f Continued from Vie Fifth rage.' A Hklllul mariner that pore ont from your ort f hp B his couiee and takes hU departure. When adverse winds have drtvcu bun Irom his course, wl.cn the sky htg been obscure in Morms, he seizes on the first moment of time when the Bun appears in heaven to ascertain the lomriuido and luti tide upon itie vast ocean by which he ia gurrouinled. We may diaw a prarticat lesson from the Bicillul mariner. It is well ior u9 to look atid hip of State la drit'tinir, by whom she Is manned and directed, and to what port she Is bound. I OHk this audience to recollect that 1 express my owu opinions. I a-k and I expect no party, no man to be responsible for those opinions. I " will endeavor, 1n my own way, to mve you the reasons upon which I form the opinions which I express. First, I propose to state what I think ought to have been done when this Re bellion collapsed. Tue most moderate and con servative suuiresiiou that I can make is that 1 think a lew examples ought to have been made In the way of capital Illustration. (Terrific applause. ) If a homicide Is committed in your midst, every pood man, whether he be a Copperhead or a Union man, says let the law be executed. Now I hold and thiiik I was going to say I was three-fourths a Johnson man I am a Johnson man, as he was I (Applause.) I hold fint treason against such a Government as ours Is the highest crime ot which a man could be guilty. 1 do not hold that our Government under the old regime was lust what it ought to have een, or just what its fathers and lounder in tended it to be; but it is tue best the sunlight of heaven ever shone upon. (Applause.) A id we can conceive ni crime so wicked as that a parricidal hand that was raised to b.'rak it down; and yet, though I am iu Pennsylvania, and in ihe loyal city ot Philadelphia, let me Bay one of your own sons contributed much to tiuit result. Why, an old man whose heart had never, so lar as I know, been melted by the pcniul i miles of woman (apolause), could not hud in tho Constitution anypjwer to save the government under which he lived. Now if, when this Rebellion collapsed, we had made a very few examples I would not have ha I many 1 would have had some it would have toad a most wonderful effect, in my judgment, upon all the rebellious States. There was no pres-rtiptiou that modern Democracy or modern CopperheuJism, could have prescribed, that would have been worth half as much. They expected because they knew they deserved it. There Is another thing which in my judgment .ought to have been done at that time. They call me a radical, but I nm a very conservative man. (Lauehter.) Look at your statutes, and see what the good old utl;or in the revolu tionary war, They told the ilebels the Cop- "perheads are not any better than Rebels tiey told Ihe tories of the revolutionary war, or those who were toiiea of the revolutionary war, iu the words upon the statutes I thiuk of every State in the l!uon, that it was not healthy lor them to regain iu them: that they might un dergo a, tlioking sensation if they remained. (Applause.) And what did they do? Like the fe'ntleman to whom it was intimated that he would be kicked out if he didn't S' they with drew, and went to the provinces of Nova 'Scotia; and there is the true secret why the provinces are bo hostile fo us to-day. Conservative as I arfi. 1 tell you precisely what I would have done when IM Rebellion closed, and 1 put it to every lady and gentleman here, to answer me in their good, sober judgment, if it be uot right. I would have said to every man who was a member of the so called Confederate Coneress to every man who claimed to repre sent that (Jovcrnmieat at foreign courts to every man who had1 been educated at the ex peobe of our Government, aiid sworn allegiance to it to every major-general commanding iu the Rebel forces, if J include brigadiprs I would have said to them, and every man who claimed to be Governor of a Rebel State, not as our fathers said, "You must leave.this country," but I would have said to them, you may stay here, you may have the protection of life and pro- Eerty although the Civil Rights bill gave it ut you can never again participate, either as a voter or an office-holder, in the Government you sold; and I ask you, my friends, if there is iot justice and merit in the proposition (ap plause), but now were told they may stay as iriendly citizens. (Lautruter.) Now we are told that the class of men who engaged in the conspiracy, like a class of men who are engaged in 'a larceny, must not have their case adjudicated until they constitute a part of the panel that is to try them. 1 do not believe that. (Laughter.) When the Rebellion collapsed, the only ques tion that these men iu the rebellious Btates asked themselves was, "Will our lives be spared ?" Tbey have forfeited every right under the Constitution and the Government, even to their lives, and they were prepared to con cede any terms that these loyal Slates would ask ot them. When they conceded the abolition of slavery, that was the very substratum upon which they founded their Government, when they did that there was no other thing they would not have conceded. I am sure, iu my judgment, this at least should have been demanded. Cases are easily selected. Upon a few the penalty of the law should have been imposed, that we ourselves should know, and that we Hhould hand down to all future ages, that trea son is a crime that ought to be punished. (Applause.) Will we not do it? What were the lopieil seauences? Why, at some other day and hour in th history of the republic prominent men could get up a new and another rebellion. The "Hoys in Blue" went down to the battle-field and sacrificed their lives, and those who instigated the Rebellion are to go unwhlpped of justice. Was not that the logical sequence? God grant that we do not admit that, and I wash my hand of all such action. But I tell you all, my friend. that the trials of the war came too near my own hearthstone to agree to that. No. it cannot be. In the name of the patriotic dead and the heroic living, who are in"(our .midst with honorable scars, upon them we cannot agree, and we ought not to agree upon any other terms than shall show to future ages that treason is a crime aud we will punish it. Now this is what I think ought to have been done; and coming from the little State of Maiae (vociferous applause) of which my friend was uisposea o Kinciy to speak coming from there, x mignt nave opinions which would be some what in advance of this central portion ot our Union. I might, have made a very short speech in parenrnesis, aimost witn a single seutenca, ana interest you more, perhaps, when 1 say look at the responsibilities that rest upon the country. The light aim has spoken: now vou must go and speak too. Coming from that State where we make no distinction of race or color (loud applause), I express my own opinion when I say that universal suffrage ought to have been in this canva. s. And I am lod to that conclusion very much by an illustration that Benjamin Franklin gave us, 'that the property qualification of one hundred dollars was necessary to entitle a freeman to vote;" ana he put the question forcibly and sig niucantly, "It a man owns a jackass that is worth a hundred dollars, is the right to vote in the jackass or tne man r (daughter and ap plause.) I am coming to a point, by-aud-by, of wnat we nave ueiore us. I think the least mat i can say is tuat impar tial suffrage ought to have been demanded. 1 have said, when this Rcbe'Uon collapsed, the only question they asked was: ' Will you spare our lives?" "All that a man bath will he give for his life." The timo then was, whatever the conditioui demanded would have been granted. The President ot the Called. (States had. and he could have exercised tho power as easily, as I turn my hand, but instead ot doing that be ana tie alone, has involved us iu mis controversy, I know you will be delighted to listen to the contleman who is to succeed me. and I hasten to my next proposition. I said to you that the true issue, wneu stripped of all extraneou ana collateral questions, was one between execu tive ordinances and legislative enactments, and 1 come now to that proposition. If tke Presi dent of the United Btates had exercised only the duties and powers with whiek he is clothed under the Constitution, we would have baen an harmonious people to-dav. North and Houtta. appUime); but lie undertook th,e auspices of hu THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH. PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, Secretary of S'atc, who, In my judgment, led him to the position ho now occupies, undert jok to run the machine on liU own account. (Lauehter.) Now let us look at tuisthmn, and let. ub exercise our judgements, notour passions. , ... Tho Constitution of the country under which w live classifies tho powets of the Government under three distinct heads a Legnative, an Executive, and the Judicial department. The Legislative department is clotlied with authority to make the necessary and needful 111 Wfl The Executive department is clothed with the authority to execute those laws not to male Ihfm. (Applause.) The Juoicial department Is clothed with the power of consfrubig tho laws passed by Con gress, not by the President. (Applause.) lbat is the subiivision of p'jwcr in the Con stitution, and while 1 dislike to entertain an audience by reading, 1 do ask that I may bo per mitted to read from that great charter of our liberties. I read from Section Htn. The Hist subdivision of power in the Constitution Is that defining Ihe legislative department. Section 8 declares "That Congress shall have power" Congress, not the Executive (laughter, occasioned by the peculiar twang with which the speaker uttered the at word) "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, Bnd provide for tho common defense aud general welfare" "and general wel fare" that power is lodged ia Congress. It then goes on to enumerate the specitic grant of powers by the Constitution of the Uuited States to Congress. 1 uemi not enumerate them; the suction ol the Constitution clones jWith this siitmticant paragraph : "Conercs shall have power to mate all the laws which shall be necessary and proper for earrying into execution the foregoing powers and all other powers vested by this Coutitntion iu the Gov ernment of the United States." Cau there be anything more b.'oad or coniprcheu lve ? First it clothes ConqriTss with the power of all legislative action that shall be necessary for the peneial welfare; and seeond, it clothes Congress with tho power of all necessary legis lative acts that shall ccrry out the Btiecitio grants ot power. Your Executive is an executive Officer. lie is to execute laws that Congress make-, and he ha3 no power, except it shall be his duty to com municate to Congress the cond'aiou of the country at their annual session, lie has no earthly powers to execute a law that Congress makes our Congress aCongress that represents you and me, ray friends. (Applause.) Our Congress I will nave a word to say be tore I close about what are our relations to our repre sentativeswell, I ruu along and I will have to read another, because I want to comment upon it hrrPHiier. I find iu section 4 in the 4ih article of tt 'Jou"tioh "? wo'rild,'"'vrh United Slates." Wc are tho United Slates, and not the President. And, let me tell jrou, we uru going to teach the man who sits in the White House that we are the people, and not Andrew John son. We are coiner to teach him that the free men ol this country know their rights, and knowing, dure and irdl maintain them. (Ap plause, and cries of "Good !" "good !' The part ot the Constitution to which I have just relerred says: "The United Stales shall guarantee to every state a republican form ot government, ' and we are going to do it, with the help ot God (applause), "and snail protect each of them Irom invasion,' mark the lan guage; I want to say somethiug alter awhile in relation to it "nnd on application of the Legis lature ol the fc-tate, it inse.-sion, or, if not in ses sion, of the Executive, ngiust domestic vio lence " Now, there Is the Constitution, and what has the President done ? I have spoken of what ought to have been done nay, I have spoken of what I would like to have done. What Las been done? The President has assumed powers which he bad no more right to exercise, in my cancuei tuugmcnt, than the merest child in your community. (Applause.) When this Rebellion collapsed, what wa his duty? 1 will rje noerai very iiDerai. uuring the war, 1 stooii, nay, I contended tuat lor a govern ment the greatest powers in time of war were necessary, but when peace came flying upon its wiugs, then I demanded that the executive power should correspond with tho demands of peace, ite erst tuiug tne Executive undertook to do, alter the Rebellion collapsed, was to ap point governors for the rebellious States; aud yet the modem Democracy prate about State rights. (Applause. ) I hold that he might as well appoint Ileistcr Clymcr, and God knows he will uever be Gov ernor in any other way. (Applause and cheers.) He might with just as much propriety, with just as much power, hoist Cljnicr into the executive chair as he coma appiut a uovcrnor la a rebel lious State. I ask auy constitutional lawyer or statesman to point out to me the clause in the uonsruution tnai auiuorizes tne rresiaent to appoint a civil Governor. It don't exist. What he ought to nave aone was tnis ne ougnt to have held all those States in military subjec tion, and submitted the matter to Congress our representatives. I concede to the President, as the commander of the aimy and navy, lull power over a govern ment in us military aspect; Dtit i aenv irom the hist to the last any power in the Executive to appoint a civil Governor, it 1p a high crane a misdemeanor. (Applause.) More, this is a question, iny friends, in which we have uu in terest; it comes Home to us. I make no ob jections to the conditions or terms which he protoseato the Mates on resuming relations within the Union. They were right; yet an Executive may, unconstitutionally, just as well aiiempi iu exercise a rignt wnicn ne has m authonty to exercise he may attempt it in the right way as well as in the wrong way. He ueyer uuu aumoiny xo appoint erovernors or impose terms UDOn the States. This nnr business, not his (applause); and we will teach mm, Detore we are done, that it is our business. J.UBUE iioa, tne people command the nosition. ana iney intend to command it. Ho (tho Pre- smenij ucmanoea conditions of the States cer tain conditions upon which they should assume their relations in the Union. Where did ho get his power! 1 ask any man. I want to ask the constitutional lawyer, and I ask any man of puuu, Bvui-i, raniBon sense wuere he (rot his power to propose a system of legislation by the btates on the one side that was to exclude our being heard on the other? (Annlnniw.i Nnn i am not going to discuss the question to-night wuciun iuc-bc Duties were iu ine L nion or out oi tne union, it is not material for my areu- ment. 1 know they are very nice distinctions, and I have very clear and distinct notions upon it; and as there may be a difference of opinion. when I can base my argument upou what does not render it necessary for me to draw these dis tinctions, l do not choose to do it. I care not whether the States were in the Union or ont of the Union. It is enough for me to know that they did acts which deprived them of every richt they had under the Constitution tapplause), and instead of raising questions that will lead us away into the mazes of tran scendentalism, he hooses to do it precisely as it is pretented. They did well, if it was an authority worth quoting. I would drew Johnson ou that very point, but it is not necessury. When these rebellious States renounced their allegiance to tne Government, ana set up a so- called Government, they lost every right they po,-isejBseu uuuer our uoveruunmi every on1. No. there was one rieht, and that was the right to be hanged. (Applause.) Now, this whole thing, in my idea, could have been settled at that period of time just as easily as the remotest period in the world; but the President undertook to assume this nower. die- fating his teiius; now mark the language that I have rend to vou. "Coiwresa is clothed with petoif tomaheall laws which, shall be necessary and ptoperfor carrying into execution the fore going. Now enumerate the powers and all other poweis bestowed by the constitution in the Govtrnment of the United Stales, and the fourth eecticn of the fourth article. "The Government of the United States shall guarantee to every State in the Union a republican form of govern ment." Now, I put this question to you, my friends. The President had no power to pass laws, but would take a substauce and essence whether he establish an executive ordinance ana eull it a law, or invite a State that represented only one el de of the controversy, to pass a jaw that li could adopt as a law, and In that wc claim to bo heard; and I claim that tins exercise of power was a blub crime and a misdemeanor. More follow after It. The theory of the President has been that these States lo.it none of thoir riahts; ihat alter struggling attr using all the powei within their command against the life of our Government, that they come back agaia with no penitence Hnd subject to no ponalty. That is his theory. And what does he do I have lead Ihe fourth article of the Constitution, in which it ays: "The United States shall guarantee," etc. Taking the theory of the President. I try my points in hypothesis. My what authority, let me ask you, did he attempt to invest General Hcn-on, of Loullnna, a man whose hand was reeking red with the blood of your sons by what authority d'd Iu- invest him with power over the Goveior of Louisiana, to assume the control of the military power In thatfctate? (Applause.) It is a high crime, It is a misdemeanor. The blood is chilled, wc stand appalled at that awtul ninssaere. It was induced by tho tel erams of the President! Read them all I Look at them 1 But for these telegrams of your President, that awful massa cre would never have occurred. I arraign him before heaven and this audience, of high crimes and misdemeanors. (App)ause) I dolnot pre cisely understand politically the definition of the word. We could be heard ourselves. Wc could summon to our aid our feliow-ciiizcns, and we could stand by; but wo could not forget the comaemaries that would be mado over the waters that it was the result of on institutions. They have not admired that an imbecile and idiotic prince was the necessary result ot their lorm of government. It was an unfortunate event in God's Providence we had this man thrust upon us. (Applause.) It didn't grow out olour system of government. (Applause.) Yet it suojectea us to tuat eau commentary abroart. Again, look at the manner iu which the Presi dent is attempting to control this Government by a corrupt exercise of executive power, by turning out every man, however houest or capable, who would not degrade his own man hood by supporting "his policy." (Applause.) There has been no crime committed in all the annals ot time; there has been no ruling power Irom Nero, bloody that he was, to the present day, that mark the moral terpitude that marks our President now. We stanet appalled at it. The maimed eoldier, the honest man, the patriotic citizen who gave ot his means to support the Government when it need jd sup port, they are all swept away, and Copper- netuis mat support "Jty policy" take his place. 1 must seek a quotation from that oldnian, John (Jiuncy Adams. (Applause.) At auother duy, when attempts were made by mere brute executive ptttj o;iufTe to control the Government, thai old man eloquent said: "In view of the degeneracy of the times, tho soul sickened; in view Oi the lact that in the descending scale of degradation there were found willing men to earn their daily bread by their duily t.hamo." We honor the laboring man whose face is bronzed and whose hands are hard in houest toil. We honor mm bi cause labor 16 the oasis of the prosperitv of our Government. It builds up your beautiful city; it goes upon the mart ana the maikct-ptace, wnere u sends up its busv hum of thrift and enterprise. We honor the man that shovels the dirK but despise the man who eats it. (Cheers and aoplause ) My friends, the held is so broad it is illimita ble, that I must pass to my third proposition, What ought we to sustain ? The Coneress our Congress my friends, do not mistake, it is our Congress, we nave neara a great aeal ot talk about this thing called radicalism. What is it? When they present to your minds a distinct proposition, examine it; wuen mey talk to you about simple radicalism, with no distinctive proposition, mark my words, there is nothing in it. We have a Congress. They are the popular branch representing us. In sus taining them l want you to unnerstana mat is the simplest thing. In sustaining them we sus tain ourselves aua our manuoou. Let any man who earns his livelihood by tho sweat ot his brow by his own acts or bv his own industry let him stand up here and say he Is a freeman, ana that ne is attacked in tnis assault upon the public servants. It is not the representative mat is assanea, ice are as?au?j; we are assauitea Dy mis man wno uas unur- saUen to assume the power over each one ot us. I want to go back; 1 want to discuss a proposi tion that 1 have omitted; and I will thauk the reporters if they will put it in the right place, because I am spoakmg extemporaneously, and I run wild. I want to speak of another usurpa tion of the President. I want to class it where it heloncs. In Boeakiuir ot the president con trolling iha Government by a corrupted use of Executive patronage, i want to invite your at tention to a specitic point. Now I want to lead from the Constitution; but I will state to you precisely what it says: "The President of the Uuiteu states, Dy anu wuu inr uuvice anu con sent of the Senate," our Senate, not his "may aonoint certain otlicers;" and it provides that "hentav till such vacancies as may occur durinix recess ot the senate." jsowmui is the Const! tution. Aud what is ho attempting to do ? I under stand from the newspapers I read the news papers I understand that he has got un opi nion from an Attorney-General who holds his place at the will of the President. He may ap point all onicers proviaea ior oy law, oy ana with the advice and consent of the Senate. He may fill vacancies that exist during the recess. He tends a class ot nominations to the Senate. and they reject tbemjor, it you please, refuse to act upon tnem. wow, rememoer, the question is that of a vacancy during the recess of the Senate. Alter the Senate has aciourned he ap points bis own favorites to fill any vacancy that existed during the session of the Senate. In what does this result? Why, he gets enough men in the country who will promise I don't sav thev will keep it to support "mv oolicv." He appoints, ana senas tnem to me senate, oar Senate, lor confirmation, without which it amounts to nothing: they do not confirm them: thev ore reiectea. wnat tuen r Alter the Senate adjourns he appoint some individual to till a vacancy to fill a vacancy that occurred during me recess oj me senate, i say nere to-night, n sensible constitutional lawyer ever conceded such a power to the President of the United States, because, it good, the wenaie was a body of no earthly importance. Then you get a dic- tuior sure enougu. I ought to have stated all of these things in my line of argument on the usurpations of the president, ana 1 go back to the other point, What has now to be done? Coneress met in December last and they selected a committee in the House and the Senate of eminent men that constituted that oouy oi eminent men in which you and I have uuquaiiiicd confidence, and they set themselves to work to ascertain what wa the coudition of these disloyal States. I cannot undertake now to narrate the evidence that was presented to that committee. It Is enoneh for 4 1, ...U. . S " uiu iu rnj tuni ima tuiuuuuco caoie to a con clusion that they were not in a condit inn !rt hn received; they thought the evidence nmi full. and plenary to submit to them certain amend ments to the Constitution. The true issue for us to decide upon Is, what v;w. Aunt lg TUC 11UO issue, and what else? Every man born within our Union shall be an Americaa citizen. And in the minip ol all the gods, what is he, it he isn't an American citizen? (Laughter and applause.) In all my reading of history, in all uuueiKittiiuius 01 iuniiua,Bt i suppose every lit tie wee child owcb allegiance to the Govern ment under which ho was born: miri ,at .uw. where a class of political Jererawhs, who are "i uiuk tuouuo your Bireen, una who stand at tue coraer with a man born under the folds vi our nag, ana unoer our uonstitutton, and say he shall not be an American citizen. ( Apalauae.) That is the first nronoBitlou. Now it Is suggested that Congress hal'passed u jhw un cling mm cane, nua your President yetood it and vetoed a law that would not give to freemen born In tho country tii Quma nroter- tion of his person -and his property for that is all that was needed. Mow reflect a moment upon what a President who was not willing to give freemen the same protection of life and property, that Is, although it failed the Civil Rhrnts bill thera was nothiner pIra in it. He vetoed it; but, thank God, we bad a Congress who parsed u in spue oi nis veto. (Cheer.) I Biuut pastes along to the &et proposition they present to us Is In reference to the mo mentous point I want to go back once more. (Laughter.) You had a convention here in this city, where men sat with pad-locks on their lips, and Doohttlo had the key. They elected a temporary rresideni ot mat tjonvention, wuu was obliecd to say "I thauk you gentlemen," and if the others had said as much, it would have afforded much matter worthy of com ment. And General Dlx, its temporary chairman, uttered some words which will pear me out tn corroboration of the principle which I assume, thot tne President has exercised these acts In violation of the Constitution. General Dix said: " I'ho Trtgldont, not in pursuance of any constitu tional power, has called uu tho Cunlederate States to accept condittous fur their admission to the exer cite ol their loginuiaio luuotiuua an member ot the Union." Here is a distinct admission on tho part of General Dix that there is no legitimate con. tau tiom;l power for tho President to exercise. Let me read from the 7th of Howard's reports ol the United States Supreme Court, which comes pre cisely in poiut, and in telalion to article 4, sec tion 4, oi the Constitution. The Court says: ' Under this artialo of tho Constitution it refits with Coutrre-ss to decide what government is ontab lulled in a biota, lor, as the Urntod Btates iruaruntne to each 8iatoa rrpu ilir.au form of government, Congress n.not necessarily dcoulo what trorornnioiic is established In the b ate, bofore it can be deter mined vi bu her lc i republican or not. Aiid wnun thu .-mi' a ors nnd Kepreatmtativos ot tho Ma to aro admitted into t lie councils ot tho Union, tho autho rity ol tho Government under which they are ao pointed, as well as us republican charactor, is reoog nized by tho proper constuut.onul authority, aud tl is decision is niud'ng upon ail tho departments ot tho Government " This is th:- opinion of the Supreme Court of the United States. Another proposition in the amendment limits the Kenrcf-entatives that each Statu enjoys iu Coneress according to the number of voters. The South were formerly entitled to have thrce liftlis ot their slaves represented in Congiess, and the white men did the voting. Now they want to count the five-fifth, and so secure an increase in their representation. Should such be the case, you will see at onco that the white man in South Carolina will exercise about two and a half times the amount of power that a white man possetses In Pennsylvania. Is that right? Is that republican? Aud yet this Johnson-Democralic-iuotigrel party are very earnest in rejecting that proposition to amend the Constitution. But when they know that a Democrat in the North will not have as much power ns a Xlebcl m the South, they will gladly adobt the proposition. Another part Of the proposition is thai affirming the validity of tho national debt and the obligations we owe to tne widows auu orphans, and that the Itebcl debt shall not be assumed. If this was not done, there is great danger that there would bo an attempt made not to repudiate tho national aeot, but in some way to assume tne ltcnei aeot. rue speaker instanced the cai,e of the Texas bonds, mauy years ago, which he very blandly hinted had been distributed to the Senators as induce ments for them to support it. At tirst there was scarcely any members in favor of assuming the Texas loan; but gentlemen came and told members that they could buy tho bonds in per fectly legitimate transactions at hve cents on the domf, ana at last tne unt was passed, in the same way the itebci aeot couia bo got through. The last is one wnicn meets my inn approval. in deprUing the men who deserted the service ot the Hovernment alter navmg sworn 10 sup port it. from ogain holding ofllce under the Government. Is not this an awful punishment? (Laughter.) They should be prevented irom excrci-inc the right ot suffrage. But let us take what Congress has done, and trust in God tor the future. I am desiroup. nnd I trust that all of us are. that this conflict shall be ended. We wish that it might be bo to-day, but not until we can have sticn guarantees as win suuiiy us, iiituiy auu properly, if it be until the last svllablo ot te corded time until then we tlo not want the States back aeaiu. (Applause.) There is a practical solution to the dilhculty, and that is. eo to work, every one of you: do your duty in the Keystone state. J-et every man devote himself I will not say for a day but I ak vou. as vou love your country, as you respect vour manhood, as you know your owu rkhts as free citizens, from now until the day of election. I ask vou to devote yourselves to vour country? (Applause.) tome one, come an, irom every vauey auu every erlen in this mighty commonwealth come, and in tones that cannot be mistaken exprei-s your opinions as freemen sent abroad, as we. in the little state or Maine, nave sent the moral influence, aud iTtie rest ot this sen tence was lost in the loud huzzahs which fol lowed the mention ot Maine.) Oh! and how proud will be the consolation ot every man that can leel his heart ami say, in this hour of our country's peril: "I did my duty to my country and my God." Mr. Hamlin then resumea nis seat amid pro longed applause, and Hon. Galusha A. Grow. late speaker or tne national iiouse oi repre sentatives, was introduced, and addressed the audience at considerable lengtn on me issues oi the day. INFORMATION FOB. THE PEOPLE. Proposed Amendment tution. to the Consti- THE UNION REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. "ReBolved. Bt ths Senate and House of Representa tives of the United Htaies ot America, iwo-tblrda of both Houses concurrtitK lhat the toilowmg Article be proponed to the Lel!aturoi ol the several States as an amendment to the cinuntltutlea of the UuLed 8;aie which when ratified by three fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid as part ot the Constitu tion, viz i 'Article If, paction i. ah persons uurn ot natu ralized In the Ui l ed Mates, aud subject to the jurisdic tion thereof. arecltUens ol the United States ami ot the M.ate wherein thev reirte. No State shall make or enforce any laws which shall abridKO the privileges or Immunities ot citizens of the Uuited mates; nor shall any Slate deprive any person or lite, liberty, or pro perty without due process ol taw, nor deny to any per son within its iurlsuiction the equal protection ot the laws. This section makes cltizouhip uniform in all the States, and protects citiz.ns both North and (south ; for example, South Carolina must treat rennsylva nlans with the same respect that she treats her own citizens. 'Section 3. Iteprseentstlveii sha'l be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting tho. whole number ol persons In each Stale, excluding lnoians not taxed: but whenever the rlnlit to vote at anv election tor President or Vloe-l'rcsi-dent, and tor the United Stales representatives lu t'on iiress, executive anu judicial officers, or the members of the Leuislatuies thereof. Is denied to any male Inhabitant of such State, beinir tnemy-une years of airo, and citi zens 01 tue i nilea Mt eg. or in auy way aunuxeu, ex cept tor participation In rebellion or oi"er crime, tue basis oi representation therein shall be reduced In the proportion which Ihe number of auch male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens tweuty-ouu years of age In such state." '1 his seotion tlxos the basis ot representation in Congress upon the population oi tho suvcral btates, with this vrovito. that whore a State conios tho tloc tive lranchise to ary of its qualHiod male citizens ot 21ycais ot age (which auy State is allowed to do under this sootion), that th n its reprosontatiou in Congress shall be proportionably reduced, thus regulating the ropresoutaiion iu Congress by tho nurnbor ol voters in each Stato. Uudor tue oia tyon. etitution, the South had three fifths of all her stave3 added to her tree population to fix her raprosoura. tion in Congress j so v tkat slavery is aoousueu buo will have two-fifths more added thereto, ana tuus oome back under the old Constitution with increased power, and would thus make tae vote of one white man in the South nearly equal to t vo In the North. This is the reason why tue Hub Jia are now oppoinir this part of tbe amendment, BectlOB No person shall ba a Senator or Beore sentall"e In Congress or elootorol President or Vice ot ho d any ofllce civil or inilliary, under the United States, or under any St.,. who. having m an oflloer of the U niled Statea. or as a member of anv Vt!iluisatare or as an executive or oivll orttoerof w Btans lo support the Constitution of the United Btates shall hsveeiiaged in insurrection or rebellion aiaiult tne iame orgivlnit aid or oouMort to the ene mies thereoli but CnKress mi, by .a vote of two thirds In each House, remove such disability ) he intention of this section is to give the offloes to the Union men of the Souto, so that we shall have OCTOBER 4, 18GG. perpc'nal peaco, and so that Jeflbrson Davis and other .traitors like him shall novor attain control this Govornmont, and thus endanger its liberties. If those Icadira Koto's should eontlnue to hold tho offices In the south, we shall have no peaoc, hut, on tho contrary, perpetual strife. They have done enough a' road y. They should have, no further say. Their obildron will succeed to the rights which they will lone by their treason; this u enough, in all conscience. This section, you will obaorvo, ap plies those Rebels only who have heretofore held office and taken an oath to support tne Constitution otthe United States; should any hardships arise thereby, Congress may grant relief by a two-thirds vote. Section 4. Th Ta'ldlty of the rnbllo cebt of the United f tU'. authorized by law. Including that In rnrred In nnvmont ot linuntlt'R and twnflionfl lor services in stipprcpftinir luaurracnon or mueiuon. snau uui lie anexiloneai ann neiinor me uimeu nii. u"r nnj late liall a.-mime or pav aut debt or obllKntlon In- r ii m il In aid of hiKurrectlon or rebellion avalnm the I lilted States, or auy claim 'or Ions or emancipation of anvrlave; out an ucn eemn, oungmiouB, auu cianm shall be held illeaal and void " Thi section will cut off all future hopo on tho part of tho Rebels of securing paymont ior thoir Blaves or of the Iiebol dobt, and thus relieve our country from future sectional strife POLITICAL. tW UNION REPUBLICAN TICKET. STATE. (5 O V E R N O R. JIaJor-Gciieral John W. Gear)'. JUDICIARY. PRESIDENT JUDOE. HON. JOSEPH ALLISON. ASSOCIATE JUDUES. HON. WILLIAM S. FIERCE, F. CARROLL BREWSTER, Esq. CITY OFFICERS. RECEIVER OF TAXES. RICHARD PELTZ. CITY COMMISSIONER. .'CAITAIN HENRY CONNER. COUNTY OFFICERS. CONGRESS. First Bi8tr!ct-Hon. CHARLES OIRRONB. Second District Uon. CHARLES O'NEILL TniidDistxict-Ilon. LEONARD DYEKU. Fourth District Hon. WILLIAM D. KELLEY. FUthDistrlct-CALEB '. TAILOR. SENATOR, first District JEREMIAH NICHOLS. RECORDER OP DEEDS. MAJOR-GENERAL JOSHUA T. OWEN. PROTIIONOTARY DISTRICT COURT. JAMES McMANES. CLERK OF COURT OP QUARTER SESSIONS. JOHN G. BUTLER. CORONER. . SAMUEL DANIELS. ASSEMBLY. First District GEORGE W. GHEGIIAN. Second PIstilct-ROBERT C. TtTTERMARY. Third District Fourth District WILLIAM W. WATT. Fifth Dlsrxlct-JOSEPH T. THOMAS. Sixth District JAM E 8 FRLEUORN. Seventh District JAMES SUBEU3. KlKhth Distrlct-JAMES N. KERNS. Ninth District FRED. D1TTUAN. Tenth District ELISH A W. DAVIS. Eleventh District Wit. J. DONOHUGH. Twelfth Distriot ALEXANDER ADAIKE. ahlrteenthDIstrict-ENOS C. KEN H Eli. Fourteenth District W. M. WOE KILL. Filtcenih District GEORGE DE HWEN.Ja. Sixteenth District DAVID WALLACE. Seventeenth District EDWARD G. LEE. Eighteenth District JAMES N. MARKS By order of Union Republican City Executive Com mittee. WILLIAM R. LEEDS, President. John L. niix. a JOSEI'H S. ALLEN, f ""' 9 18 18t ISP SPECIAL NOTICE. SERIES OF TUBLIC MEETINGS TO BE HELD AT THE ACADEMY OF MUSIC. UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE TJJVIOIV LEAGUE, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 5. The Citizens of Philadelphia, and the Members of the Union League, Are respectfully Invited to assemble at the ACADEMY OF MUSIC, ON FRIDAY, OCTOBER 5, An Address will be delivered by tlio IIOX.' HORACE GREELEY, AND CLINTON LLOYD, ESQ, Of Williamsport, Pennsylvania. LADIES are especially Invited to bo present ipon each oorasion. Tickets of admifslon for each evening will bi issued at the LEAGUE! HOUSE on tbe AIOIiMXti of tho respective days ot each address. By order of the Commlttco on Public Moetius, JAMES II. OBSIC, Chairman. Charub S. Ogden, Secretary. 10 1 5t ggr SECOND CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. JOHN II TJ i ivr E, INDEPENDENT CANDIDATE, i wet POLITICAL. ir it is u jt is ix TO THE FRONT!! Ihe Day that Decides the Future is at Hand! The Crisis is Upon Us! The Second Tuesday of October Will Settle the Destiny of the Nation J SHALL LIBERTY BE LOST AND THE SW&Y CF A DICTATOR BEGIN? Or ihsll the Republic be saved, and the BIGHT OF THE M4J0R11Y To Hl'LB be perpetuated 1 This Is th VITAL IhSUKl Arise, Freemen! and prepare tor tilt struggle. Gather in MASS MEETING! Friday Evening, October 5, AT THE UNION LEAGUE HOUSE COME ALL TRUE MEN AND HEAR GOVERNOR CURTIS, , GENERAL GEART, HON. CHARLES GIBBONS, HON. CHARLES 0'i.EILL, HOii. LEONARD MYERS, HON. WILLIAM D. KEI.LEY, HON. CALEB N. TAYLOR, HON. M. RUhSELL THAYER, HON. A. G. C AT I ELL, HON. SIMON CAMERON, HON. MORTON MoMICHAEL, HON. JOHN W. FORNEY, HON. WAYNE McVi'IliH, HON. LOUIS W. HALL, HON. LEWIS PARK ICR, Maine, WILLIAM B. MANN, Esq., DAVID PAUL iROWN.Esq., colonel william b. thomas, ' isaac hazlkhurst, e8(j Major calhoun, GENERAL JUBllUA I. OWEN, GENERAL LOUIS WAGNER, 1 JOHN GOFORTH, Fsq , GENrBAL GEORGE ROBESON. Daniel Dougherty, Esq., hon. n. b. browne, dr. william xloek, colonel fkank jordan, Hon. thaddeus stevens, HON. JOHN UICKMAJf, HON. JOHN Si. BROOM ALL, i UENLRAL flARTRANFr, ! JUDGK PITKIN, GENERAL JOHN ELY, HON. JAMES POLLOCK, COLONEL JAMES E. GIBBON. HON. CORN S.1-IUS COLE, United States Senator, Cnlilorli . WILLIAM A. COOK, Est,. I A. WATSON AT WOOD, Esq. COLONEL WILLIAM A. PaARCE. I CLINTON LLOYD, Esq. 1 EX-VICE-tREslDENf HAMLIN. j COLONEL A. K. AICCLURE, GOVERSEH JAMES E. UAWLEY, of Conn HON. HENRY WILSON, of Massachusetts. GEN JoHN COCHRANE ot New York. ; HON. GALUSHA GROW, of Pennsylvania. I HON. JAMES BARKER, of MAINE. Leave yonr labor early, and devote yourselves toyour Country I Come from your Workshops! Com in Battalion! Come with Banners! With stouts timrts and determined will! Let every Ward, every Cub, every Organization, muster In Its strength, and join the brand Demonstration of Patriots, who are rescved that "the Government of tho People, Dy the Paple, and for the People, shall not Perish from the Euth l' SOLDIKIiS! SAILORS! Shall the Rebel hordes yon subdued be sufercd to again mount to Power, and Rule fou? Will you allow Tieachery in high places to undo all yonr glorloas wcrk? Shall tbe holy sacrifice of over 300 bOu lives of your herolo comrades be forfot tcn? Have the noble Dead, indeed, died In Vftn? AMERICANS! Now. as ever, the cause of Freeiont and Selt-iiovernment rests on the Intelligence, the Pa triotism, aud the Courage of the People ! Are you tady for tbe Struggle V Maine has fired the ilrnt gun ! Lt the Keystone emulate the Star of the East! Let us pll up a gtund majority lor . GEARY AND CONGRESS! TUE PRESIDENT, j Blind to facts. Infatuated, and wickedly advscd, dis. puus the ' CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS OF GONCRESS. The repeated arguments and appeals oi thopople, and their remescntatives are wantonly disregards- , VAST MAJORITIES Will penetrate tbe circle which surround the Chief Magistrate, and convince even him and hlauaa advisers that the people will never sutler , REBELS TO RULE FATR'OTS. A grand victory at tho polls will arrst the usurpa tions of tho . ONE-MAN POWLR! Let us sustain our true Representatifs bv re echoing that all persons bom or naturalize in the United Btates are citizens of the United Stat! all alike entl. tied to "Lite, Liberty, and the Pursul or Happiness;" hat one Kedicl at tbs Sotjtu shallnot be equal to two Loyal Men at tuk North ( thatao officer, civil or military, who has violated bis oath f suitalu the Con stitution of tho United States, shfl asain hold office under that Constitution unless speially allowed so to do by Congi'ees. the law-making purer of the country ; that the loyal war debt Is forever acred ; that our pen sioned widows and orphans never mail be forgotten; and tbat uever shall the debt contacted bv the Rebels for the murder of onr sons and bothers be paid by a loyal people. PENSIONS TO UNIOV SOLDERS MUST AND SHALL BE PAD. REMEMBER! GENERAL CR,NT HAS HA ID: "To able any soldier 10 vote toreuoh a nnu (HIES- TERI LYMEE), oi at one time (tuown dlslovutty, against another who bus served fouycars In the Union. Army, with croutt to himself and bfiefit to his country Is A CROSS IS.SULT." j The Lend of Perm isin Earnest. "Over tby orags. Alleghany, a bast has been blown; Down thy tide, Bunquehanua, tD thunder has gone. From Ibe Delaware's marge to he Lake of the West, W hcrever tbe loot of the freeuan bath pressed, Tbe voice ol a people nprlsen-awake R VeEnsylvaula'a watchword wlu Freedom at stake Tbillling up from each Valleylung down irom each, height, Our Country and Liberty! G)d for the Bight." The Grand Old Ktato looks t her Metropolis! We ar ready I Fall in 1 March 1 Double quick! Charge on your old advcisarlea! llou: ana ruin th-ru toreverl Charge! and fave tho Union I Bar? Liberty from the throHlintt grasp of the loel save your prloeiem herl tuge! Vli die ate to the world tbe ciinmon sense of the An oilcan I'eople, by securing for Jourselves and for posterity tbe unimpaired BUaHT ol the C lit 3 4t MAJORITY TO GCVEItN.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers