THE DAILY EVENING TELEGKAHL PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 4, 18GG. Cvrdinucd from the First l'agc. onro nerd in the Hrltish Pnrliiinipnt and revived bjr Mr. WebiUcr, Inrni-u the key to our duty: ''I hear a lion in (lie lobbv loari (Say. Mr 8pi akei, IibI1 1 ulnit iho door? Or flit II wo raibor let the niourtcr in, llion see it wo can flint bun o it aptaiuf" I am atrHliiHt letting the monster lu until he in no longer terrible iu moii'h or pav. NO t'NKrCKSivABY DKLAT. But, while holdintf this L'roind, I desire to dincnini evrr.v Pfiimnent of vinueanec or p;m inhnient, and alsi every thought of delay or procrastluiit ion. Here 1 do not leld to Hie Pi c ahlent or to any other p rsoii. "Nobody can ha more anxious than I am to oe this ehnsm clou; 1 forever. There ih a lonir vay nti'l a short way. There Ib a long tune and a short f lie. It there be any whose policy '9 for the lonacst way or for the longest ttuie." I am not ot Hie number. I am for the shortest wny and also tor the short est time. And 1 object to the interference ot tho President, because, whether intentionally or unintentionally, be interposes ilclnv and iceops the rhaam open. More than all others the Pre sident, by his ollleious assumptions, has letiRili cued the way and lenctheni.d the tune. Of Uiii theie ran be no doubt. A LOST OITOHTUNITY. From all quarters we learn that alter the Bttr reader ol Lee the Rebels were reuriy for any terms if they could escupe with their lives. Tliey were vaniinshed and they knw it. Tho Rebellion was crushed and they Knew it. They hardly exported to s ive a email traction of their property. They d d not expect to nave their political power". They were t o sensible not to see that participants in rebjllion could not puss at ouoo into the partnership of (ioverntii'Mit. They made up their minds to exclusion; they "weie submissive. There wa3 iiotninr they would not do, even to the extent ol eturun rhising their treedmen and providinir for them homestead". Had the national Government merely tiiken advantage of this plastic condi tion, it mipht have s nmped equal rnrhts upon the whole people as upon molten wax, while it fixed the immutable conditions of pcriimticiit peace. The question of recor i rum ion would have been settled boforc it arose. H sad to think that this was not done. Perhaps in all history there, is iio iusiance of eucli nn oppor tunity lost. Truly fhoulcl our country nay in penitential supplictiou, "We have lett undone tho c things which we ought to hnvc done, and "we have done those things which we oupjit not to have done," Do not take this on mv autho rity. Listen to those on the spot, who have heen with their ova eyes. A hrave olliccrof our army wrote to me irom Alabama, us fol lows: I believe the mass of tho people could have beon easily controlled if none ol the excepiud o ushos bad received pardon. J heso classes aid not expect any thing more than lite, and c eu leured lor tnat. Lot mn condense the w nolo bujJccc. At tho surrender tho ."-out li could i uve been uioulded at ivid; but it is now as stiif-uei'ked and rebellious as ever. Iu the same vein another officer'1 testifies from Texas as lollows: There is one thing, bowevor, that is making acamst the speed return ot qu.utne. not only in this Mate, but thiouubout ino entire .Noatb. and tbat in tho rccouHTucnon i ollcy ol I're-ideut Jotni son. It is doimt u ore to iini-oiile tlno country tlian people wbo are uoi practical obhcrvers ol tbe work ings have any idea ol. Boloro Jim policy was made known the p. op e vere n-.aied touocept any tuin. 1 hey expected to he treuiid a Kebch, their leauuis being punished aud ttie pioperiy ol others ooulis cated But the moment it mux mado known all tuoir assurance returned ItuLels iavo asain becomo ar ro. unt and exucinn; tiuusou Malts througu tbo land unabashed. This testimony might be multiplied indefi nitely. From city aufi country, irom highway and byway there is but one voice. VVbeu, there fore, the President, in opprobrious terms, com plains ot Congress; as interposing delay, I reply lo him, "No. Mr, it h jou who, by unexpected and most perverse assumptions, have put otl tne glad dtiy ol security and reconciliation, which is so much longed foir. it is. you who have inau gurated anew that malignant sectionalism, which, bo long as it exis.s, will keep this Union divided, in iiict, if noiiu mime. Sir, jou are the disunioniots." TUE PRESIDENTIAL POLICY FOUNDED OK TWO BLINDEKS. Glance, If you please, at that Pre-'ltlential p;hty so constantly culled "tm policy" which is now to vehemently pressed upon the' couutry, and you will hint tUat it pivots on at least two alarming blunders, as c iu be ea-ily Been; liif.t, in setting up the oiiP-niaii power as tbe source ot jurisdiction over thia greut question; aud secondly, in usiusr the one-man power ior the restoration of Rebels to pi ice and inliuence, so that good Linonis's, whether white or black, are rejected, an the Rebellion itself is revived iu the new Uoveruineii'. Kaoh ol these ajstimp tions is an eiioimoiis blunder. You will see that 1 use a mild term to churiiuicrnse such u double headed usurpation. THE ONE-BIAN POWEK. Pray, tir, where in tne Constitution do you tiiiil uuy sanction of tho ouc-nian power us the source ol this extiuoi'dinuy jur.adietion ? I bud always supposed tlmt tho President wa the Executive, bound lo see the laws taithiully exe cuted, but not empowered to make law.j. The Con stitution expressly says: "The evecutivepovver shtill be vested in a Prescient ot tho United fitates of America." Hut the leeNative power is elscwheie. Accord intr to the Com-tiiiitiou, ''All legislative powers heiviii irranted shall be vested In a Congress ot the United States, which shall consist ol u ISeuute and ilnuse ot KL'preseii tatives." And yet the Pre-ident has assumed legislative power, even to the eteut of making laws and constitutions lor Stiites. You fill know that, at the close ol the war, wlien the Rebel States were without laAiul Bovertnnenti, he assumed to supply them. In this business ot reconstruction be assumed to determine who should vote, and alto to uflix conditions tor adoption by the conventions. Look, it you please, nt the character of this assumpt.on. The President, from th execiiuve mansiou at Washington, reaches liis long e.u?uiive ami into certain S'ates aud dictates tin ir Constitu tions. Surely there is notbiug executive in this as sutuption. It is not even military. It is lecis lativc, puie and simple, a. id nothing else. It is an attempt oy tne uie-uiau power to ao waat can be done only by the legislative branch of the Government. And yet so perverse is tho President iu absorbing to himself all power over the reconstruction of h? Rebel States, that he insists that Congress must accrpt his word with out addition or subtraction. He can impose covditions; Congress cuiiuot. He can determine who shall vole; Couuress cannot, ilis jurisdic tion is not only complete, but exclusive. If all tjiis be so, then has our President a most extra oroinaiy power, never beiore dreamed of. lie may exclaim with Louis XIV: "Tne State, it is I;" while, like this magnificent king, he sacri fices the innocent, and repents that fatal crime, the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. His whole "policy" is a "revocation" of all that ha3 been promised, aud all that we have aright to expect, lleie It is well to note u distinction, which Is not without importance in the discussion in issue between the President and Congress. Nobody doubts that tue President may during war govern any couquored territory as Commander-in-Chief, and tor this purpose he may detail any military officer as military governor. But it is oue thing to govern a State tempora rily by military power, and quite another thing to create a Constitution for a State whk'h shall continue when the military power has expired. The former is a military act, and beloucs to tho President. Tbo lutter is o civil act, and beloutrs to Congress. On this distinction I stand, and this is not the first time that 1 have asserted it. Ot course the eoverumei.ts set up in this ille gitimate way are necessarily illeailimatp, except so lar as they may acquire validity troui time or Bolwequeut recognition, ii neeos no learned flhiei Justice of North Carolina solemnly to do dure this. It is manifest from the nature of tbo case. But this illegitimacy becomes still more manifest when It is known that the Constitu tions which the President orders aud tries to cram upon Conitress have never been submitted to a popular vote. Each is the naked offspring of an llleeitimate convention called into being bv tbe President in the exercise of anilletriti- juate power. There ia another provision of the Constitution by which, according to a iudgment, ot the Hupreme Court ol the United States, this question is referred to Congress and not to the President. I leler to the provision that "the United St aes shall sruarantee to every Stato in this Union a republican government." On these wolds Chief Justice Taney, speak mg for the Su preti c Court, ha adjudged ' that it re9ts with Congress to decide what government is tho es tablished oi,e in a State ; as the Ujitcd Stat 'i guaiantce to each staio a republican govern ment, Congress must necessarily decide what government is established in a State before it can determine whether It Is republican or not; and that undoubtedly a military government es tablished as the permanent government of a Sia'e would not be a republican government, and it would be the duty of Congress to over throw it" (Luther vs. Borden, 7 Hoard, Rep, 4'1.) Rut Hie President sets at na-icrhf. this com manding text of the Cons'ittition, reinforced by this po iMve judgment ot tne Supremo Court, and claims tins extraordinary power for bun sen, to the evolution ol Congress. He Is "tho United States." In hi in the republic is manl iest. He can do all. Congress can do nothing. And now the whole country Is summoned by the President to recognize State governments created by constitutions thus Illegitimate iu orlcrin ami character. Without considering if thev contain the proper elements ol security for the future, or if they are republican in form; and without any inquiry Into tbe validity ot their adoption; nay, in the very face of testimony sho-vim: thai they contain no elements of security for the future that they arc not republican in torm and that they have never been adopted by the loyal people, we are commanded to uceepi them; and when we hesitare, the President niinselt, lead inc the outcry, assails us with angry vitupera tion, blunted, it must be confessed, by a coarse ness without precedent and without bounds. It is well that such a cause has such an advocate. In thus setting up the one-man power as a source ol jurisdiction over this eieut question, the President has committed a blunder of con stitutional law, proceeding from an immense egotism, in w hich the little pronoun "I" plavs a Fignntic pnrt. It is "I" vs. tbe people of the United States in Congress assembled. On this unnatural blunder 1 miirht say more; but I have snUI enough. My present purpose is accom plished it I make you see it clearly. OIVINO POWER TO EX BEDELS. The other blunder is of a different character. It is giving power to ex liebcl- at the expense of constant Unionists, white orbl-tck, and employ ing them in the work oi reeontruction, so that tt'enew governments continue to representtbe Rebellion. Tins same blunder, when committed by one of the heroes of the war, was promptly overruled by the President nimseli; but Andrew Jonnson now do"B what Sherman was not al lowed to do. The blunder is strange and unac countable. Hole the evidence Is constant aud cumulative. It begins with Lis first proclama tion, which was for tie reconstruction of North Carolina. Ilolden wn9 appointed Provisional Governor, an ollice unknown to the law. and tor which there was no provision, although it was notorious that he had been a member of the convention which nrlopted the net ot accession, and that he himself had s'gned it. Then came Perry. Piovisionul Governor ot South Carolina, w ho, besides holding a judicial station under the Rebel Government, was one of its Commis sioners of Impiessments. I have a Rebel news paper containing one of his advertis"incnts in the bitter character. There, also, was I 'ar sons, Provisional Governor of Alabama, who, in 18CU, introduced mto tbe Legislature of Unit State formal resolutions tendering to Jetler sou Davis "hearty thanks for his ebod labors in the cause ol our common country, togecher with the assurance ol continued support;" aui a'terwards, in 1804, denounced our national debt, exclaimina in the Legislature, "Does any stine man suppose we will consent to pav their (the United States) war debt, contracted iu f-cnd'.ng armies and navies to bum our tons and cities, to lay waste our couutry, whose sol d cr- have robbed and murdered our peacelul inhabitant'?" Such were the men appointed by the President to institute loyal Government", but this selection becomes more strauoc and unaccountable when it is considered that all this was done in defiance ot law. There is a recent enactment of Coneress which requires that no person shall be appointed to any ollice ol the L'nitcd States unless such ollice bus been created by law. And there is another enant mr nt ot Coneress wti'ch provides that all offi cers, civil or military, f.ciore enteiiug upou their official duties oi receiving nnv salary or compensation, shall take an catti declaring that they have held no otlice under tue Rebellion, or given any aid thereto. In the face ol these enactments, which are sufficiently explicit, ihe President begun his work ol reconstruction by appointing civilians to an office absolutely unknown to the law, when, besides, they couli not take the required oath ol office; and to com plete tue disregard of Congress, he tixed their Hilary and paid it out ot the funds of the War Department. Of course such a proceeding was an iiiFtaid encouragement and license to all ex Rebels, no matter now much blood was on their bunds. Rebdlion was at a piemiuui. It was ensy to see thiit it these men were good cuouch to be Governor;) of States, iu detiaucc of Cou giess, nil others in the same political predica ment would be good euouL'h lor the iuierior (fiices. And it was so. From top to bottom thtso States were organized by uien who had been warring ou their country. Ex-Rebels were appointed by tho Governors or chosen by the people every w here. Ex-Rebels sat in con vintions and in legislatures. Ex-Rebels became judge., justices oi tbe peace, shenlls, and every thing else, while the laitlitul Unionist, white or black, was rejected. As with Cordelia, his love was "according to his bond, nor more nor les;;" but all this was of no aval1. How often during the war have I pleaded for such patriots, and uiged jou to evciy eilort lor then redemption; aud now, when our arms have prevailed, it is they who uie cast down, while the enemies of the republic aie exalted, 'ihe pirate Senniies returns fiom bis oct ail cruhe to be chosen Probitte Judge iu Alabama. In New Orleans the Rebel Maor ut the rime the city surrendered to the national Hag is once more -Major, and eaiploys his regained power in that terrible niassaeie which lises in judg ment at: ainst tho Presidential policv. Persons are returned to Congress whoso service iu the UeLelliou makes it impossible I or them to take the oath ot otlice, as in tho case of Georaia. who selects as Senators llerschel V. Johnson, who was a Senator of tue Rebel Congress, and Alexander H. Stephens, th Vice-President ol the Rebellion. Ibese are but instances: but lrcm these you may leurn all. There is nothing in the reuch ot tbe President w hlch h- has not lavished on ex-Rebels. The power of pardon aud amnesty, like the power of appointment, has been used loi mem oy wuoiesnio and retail. It would have been easy to allis a condition to every pardon, requiring inui, Deiore it toon etiect, tne recipient snouiu carve oui oi uis estate a homestead lor cveiy one ot his treed men, and thus secure to each what tney all covet so much, a piece ol laud. But the President tid no such thine, although, iu the words of the old writ, "oiten requested so to do." Sucb a condition would have helped the lojal Ireedman.ralber than the Rebel master. In the same spirit, while undertaking to deter mine who shall be voters, all colorod persons, howsoever loyal, were disfranchised, while all w hite persons, except certain specitied classes, although black with rebellion, were constituted voters' on taking a simple oath of allegiance, tl us giving to ex-Reools a prevailing power. Partisans of the Presidential "policy ' are iu tho Lubit ol declariue taut it is a continuation oi the policy of the martyred Lincoln. This is a mis take. Would that he could nse from his bloody Bl.roud to repel the calumny 1 But he hus hap pily lift his testimony behind, in words whicu all who have ears to hear can hear. On one occaion the martyr presented the truth bodily, when he said, in a suggestive metaphor, that we must "build up from the sound materials;" but his successor insists upon building from mate rials rotten with treason aud gaping with re bellion. . On another occasion tho martyr said that "an attempt to guarantee and protect a revived Ktutu Bovernmeu.. constructed iu whole or in r.rei.nnderating part from the very element against whoso hostility aud violence it is to be protected, is simply absurd." But this W the very thing which the President In now attempt li.g. He is constructing Mate governments, not merely in piepondcrating part, but in whulo, from tl e bostde eh me nt. Tuereiore, he departs openly ttom the policy ol the martyred Lincoln. Ihe maitjr says to his auccessor that his policy is "Hmplv absurd." He is right, although ho tt igrit say more than this, its absurdity is too appHieiit. It is as p. tn abolishing the Inquisi tion, the Iniiuisilors had been continued under Bi otber name, and Torquemada had received a fresh license lor riucltv. It Is a it King Wil liam, alter the overthrow ot James II, had made the infamous Jelirles Lord Ghitncllor. Common seme aui common justice cry out against the outrage; and yet this is the Presi dential "prbcv't now so passionately coin mended to the American people. Government, according to Ar.s'ot'e, is a "partnership," and I accept this term as especially applicable to our Government, And now the President, in the exercise of the one-man p wer, decrees that con-miiiiitifb' lately in rebellion shall be taken at once in o oui "partncrs'iip." i object lo the decree as (Inngerou to the republic. I am not ncainst pardon, clemency, or nuienanlnntv, ex cept where they ae at the expense of good Jiit n. I trust that they will alwavs be practised; but I insist tuat iccent Rcbe s sha'l not bo ad mitted without proper precautions to the busi ness or the firm. And I insft nl.so that the one rrihii power shall not be employed lo lotce them Into the firm. TUE rntSIPKNT INCONSISTENT WITH HIMSELF. Such are two pivotal blinders ot tho Presi dent. Itisiiot easy to see how he has (alien into thope, so strong were h s early proicsions the other way. The p wers of Coiigre's he h id distinctly admitted. Thus, as early us 24th July, 18(,r), he htid sent to Snaikey, acting bv his ap pointment as Piovinoual Governor of MU-is-flppl, this despatch: 'It must, however, be distinctly understood thut the restoration to which your proclamation leiers will bo subject to tho will ol Congress." Nothing could be moio positive; and be was equally positive aiiiuiist tne rei-tnatioi ol the Rebels to power. You do not loi get that, in accept iuc his noiniuntion a.i Vite-1 retinoid, be rushed forward to declare that the Rebel States must be remodelled; that confiscation must be en orced, and that Rebels must be excluded from the woik of reconstruction. His lanuuage was plain and unmistakable. Announcing that "govern ment mutt be tixed on the principles ot eternal justice," ho went on o declate that, "if the niun who gave his influence- and his melius to destroy the Govciumentsliould be per mitted io participate in tne gtcnt work oi reor ganization, tlien nil tbe precious blood so Ireely poured out will have been wantonly spilled, and all our victories go tor naught." True; very trt.e. Then, in words of sui passing energy, he cried out that "the gient plantations must be seized and divided into uniili inrins," and that "iraitots ebouid take a buck seat in the work of restoration." remaps tbe true ruie was never expiesfod with moro homely aud vital lorce thsn in this lust saving, often repeated in alller- ent forms: "For Rebels, buck seats." Add to this that other saying, so often repeated. tyogient piii.e plcs ot a iust reconstruction, once proclaimed bv the President, but now prac- ' neatly oisownea o.y nun. DOW THE PREtaPENT FELL. You will ask how tho President tell. This is hard to i-av. certaiulv without much plainness ot speech. Mr. Sewnid openly confesses that he I couuse'lctl the preseut latul ' policy." unques tionably Mr. iiltur, la her and son, did the sauie. o also, 1 doubt not, did Mr. Preston King. Ills easy to sre that Mr. Seward was not a w ise oounsclloi. This is no. his orst cos'ly blunder. In formal despatches he early an nounced that "the rights of the States aiid the condition ol every hurnun being will remain subject to oxnct'y the same la s aud forms of aon liiistrntioii w'httlier tbe revolution shall suc ceed or wLtther it shall fail." And now be bibors lor tbe fulfilment of his own prophecy, obviously irom tie beL'tpning he ha tailed to conipH bend the Rebellion, w die m liis nature he i abnormal and eccentric, jumping like the knight on the chessboard raiher than moving on tnne Lt hues. Undoubtedly tbe influence ol such r. man over the President has not been good. Uutthe President himself has been his owr. woist counsellor, as he has been his own worst defender. Heches not open his mouth w thout furnishing evidence iwuinst himself. The part he is now playing will justily me in some del oils. The brave words with which he accepted bis nomination as Vice-President resounded through the country, lie was electee!. Then followed two scenes each of which dhed the people with desiair. The tirst was of the new Vice-Presi-di nt Inking the out I) of oliice in the presence of the loieign ministers, the judges of the Su preme Court aud the Senate while in such a condition that his attempted speech became tiiviul and incoherent, aud he did not know the name ot the Secretary of the Navy, who is now the devoted supporter ot his policy, as he has Peon his recent travelling companion. Oue month and one week a'terwards President Lin coln was assas'-'inuted. The people, wrapt in ullliotiou at the great tragedy, trembled a- they bt he;d a drunken mini ascend the heights of power. But they were generous und forgiving almost forgetful, lie was our President, nuc" bands were outstretched to welcome and sus tain him. Ilis early utterance." as President, although commonplace, loose, and wordy, gave assurance that tbo Rebellion and its authors would tind little favor irom Inui. Treason was to be made odious. TI!E PRESIDENTIAL MAPNE.-'?. Meanwhile the Presidential muiinesshas be come more than ever iiianiic.4. It litis shown itself iu Irantic efforts to deioat the Constitu tional amendment proposed by Couuress lor adoption by the people. Uy this amendment certain salcgimrds are established. Citizenchip is defined, ana protection is assured at least in w hat in e called civil rights. The basis of repre sentation is tixed on the number of voters, so that ii coloieu citizens are noi allowed to vote, they will not by their numbers contribute to repn sent a ive power, and one voter in South Cmoliiia will not be able to neutralize two voters in Massachusetts or Illinois. Ex-Rebels who have taken un'oath to support the Con stitution of the United States aie excluded Irom ollice, national or Stiite. The national d;btts guaranteed, while the Rebel debt aud all claims lor slaves are annulled. But all thse essential saiegtiares are rudely rejected by the President. Tbe madness that would reject, a proposition so essentially just, whose ouly error is its Inadequacy, has oioueu loitu naturally in brutal iitteianoe, where he has charged per sons by name with seeking his life, und has stimulated a mob against them. It is difficult; to suipass the criniinuliiy ot this act; but tuns lar the old Greek epigram has been veriticd: "A viper bit it Cappailucian'i I) Me. Lnveuoiueuby ibo Dile, tbe vlpur died." Though the person thus assailed have not yet suffered, the country has. Tho violence of the President has piovoked violence. His w.irus were dragon's teeth, which have already sprung up armed men. Witness Memphis; witness New Orleans. Who cuu doubt that the President is the author of these tragedies? Charles IX of Prance was not more completely tho author of the massacre ol St. Uuithoiomew than Andrew Johnson is the author ol those iccent masracres which now cry out lor judgment. History re coids that the guilty I.ing was pursued ni the silence ot night by tho imploring voices of mur dered men, mingled with curses and impreca tions, while their ghosts stalked t!irmi"U his chamber until he sweated blood from" every por : and when he came to die, hiB soul, wruii"' with the tortures of remorse, stammered out to his attendant: "A hi nurse I my good nurse I what blood 1 what murders I h ! what bad count els followed! Lord God pardon me! have mercy on me I" Like causes produci like eflec'.s. The blood at Moinnht aud New Oileans must cry out uutil it Is heard, and a guilty President may suiter the same retribution whieh lollowed a guilty King.. Tho evil that he has done already is on such a scale that It is initios, sible to measure It unless as von measuie an ol the globe. 1 doubt if in all history there u any ruler who in the same briet space of time Las done so much. 1 Ullle There have been kings and emperors, procon suls aud sutrups, who have exercised a tyruuui- calpow(r; but (he facilities of communication m w lend swiltness and extension to all evil , liifluencrs, so that the Provident has been able to do in a vcpt what In other days would have taken a lie. Nor is tho evil that, holmsdono confined to any narrow sdoU It Is co-extensive with 1he republic. Next to Jellerson Davis p'mids Andrew John-on as its worst enemy. Ihe wl oic has suffered; but it Is the Rebel region wt ich has si. tiered most. ' He should haveei.t pence; 'P-toad, ho sent a sword. Behold lh consequences. In the support ol his cruel "policy" the President has i nt hesitated to use lus enormous pntronaje. Prsideut Lincoln pan', ftiniimrly, that, as tho people had con tinued him in' office, he supposed thev meant that others should be continued in ot1ic tilso; and he acted accordingly. He rctued to make removals. But President Johnson th nks other wise, and lie Biinounces in n public speech that there nuiFt be "iotatton in office;" aud tli n wiirti'lng in anger against prceut incumbents, he savs bo will "kick th'-m out." Men ap pointed by the martyr) d Lincoln are to be "kicked out" ol office by his accidental sucecs for, while pretending to nistiiin the policy of the inattvr. The language ot the President is most sucgestive. lie "kicks" the friends of his weil-lovcd predecessor; and he also "k'eks" th. careful counsel ol that well-loved predecessor, e-pefially insisting that "we must build up from the' sound material." WHAT REMAINS TO UK DON PI. Ami now, that I may give practical direction to those remarks, let me ti 1) you pluiul.y whut must be done. In the tirst place C'ongiess must bo nisinined in its conflict wiih the one-man powi r, and In the second place cx-Rcbels must not be icstored to power. Bearing these two tlmiL-s in mind, the way will be eay. Of cotirso tin Constitutional amendment must be adopted. As lar as it goon it is well, but it does not go far enough. Mote must be done. Impartial suf liRgon ust be established. A homestead must Ik secured to every ticedman; it in no other wtiv, tliroegh the pardoning power. If to these is added cduent'on there will be a new order of tliim's, with liberty of the press, liberty of speech, and liberty of travel, so that Wendell Phillips may speak freely in Charleston or Mobile. Theie ia on old English plav which goes under the nnme ot the four "Ps." Our present desires may be svui'ioli.cd by lour "Es," standing lor emancipation, emranchisement, equality, and education. let these be sec tired and all else will follow. I can npver cease to repiet that Congrets 1ms hesitated by toroper lecislation to assume a leniperaiy jurisdiction over the whole Rebel region. lomy mind the power was ample and un questionable, whether In ttie exercise of belli eerci.t rights, or in the evcrcise of lights derived directly from the Coii-titutiou itself. In tins way ovtrything needful might have been accomplished. In the exercUe of this just ju risdiction tbe Rebel communities might have been fashioned anew, aiidshaned to loyalty and virtue. The President lost a ereat opportunity at the beginning: Congress has lost another, lint it is iiot too late. If indisposed to assunvi , I liis jurisdiction by an enabling uct constitu ting provisional governments, there are many things which Congress may do, acting directly or indirectly, Acting indirectly, il may I mulct- flint- .1 r. rn t nti(rnttnliu.i. ni.-lst that. emancipation. enfranchise incut, equality and education shall be esrablisl'od as a oudt'ioii precedent t the ie o!;i.itiou of any State whose institutions hive been overthrown by icbelliou. Acting eiireclly, it n. ay, bv constitutional amendment or liy simple legislation, fix all these forever. IMPARTIAL SUFFRAGE MUST BE SECURED BT THE NAllON AND NOT LEFT TO THE STATES. You are aware that from the beginning I have insisted upon niipHrt.nl sullxnt'e as the only cer t i. ni guarantee ot security aud reconciliation. 1 renew this persistence and mean to hoi 1 on to tin! end. Every argument, every pnuciplc, every 6( ntimeut is in its lavor. . But there is oue reason, which at this moment 1 place above ail otln rs it is the necessity ot the case. You will r ijuiio the votes ol colored persons in lhejlleb"l Stues iu order to miMiiiii the Union itself. n bout their votes jou cannot build securely for the fat ore. Their ballots will be needed lu time to come much moie tlian their muskets have been needed in tin e past. For the s ike of the while Cu'ouists in tbe Rebel States, ami for their protection; lor the since of tbe republic its. li, whose peace is imperilled, I appeal lor jrstU e to the colored race. Givo the ballot to the colored citizen and he w'll be not only assured in his own rights, but he will be the timely defender of yout. It is by a singular Providence that your sccu rl'y is linked inseparably witu the teooniitiou of li s rights. I.eny h;in it you will. It, is at your peril. But it is said, leave this question to the suites; and State right? are pleaded a'jainsi tue power ot Congress. This has been the cry at the beginning to prevent efforts agutnsi the Re bellion, and now, at tho cud, to prevent efforts against the revival of the Rebellion. Which ever way we mm we encounter this cry. But it you yield now you wdl commit the very error of Buchanan, when atlhc begiuning he declared teat he could not 'coerce"' a State. Nobody doubts no.v that a State in rebellion may be "(ociec'd;" ami to my mind it is equally clear tl.tit u State iust emerging from rebellion may be "i ee iced ' to that condition which is re quired by ihe public pence. But there are powers oi Congress, not deiived irom the Rebel lion, which are udequtite to this exigency, und now is the time to exercise them, and thus com plete the work that has bei n begun. Jt was the n.".!irn that r'ecreed emancipation, ait! the niiliou niiibt see to it, by eveiy obliga tion of honor und justice, thttt emiineipaiioii u scoured. It is not enough tind sluverv is abo ii hed in name. The Baltimore platform, on which Picsulcnt Johnson was elected, ictpiires "ihe utte; and complete extirpati n of slavery fiom the soil of the republic;' but this can be ucccnmlishod ouly by the eradication of every inequality and enste, so that all shall be equal Colore the law. lie taught by Russia. The Em peror theie did uot content liituselt with a naked proclamation of emanci' ation. He followed t'.iis gionotis act with minute provisions securing to the Ireeduicti rights of all kinds, its to hold pro pi lty, to mo and testily in court, to vote, and to enjoy the advantages ot education. All this wts secured by the same power which decreed emancipation. Rensotu is in harmony with this authoritative to.-.tinion. Surely it is notnatnraltosupDose thut people who have claimed propetty iu their lellow man, who have Indulged that ''wild and gu lty phantasy thut man cuu hold property iu man,'" will become at once the kiuil und just legislators ot frccdnieu. It is contrary to na'ure lo expect it. Even if they have made up iheir fiiintis to emancipation tiiey are, from invete rate habit and prejudice, incapable ot doing justice to the colored race. There is the Presi dent himself, who onco charmed the couutry nnd the aje by announcing biniselt a) the "Moses" of their redemption: aud vet he is now exerting all his mighty power against, the estab l.shineut ol those saieguards witaotit which there can be no true redemption. Inthedis-ch-sions of the day the old pro-slavery spirit that was in him, with its hostility lo principles and to men, comes out anew, as when on th npi licaticn ot heat the old tunes frozen up in tbe bugle of Baron Munchausen were set agoing and broke forth as irechly us when the bugle sounded before. People do not chunae suddenly or completely. The old devilit are not all east out at once. Even the best converts sometimes backslide. It is rece rued by so grave u writer as S iuthey, iu his his history of Brazil, hal a venerable woman, accustomed to consider human flesh as aujjex qnlspe auinty, was converted to Christianity while in extreme old aie. Tne fuit'ilul mis sionaries strove at ouce to miui-iter to her wants, and asked her if there was any kind of food which she needed. To till which the venerable convert replied: "My stomach goes against everything; there is but one thing which I fancy I could touch; if I hud the little bund of a little tender boy, I think I could pick the bones; but woe is me I there Is nobody to ao out and shot one for me!" In similar spirit our Presidential convert now yearns for a taste of those odious pretensions which were a part of slavery. Now when a person thus situated with great responsibilities to his country'and to history, bound by putlio pro fessions and by political assoc ations -who has declared himself aguinstf slavery and has every motive for perseverance to tbo end w hen such a pcison openly seeks to pre serve some ot Us ouious nifensions. are we not admonished again bow unsaie it would be to trust those masters, who aro under no reponsi bility and bave given no pledges, with tho power of legislating for fteedmen? I protest against it. I claim i his power lor the nation. II it be aid that the power has never beon exer cised, then I say that the time has come when it should be eioreLcd. I claim it on at lent llnce several pronnds: First, there is the Con stitutional amendment, alreu ly adopted by tho piople, whicn invests Congrcs with plenary powers to secure the abolition of slavery; av, its extirpation, according to the promise of the Baltimore, Intfoim, lucl.idmg the- right to sue and testily in court, and the right also to vole. Ibo distinction that has been attempted be tween what nieenlled civil rights nd pol tteal rights Is a modern Invention. These tvo wonts, "civ:l'' and "political, ' in their origin have t'ie PHme meaning. One Is derived from the Latin ano the oi her from the Greek. Each sigindes that which pei tail s to a city or citizens. besides, it the elective fraiichie seem ''appro priate" to assure the "extirpation" of slaverv, Coneress has the same nower to tecure this ritht w hich it has to 'enure the right to sue and testily in coutts, wh.ch it lias already done. Every argument, every reason, every considera tion by w hich you a-sert the power lor the nro tectionot colored persons in what are culled their civil rights, is equally strong lor their pro teenon iu what hto culled their political rights. In each case you legislate to the samo end that the Iteedmaii may be inaiutalnml in thai liberty w hich has so tardily been accorded lo him, and the legislation Is just ns "appropriate" in one case as in the other. Second. There is also thai distinct clnue of the Constitution, ri'quiriug the Uhncd Stales "to guarantee to every State in the Uniou a republican form ol government " H re is a source of power as yet unused. The tunc has come tor its use. Let it bt? declared, that a State which dif-francl.ises any portion of its citizens by a discrimination in its nature in Buimountablf, as in the cuse ot color, cannot be consideied n rcnublican government. The prin ciple is obvious, and its practical adoption wool 1 ennoble the country, and give to mankind a iicff definition ot republican government. Thud. But there is another reason which is with me peremptory. There is no discrimina tion ot color in the allegiance which you require. Colored citizens, Inse white citizens, owe alb giunce to the United States; theretore, they n ay claim protection at an equivalent. In other words, allegiance and projection must be icciurocal. As ou claim allegiance of colored person", you niu.-t aecoro protection. One is the consideration ot the other. And this protection must be in all the rights of citizens, civil and political. Thus agan do I biing home tithe national Government this solemn duty. If this bus not been perlormed in times lu-st, it has been on account of the tyrannical uitluence of slavery, which perverted our Government But. thank God ! that influence has been over- tin own. Vain are tbe victoriesofthewar.it this influence contiuucs to tvrannize over the national GiiveTtinieut. Formerly the Constiru tton was intcrprcti d alwavs lor slavery. I irsist that, from this lime forward, It shall be in terpreted alwavs t tr freedom. This is one ot the guat victories of the war, or l at her it is the crowning result ot all the vio totns. Oueot the most impottutit baU"S in the world's history was that of Tours, iu France, where the Mohiimined.ins, who had coir.c up from spam, for three days contended with tbe Christians under Charles Martel. Ou this battle Gibbon remarks, that bad tho result been dir iercut, "ptrhiips the interpretation of the Koran would now oe taught in the scnoois ot oxiora, and her pupils might demonstrate the sanctity and truth ol the revelations ol Mahomet." Thus was Christianity saved, and thus has liberty been saved by our victories. Had the Rebels prevailed slavery would have hart voices every where, aud even iu tl.e Constitution itself. B it it is 1 berty now thut must have voices every' where, anil ihe greatest voice of all is the na tiomil Constitution, and the laws made in pur snniice thereof. In this causo 1 cannot be frightened by words. There is n crv against 'centralization," "consolidation," "imperial ism." all ol which are bad enough wbcu dcai- catod to any purpose of tyranny. As the House of Representatives Is every two years, it is inconceivable to renewed suppose that such a body, fresh irom the people aud about to return to the people, can become a tj ranny, especially when it seeks saieguards lor human rights. A government inspired bylih cny is ns wide apart from tyranny as heaven irom hell. There can be no danger in liberty assured by central authority; nor can there be tiny danger m any power's to uphold liberty. Such a centralization, such a consolidation, uv, sir, such an iinpenalism, would be to the whole country a welMr-ring of security, piosperity and icnown. To hnd danger in it is to tind danger in the Declaration ot Independence and the Con stitution itself, which speak with central power; it is to tind danger iu those central laws which govern the moral and material world, binding men together in society and keeping the plancU wheeling in their spheres. OUen dining the ws.r the cause of our country seemed to appear in three ditlerriit forms, esch essential itself, and yet together constituting one unit. It wus the shamrock or white clover, with its triple leaf, originally used to illustrate the Ttiuity. It was three in one. These three dif ferent tonus were lirst, the national forces; secondly, ihe national finances; and thirdly, the nit as w hich ei tcied into the controversy. Tho lititioutil lorces and the national nuances have picvniicd. The itieas arc Ktill in question, and even now you di -bate with regard to the rights ol citizenship. Nobody doubts that theaimy and navy mil plainly within the jurisdiction of ttie national Government, tind that tbe Unauees lull plainly withiu the jurisdiction ot the lnuioiiiil Government; but ihe rights of citizeu faliip ure ns thoroughly national us the army and navy or the Inmnoes. Obviously you cannot without peril cease to regulate tue army and navy, nor without peril cetise to regulate the finances; but there is equal peril in itbtiiitioniiig the rights of citizens who, wherever they may be, r in whatever Stat c, are entitled to protection from the initio l "the very least ns leetiLg her care, and tne greatest us not exempted from her power." AiiAinciican citizen in a foreign land enjoys the piotectmg hand of the naiionul Govern-U-ent. lie should not enjoy that protecting hand lesa nt home thuu itbroitd. OUlt PRESENT PtTTV. Fellow-chicns As I nm about to close, allow Pie to gather the whole case luto a brief compass. The President, wielding the oue niii power, has assumed a prerogative over Congiess utterly unjusiiliable, and bus under taken toclictiitoa latal " policy" ot rerontruc tion which gives sway to Rebels, puty off tbe blessed day ol security and leeonciliatiou, and leaves the best interests ot the Republic in jeopardy. Trerehcrous to pitrty, treacherous to the meat cause, and treacherous to himself, he has set up his individual will against the peo ple ol the United Suies in Congress assembled. Forgetful of truth and decency, he has as sailed lnembois as "assassins," and has de nounced Congress itself lis a revolutionary body, "called or assuming to be Congress," and "hanging on the verge of Government;" as if this most enlightened and patri-t Congress did not contain the embodied will ol the American people. To you. each and all, I appeal to arrest this madness. Your votes will bo too hrst st;-p. The Piefident must be taught that usurpation ami apostney cannot prevail. He who promised to be Moses 'uud bus become Ph'trouh must bn overthrown, and the Egyptians that follow him must shore the same late, so lhat it shall bo said now as aforetime, "And the Lord ovenurevv tho Egyptians in the mid-t ot tho sea." BOARDING. ' 1121 GIKAltD STIIEET Belnir neatly fitted up, will open for FlliST-CL-ASS BOA11DEHS ON TUK FIU8T OF "EPTKMBEIt. Two larne on n unli atinu ltounis on the second flour well adapted lor a lauitly 8 'JA -O0AP.DING IN A PEIVATEPAMILV, ON J ibo Oermuutown Kallromt but a fpvv iDlnutoi" waltrh'oui a stutiou. AdUrutg "ll,"at tliUolltva. lOiTit SPLCIAL NOTICES. QUAHTEKLY II 121' OUT OF THE NATIONAL HANK OK THE REPUBLIC, Nos. 809 and 811 CHE3N0T STREET, i PnrLMiKLrniA, October I, lsM BF.B0URCE9. Notpn and Mil discounted S2,4N'B2 InloUMHicK IiliiiI deposited with i lie rruMirrr ti 1 1m t'nlteii nuuc .7 WWd t'liiicil S.ntfB bi nds on hand Htl.Mj Ui 152,432 -81 Vflttcil Htntp Ii-prI. tender note f.R 9 0(1 raiiuai iitnk iimte U ItililH Iuc Iniin Imnk onj htuikrrs s ;:iS86 rracuouai currency andcu ltcDis.,14 25MII rtcnVlnp l'ouc ri 075 M 1 iirmtuif! am; tixturtB a ;ks iO 1 xpriisca and taxes 7 .MM 21 109,tM'3 81.962'RT Total , , LI.tBILI.Tir.. Cnpitnl stuck pMd in I -I'lii'Mta "" l'roliu and ,om Total , ...noooo on .... ii!,:how) (iSOJ'OS ... Wlt,l )001 T.FJl?0,' Ca-hlor nf the NATIONAL AM OF ' HIS KKPI Bi.l.' do Hnlenm r wcar that he Umve statement 1 true to the boat of niv knowledua BIK1 I'CIII'l. " 10 2 Sw J08PPt T At UMFOKD, Cashier. est OFF ICR OP THE LEHIGH COAL AM) JSAVIGAIIPN COMPANY. Tl,. .. ,, lmi.ADH.UHA Aumt2, 1SG The t- toi kl-oldorj ol H,l company nro ben hy notified ILhl tne Board oi Alanavrrs have ileu rinliied to a iow to a.i ieii.fiih ho Kliali a! pear an Btockbo.di is ou tae Hooks i.l tlic t onipii.,y on the Hh in ccpteinhcr next. ui.tr il.c closing o. transit ni, at 3 B M oi tha da tli irilen- oi pul.scr.biHK ior new Boca t par, to the xtein oi one Miareoi nen stock lor overv II. e snare tlien Hiuii.lun In tl.oit iiBines Kaoli shareholder eetitled to a raclloi a. part ol a fliare shall uuvo the privilege of BuliMrituiiK ora lull sliato B ilu subscription hoiks will open on MONDtY Scu ut"i B ""ill0 u,"Jtll'seo" 8ATI liJJAY, December 1, IMS l'tu.cnt 11, be considered due .Tune 1, 1H67, but an In Mr ii. ent ol ill per nm . i.rMiilo irs pr bhtre, must be raid at .he time oi autiscrihliiK I he balance uiar b pniu rem tlnie to tin.c. ui the option ot the subscriber, bueie the in ot Novinmer, ittu7 on a i pavments liicliiilliiK ti e alorcatd liistalinint. mudu boiore the ui 0 1 June hbi discount will be aHowiti ai the rate ol 8 per (em. per annum anoon a 1 payments made between tnat one and the 1 oi November, lbijj , mturest will be tliniKii at il.e same rate. ' A.is.ock n. t i.aid up In fun by the 1st ot -ovemnor. lKb7 v.l 1 be lorititeu to he upo (l the i oinpany Oer til. cules mr the new stock will not bo issued until a ter .lune 1 lb,7 ni.d said sti ck, n paid up In lul, wl I be en nt i i to tne ovtuibei div itenu oi lt7, uut to no earlier dividend. SOLOjlOJ M.ILPIJKUI). Treasurer. fcj.;- PKPAETMEXT OF RECEIVKR OF -" T'XI'.s. I'i. n.ADUirriA. Octobers I8O9. o'llCl. to eKitsoAi. tax pav ions. Any receipt Issued by mi At nnnn lur rersnnal luxes Tor i-menr prh.r to l-u (lor City or Hi ate.) I no va Id . he rm aucnorized purtie auoolnted lor the collection of such taxes a o tliu tlo.luquent Tax Col ictors, or the Clerks ut this ollice. information Is resf.cctiuliy requeued when any oer son or persons attempt io i-.sue such rtoelptj, ai the r will bo dealt Willi according to law. ,OA CH A KLK8 O'NEILL. 1" 3 s Kccciver of Tax n. JEH-EI5S0N MEDICAL COLLKiHE FOK'l Y-KKi OM sKssinv nv i i. titu a The General Introductory bo i.ellvored on MON DAV KVtMNO ixcxt, October 8 at 74 P w.. by Pra icssur VV'Ai.L i CK. 'Ibo retjuiat Lectures will boa n the du alter, at 9 o'clock A. i. lOiOt KOBLEY DUX QL1 OH, Dean. UKIVEUSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA, StHlCAL riH PtRT.MKNJ.', iuibi. r-c-nii n inut-ll. The repulnr Lectures of this S. hool will commepce on MOM' Y October 8. and continue uno. tho 1st ot llarch. Fee lor tho mil course. tJ4H it E. Booms, m. i. 1" 3 it Bean Medical Faculty. THh ANNUAL BlEETLVt,' OF THE fttoikhnhlcrs ol tho OMKSOKNT CII'V On. l OMPANY will be hed at tin ir ollice So 2.r.n s. Tllllto S rert. on ll'tMiAV, i ciobcr P. at 12 o'clock, nooa, tor the e cctlcn ol officers. H 17i M. BlZBY.8eerctarv. fr??" BATCIIELOR'S HAIR DfE IV-V HIE BLiST IN 'I UK WOliLI). llamiless r liiible. iimtnntiineous. i he on'y pertect dye. No (llsnnpointnii iit, no riulcuious tin. s, but true t.i nrture. b nek or bio u. UL!'L1M lfl S1GM-B- WILLI A JU A. BATCHELOE. ALSO T.vfu rrntinp I'xtract oi J ll cf.eursrestores.preaerves. at'd Pel limn s tl.e hair prvi nis buhliKfs, mji bi all JirupiJlH'W. Faclon No 81 ItAKl 1.AV BL, N. Y. Sii Be? .i USI PUBLISH E I) - Itv the Phi t-iclnns ..i the NEW YUKK ML'SEISI, the Ninetieth F.uiilon oi tl.eir IjOLBLEClVRtS, cnttt'ed riJILOHOI'tlY Of MAIt'tlAGE, To be had I cc, ior lour stamps bi uodresslnB Sccre tMy "m w Yotk A.useuiu o! Auu omy, 0! No olH I liOABWAY. Is'ew York. LEGAL NOTICES. 1 STATE OK ,)UHN LUPOUY, DECEASED. J J Tiio Auditor ni pointed bv tile OrtihniiH' ( ni. pi t,r i ne i ii v i.nu oiuiiy oi i iiiiuueipn.a to aunit. seitie and nii.iUHt the irci tint oi Hukv.lO 11. JONE8, Ad unnixtiati.r of ihe .Biuto oi JOB" ltbp.H Y de cciimii aud io report distribution ol iho balance Intlio lmui!s el tlie nccntintiiiit, will meet the pur lea Interested lor tho pinions oi his appointment, on Vl)UY, dele tier H. lf-tti. nt 4 o'elncls V. il at lug Otllco No. 71 1 W a I.N1J I' Buect, In thccity o plulaile aiila. Oil IhHtu'.f JOHN CLAYiON, Auditor. STANDARD SCALES. BAKKS. LIN CORE & CO., (SCCCK8 OliS To A B. liAVIS 4 CO.) Jl.'.M F.CIljKtKa OL' I'ATEM' ai'AKUAUD WMLUS, fultableiorWc'gh Lock roadTracs, ai.cl i epois, ( oai. Hay aud Live Miuck. A l:.o, linoroved l'u'eut tcu o lor K ast Furnuces K IlluK .liil.s Muaui Furuoa. Fouiultles aim a I tho vuih.ua ucse.riuiloiis ol Dor.uaut and 1 orluhle I lutiurni Scales and Paietr Beams a. . toruei FlHH.Mll and PKNis.x V LVANIA Avenue Phi adelphla a t4 lmrp C. M. Bnnks. lewisB llount I'. 11 lUtm.ore, Fjedencii A. liiehle. f RUSSES, SUPPORTERsTlfc." PlllLADELJ'HIA 8DHOEON8 toOV B AM AG. INS'i'lLTK. No. If N. h t. BTT, aitof thirty veers' rractluai exrlonce, fuariinUcs the skiltut adjuitment ol bs i'reiiilutr a i .nt (irailuutii.ir liOhsuio 'truss, and a variety of Others Miliportem. I-lantic HtockitiKH. huu uer Hrucea, Crun hea. Siispcusorteii, etc. Ijidlua' apartmanta con ducted by a Lady. 6 2US (jse jtarTn's "coiTioiTpyiyDEM FOR I-JOItSES AND CATTLE. Jt cures Worms. Bolt, und Co Ic. It curew Colds, Coughs, ard tilde-Bound. It is the best alUruuve for Ilort.es and Cattle now use. having a reputation ol 'JO yeurs' staiiuln It Is a sure pieveutive lor the much dreaded Rinder pest. .No Famieror Banvman should he without It. orbaoin Philadelphia bv HYOTi A ( O No 212 Nc.ih SHOM) ktie. t; JniiNsOS, HoLl.OWAY A i O vnv.N, no. Norih HiX'lll Street and by Druu Htus th:oui;hout the country. AddicsB al. orders to HI AKIN A FLOYD, l'roptiotoia. No. 209 L-UAKE Street. Now York. !)5fm HARD RCL-HER AUTI I.'ICI A 1. I.1SIH8. Anns, Let;. Aonlian. es lor orniity, etc. e o. I hese Llmt.s are iaiiHierre.1 Irom lite In lorin and lit 1 1 the llith test, mout duruhle coiiilurt-l . periec lit ul urlis.lc ubstltuies Invented Thev are nnnroVMil anil adAnted t.v the l'nitt d Ktati.4 li.tvi.ri.. in. nt ai d our principal ur, i ons. pat. n ed August 18, loU j iiaj 2i, lbbd; Alay 1, lSiti. A unrigs KIJiBAT.L & C3.. JSo 630 HC'H Mrcet, Philadelphia. 1'uinptilets free. u (j1Q p ,a!HZs dovvn RIVER LINE.-ST12AMER ti-iii."-iL hW A v Irom second Pier a'lovr Alton b.rei t evciy Tl KM)AY, 'I'UU itUAy, UUli SA I ITB tAY Korulug. atJoVlock. lor ' he-ter l'e.inrirur , New Cesile. Irli.v.an lty. Poll Penn BoiebNy llo'.k, Diakyne's Lautiinn. Sinvrua, Lclp5lo, aud Kuver. l-tttuufiraud frultht line. S2ir )))
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers