members to which the bouta.Is not entitled. What Pennsylvanlan will vote to thus disgrace the State? What Next P Rebels Sent to Stuff otjb Ballot-Boxks. The Democrats are getting desperate. They have absolutely re sorted to colonizing our citv with members of the late Rebel army. One of these grey- Dacks was arrested on Friday, and upon ex amination acknowledged that he and a lot of others had been sent on from the South to vote for Clymer at our election on Tuesday. What do our citizens, and especially our bi ave "Boys in Blue" think of this ? Are our ballot-boxes to be stuffed by Rebel soldiers? These will be gains for Gearvln all th western counties and Philadelphia. The most loyal of the loyal owes it to herself to give at least 10,000 majority for the eallant soldier who Is our standard-bearer. Examine Yotjb Tickets. The- will aaah- to defeat us by misspelling names, and other small devices. Be careful and see that all Is right. Republican "A man's a man for a' that." Democratic One Southerner Is eaual to two Northerners. Close Upt TnE work of canvassing closes to-day, and nothing remains but to cast the votes and win the victory to-morrow. The sires are bright. Ihe people were never more thoroughly aroused, never more determined to utterly overwhelm that false and disloyal organization which calls itself the Demo cratic party, than now. From every quarter of the State we hear the most encouraging tidings. It is not a question of electing Geaiy and our whole ticket, but of doing it by such majorities as shall lend a glorious impetus to the States which are to follow us In November. We are fighting the battle, not for Pennsylvania alone, but for New York, Missouri, Illinois, and Michigan as well. It is not enough that we defeat the enemy ; we must rout him. Let every Union man, therefore, give to morrow to his country. The i3sues are vast and momentous. They involve the welfare of outsclves and our children. The very citadel of popular liberty Is threatened. Executive usurpation lays its iron hand upon the dearest of the people's rights that of making their own laws. The eyes of the nation are upon us . , Close up, then! Press on the columns t A victory awaits us that will gladden tiie hearts of good men every where. Shall Leonabd Myebs or Charles Buckwalter represent the Third District? Shall the man who has for four years faith fully served his constituents, who has devoted ' all his energies to their service, be cast aside to make room for one who has done nothing but speak words of discouragement to loyalists? Mr. Myers' record Is without spot or blemish. He voted right on every question. He was ever in his seat. He fulfilled his whole duty as a loyal man and a representative of a great people. When such a man is in the seat, why Bhould a district change him foe another, uniess the other has pre eminent claims ? Has Mr. Buckwalter such claims ? Has he done anything to which his friends can point and say, "Because of that he deserves to be elected?" On the contrary, has he not opposed the war, sided with sympathizers, if he did not sympathize himself, and by every means in his power seek to incommode the subjugation of traitors? With Mr. Myers for the Union candidate, and Mr. Buckwalter for the Democratic, no conserva tive can hesitate to vote for Mr. Myers. Every , man who cannot vote for Clymer cannot vote for Buckwalter. That Is the test. A Union Victory. A Union victory to-morrow will be as truly a victory for the Union as any gained by our brave soldiers during the war. The issues are the same. The cause is the same.' .Could Heister Clymer by any possibility be elected to-morrow, there Is not a Rebel from the Potomac to the Rio Grande who would not rejoice with "joy unspeakable." It would be hailed as a Rebel victory greater than any they ever achieved In the field. Oa the con trary they will feel over Clymer's defeat as they did when he surrendered at Appomattox Court House, or when Sheridan sent Early "whirling" before our victorious legions. Who is John Welsh? He is a sutler, who made a fortune out of contracts during the war. That is all we know about him, and if there is peculiar qualification In that fact, let him be elected. Who is Judge Kelley? A man of national reputation, a statesman of undoubted ability, and one who reflects lustre on his constituents. A firm Union man, a tried friend of liberty, a leader in the House of Representatives, an outspoken, able, elo quent, and accomplished gentleman. If John Welsh was defeated, who would care? If Judge Kelley was defeated, the whole coun try would feel they had lost a most able leader. The Judge cannot have less than four thousand majority over his unknown competitor. The fight in the First District is not already decided. The Unionists are working hard in this stronghold of the Democracy, and Charles Gibbons. Es.. mar vr. i elected. Mr. Gibbons is as Hi iwv n. AMU- dallas Hyperion to a satyr. The one gave thousands of dollars to aid the cause of the Union, and ever lifted up his voice to cheer the true cause. The other voted a. appropriations to feed our troops, voted in iavor or continuing slavery, denounced the measures of tbe Administration and tbe war. Between two such candidates, in any othr district than the First, there could be no doubt. There the decision is at least nnuL tied. Let eve ry Republican and everv mnn who favored the war vote for Gibbons. i Attobney-Gekebal Stanbkhv. In 1864. said: "As n rpor. fnr fnfnn ,-.. u time, let me advise that you ask yourself for 1 -' w lUKUiC. bUiUUVII 1.1 1 which candidate would Jefferson Davis vote, and whichever he would vou vnt against." We ask that question now. If Jefferson Davis had a vote, would he vote for Geary, Myers, Kelley, and Taylor, or would he vote' for Clymer, Randall, Buckwalter, and Boss? inat is tne test we apply now. Stanbery was right. Wo ask the Deonla for vMnh nor would Davis vote, and for whichever he would, you vote against. Hon. Chables O'Neill is a man adornnrt with a vast budpIv of rood common umu an article much needed in legislation. He' understands thoroughly the Interests of the district, and If elected-as he doubtless will t will continue to prove a useful tive of the vast manufacturing and shinu,. interes's of our city. Republican Platfobh Ona Km,n,Ar vote, one Northern vote. Democratic Platform One Snnthor. vote, two Northern votes,
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