H VOL. VI.-No 51 PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, AUGUST 30, 186G. DOUBLE SUEET-TIIREE CENTS. THIRD EDITION JOHNSON'S TOUR TO THE LUKES. RECEPTION AT NEW YORK Hatters Singular and Sarcastic THE GRAND BANQUET. OMTION BY THE PRESIDENT. SPEECH BY SECRETARY SEWARD. The Premier's Post-Prandial Drolleries. Hitter poke at Philadelphia PHETTY POEM FOR McMICIIAKI. Etc., Etc., Etc., Etc., Etc., Etc. Thp reception of the President and suite in New York last evening was a grand a Hair. We have only space to-day to present a report of the banquet: Sjiti'tli of the PrcNldcut. Mr. Johmou said, in reply to .Major Hoffmann's address of welcome: I ft el, I conies, almost overwhelmed. But the mind would be exceedingly dull, and the heart almost without an niptuse, that could not give mterance to something re.pousive to what has been said and w hat has been done. (Ap plause, and cries ot "Hush?'') Oh! believe me, that on this occasion warm Is the heart ttiat feels, and witltug is the heart that speaks ("Hear, hear," and great clapping of hajds), and I would to God it we.e in my power to re duce to sentence aud to language the emotions that this night aua this occasion have produced. I shall not attempt, in respon e to what has been said, and tbe nianilestations that have been made, to go into a speech, or to make an aiBtmtnt to you on this occasion, but merely to give utterance to the f ilness ot inv heart tor the sinceiity of this reception. (Cheers.) I would that I couli give utterance to wbat I feel. This i6 impossible: but tbe sentiments which have just beeu expres.-ed before me, and the demonstrations that have ben made to-dav, the outpouring of the popular heart has on tbis occasion pone forth, and will, like a liquid, spread itself until it is communicated to every part ot the United State?. ("Good!" and cheers.) All that is wanting in the great sfruegle tn whicti we are engaged is himply to develop the popular heart of the nation. (Cheers.) It is like making a fire. All that is necessary is asutiicieut amount of Iriction to develop the popular sentiment, and the popular feeling of the nation. (Cheers.; I know, as you know, that we have just passed through a bloody av.d a perilous conilict, and there are gentlemen here witu us who ore asso ciated with us on this occasion, who have par ticipated in, and had their share in thij struggle lor the preservation of tbe Union. ("Hear," "hear," and immense applause.) Yes, the Army on the one hand (looking toward General Grant), and the Navy on the other (.looking towards Admiral Farragut) (great cheering) have performed their part in restoring the Gov ernment to its present state of peacd. And, gentlemen, in this connection I would be dcre lect if I omitted to mention the important ser vices of the Secretary of State. (Cheer.) So far as the humble individual who now stands before you, and to whom you have so kindly and pleas antly alluded, is concerned, as to the part he has perlormed in this great drama. hi this struggle for the suppression of the Rebellion on the one hand and the restoration ot tbe Government on the other, he has tried to do his duty. (Loud cries of "Good.") I will ay, too. in summing tin, that I leel that the Government has dis charged its duty. (Cheeis. ) But there is still something to be done. The work is not yet finished. Though we have passed through fields f blood, and at times have beeu almost con strained and forced to tbe conclusion that we ehould be compelled, as it were, to witness the Goddess of Liberty go staggering to her grave through fields of carnage and blood, to see our Government destroyed; yet time changed such opinions, and victory brought bright hopes. But while the enemy, at it were, have been put down in tbe field, there is still a greater and more important task for you and others. (Cheers.) I must be permitted aud I will not trespass upon your time but a moment I must be permitted to remark that the Government commenced the suppression of this Rebellion tor the expresB purpose of preserving the Union of the States. That was the declaration tbat -was made, and under that declaration the Gov ernment went into the war and c ntinued tt until it suppressed the Rebellion. The Rebel lion has been suppressed, and in Its suppression the Government has declared and announced and established the great lact thac these States have not the power either by force or by peace able means to separate themselves from the Union. (Cries of "Never!" and three cheers,) That right has been denied, and has been settled and determined by tbe Gevernnieut in the held kind in one of its departments the Executive Wcpar.ment; but there is another department of your Government which has declared, by its official acts and by the position it has taken, tbat notwitnstanaing tne rtcDeiuon was sup pressed for the purpose ot preserving tbe Union ot the States and establishing the doctrine that the Statss could not secede this department of the Government. I say, has practi cally assumed and declared up to the pre sent time that the Government was dissolved and the States were out of tue Union, and has acted upon that assumption. (Cries of "Oh ! oh I") We who contend for the opposite doc trine, years ago contended that the States had not even the tight to peaceably secede, and one of the means or modes of peaceable secession -was that the States of tbe Union could withdraw their representation from tbe Congress ot the United States, and tbat would be practical dis solution. We denied that they had tbe right to withdraw their representatives. (Cheers.) They did attempt to withdraw them, and we have proved that they had no such power. (Cheers.) And now, when the doctrine U established, that they have no right to withdraw, and the Rebel lion is at an end, and the States are again re suming their position, and renewing their rela tions as tar as in them lies with the federal Government, I would give them representation in the Congress of the United States in con loimlty with that sacred charter of liberty which declares that you cannot even by amendment to the Constitution deprive any one of them of the right of representation. (Cheers.) We find that in violation ot the Constitution in express terms as well as tn spirit, that the States of taU Vvica Isflt btea ao4 tbej conttoue to deny them their representation iri the Senate and In he House cf Representatives. The question in the struggle belore us is: Will we submit, or, will the American people submit, to this practi cal dissolution 1 Will we submit to a doctrine we have repudiated and a doctrine we have proved has no existence and cannot be sustained? ("Never.") The issue is now before you. It is before you and the country. Will these States be permitted to continue and remain as they are in a practical to tar as legislation is cou cerned in a practical condition of dissolution? It is giving tbe lie direct, it is answer ing and subverting every single argument and position we bave taken and made since the Rebellion commenced. Are we prepared now, aficr having passed through this Rebellion are we prepared, alter the immense amount of blood tbat has been shed are we prepared, alter having accumulated a debt of over three thousand millions of dollars are we prepared, alter all the injury that has been in Hie ted upon the people North and South of this Confederacy to continue this disruption of the Union? ("No," ana cheers.) Let me ask this intelligent audience here to night, and not In the language or declamation but in a spirit of Christianity and ot sound philosophy, are we prepared to renew the scenes through which we have just pased? ("No, never!") Are we prepared to see one portion of this republic arrayed again in deadly conflict against another portion? Are we prepared to see the North arrayed against the 8outh and the South against the North. Are we prepared in this fair and happy Government ot Irecdom and of liberty, to sec man agiin set upon man, and in the name of God lilt his hand against tbe throat of his fellow-man Are we prepaied to see our fair fields again devasiatcd? Are we prepared to see this land tbat gave you a brother-birth acaLi drenched in a brother's blood ? ("Never!" "No!") Or rather are we not prepared to bring from Gilead a balm that is healing iu its charac ter, and pour It into the wound ? (Cheers, and cries of "Good.") Let us talk practically here before this array of intelligence, of integrity, of patriotism, and ot wealth. Let us talk about this thing practically. Have we not in the private relations of life seen brothers, men of most respectable character separate ana divide. The eonte.-t between them would be severe, the conflict nncry; yet, when it was all over, when they hud settled their difliculty aud bncouie reconciled, and It had passed into oblivion, they would hold each other dearer tbm beiore, and be glad that the misunderstand iug occurred to teach them to love nue another more dearly. (Cheers.) They are our brothers. (Cries of "Hear!" "Good !" and cheer.) They arc our tellow-citizeus. ("Hear, hear.") They are part of ourselves. (Cheers.) They are bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh. (Cheers.) They have lived with us and been part of us trom the commencement of the experiment of our Government down to the commencement of the Rebellion. They are identified with its history and with its prosperity in every sense of the word. (Chers.) We have hud a hiatus, as it were, but that has passed by ami we have come together again, aud now understanding what the feud was. and when the apple o. diccoid has been renewed, and we are living under the Constitution ot the United States may I be permitted to indulge in some lurther remarks, I will detain you but, a mo ment? (Cries ot "Go ou.") I will hold you responsible if I mul:e too long a speech. What is now said gentlemen after the Philadelphia Convention has met an 1 pronounced upon tho condition of the country? What is now said? W by that those men who met in that Conven tion were insincere; that their professions were nothing, that the.v were poliiicians. iinrt mat they are not to be believed. Wbat better evi dence can you have ot loyalty ? They talk about It and talk about red-handed Rebels, aud all that. Who is there that Las fouebt this rebellious spirit with more coiibihtency and determination than the indi vidual who addresses you? ("Hear" and cheers.) Who has sacrificed and sutl'ered more? But because my sacrifices and sufferings have been great as an incident growing out of a civil war, should I become dead and insensible 10 truth and priuciple (Cheers.) But these men notwithstanding they may now profess loyalty and devotion to the Union of the States are not to be believed. ("Hear.") What better evi dence can you have of loyalty und devotion to the Government than profession. Who dare, in tbis day ot religious and political freedom, set up an inquisition on a roan's conscience, and pronounce sentence against his professions ot loyalry? How many men have lived under this Government. Irom its origin to the picsent time, who have been loyal, and obeyed the laws, and sustained the Gov ernment in the hour of peril, and yet, in sentiment, they preferred change, and would rather have lived under another form of gov ernment. The best evidence you can have ia their practical loyalty, their professions, and their acticns. (uries or "uooa, ' and cheers.) Then it these gentlemen from the North and the South come lorward with profession! ot devo tion to the Constitution and the Union of these States when their actions and professions cor respond, you must assume that they are sincere. Have we reached that point in our country's history that all confidence U lost in man? If we have reached that point it we cannot trust each other, and confidence is gone I tell you your Government is not as strong as a rope of sand. Its own weieht will tumble it to pieces. This Government has no tie, this Government has no bond, it has no adhesive power, it confi dence and trust in each otber gone. But these men who sat in that Convention, who professed that they represented a peace-loving people, are doubted. They declare that their people waut peace on earth and good-w ill to men . and they are answered with the argument, "We won't be lieve you." Therefore this disruption, this prac tical dissolution must continue to exist Why in the Southern man not to be believed ? And I don't speak here to-night because I am a South ern man, and because my inant view first saw the light of hpaven in a Southern State. Tiiank God, though I say it myself, I feel that I enter tain opinions ana notions that are co-extensive with all these States and with all this nation. (Cheers.) And while lam a Southern man I am a Northern man. (Applause.) That is to say I am a citizen of the United States (cheer ing), and am willing to concede to all otber citizens what I claim for myself. But I was going to bring your attention, as I am up and you must "not encourage me too roach ("go on," "go on") as one of those men who have been engaged in this thing, and pretty well broiten down, I was 'going to call your attention to a point. The Southern States, or their leaders, proposed a separation. Now, what was the reason that they proposed that separation? The time has come to think. The time has come to consult our brains, and the passions of our hearts. The time has come when the reason should bear sway, and feeling and impulse be laid aside. What was tbe reason that the South pave for separation; what was it? They said thut tbe Constitution of the United States was insufficient for them, and that they were not secu-ed in their rights under the Constitution. Whether it be true or false, that was the reason assumed tbat we will separate this Gevernnieut; we cannot have the Constitution executed as a whole, and we will take the Constitution of our country in a separate condition, and we will enforce it. It was separation; it was against the Union. This was treason. I took my position In the Senate of the United Maicm and assured them, as I have since, that this Union was perpetual, that it was a great magio circle, never to be broken. But the reason the South gave was that the Constitu tion cant be enforced, nence tney wantea to ftPnumtP. Thev attempted to separate, but they failed. But while the question was pending, they went, at-d what kind of Government was It ? What kind of a Constitution, did they adopt ? Was It it not, with some tew variotions, the Constitution of the United States, under which they had lived from the origin of the Govern ment np to their attempt at separation. Thev made the attempt to separate that they could live under tbat Constitution and enforce iU pro visions. We said no, yon shan't separate; you shall remain nith us, and the Constitution shall be preserved and shall be enforced. (Cheers.) The Rebellion has ceased, and when their armies were pnt down by the army and navy of the United States they accepted the triiHS of the Government, and what were they ? We said to them before the termination of the Rebellion, "Disbnnd vour armies, return to your original position in the Government, and we will receive you with open arms." The time rame at wLich their armies were disbanded under the lead of my distinguished friend on the right (loud and continued cheering. "Grant ! Grant!"), under the Army and Navy. That being done, what were tbe terms of the capitu lation? They accepted the proposition of the Government, and what did they say? Why, "We want to return." They said, "We ap pealed to the arbitrament of the sword. and that arbiter has decided agiinst us, ani that being so, as honorable and magnanimous men. we accept its terms." (Applause.) And the query conies to us. '"Will they be accepted." Do we want to tread them in the dust? (Cries of "No! nol") I say this, and rtpeat it here to-night, I do not want them to come back into this Union desraded and debased. ("Good! ifood?"' Ap plause.) I waut them, if they are to come back at all, and are to become a part ot this great whole, called America, to come back with all their manhood (applause); then they will be proud to be a part or tntsc united mates (cheers). 1 have not approached the point that 1 intended to make; but to go back, why is it we distrust them, and say they are hypocritical? 1 nave just catted your attention to tneGonsti tution under which the.v were desirous to live, and tbat was the Constitution of their fathers, where they wanted separate institutions. Now, in returning they have lost the in stitution of slavery, the great apple of discoTil; and they wanted to keep the Constitution under which they lived bi'fore, and renounce the one which they wanted to establish. Wbere, thcu, is the cause for want ot .confidence? Is ther any? (Cries of "No, no'!") I have not come here to-night to apolo gize tor the persons who have tried to derroy this Government, and it every public act of my 1 tie, in speeches or in practice, doesnoc disprove the charge that I want to apoloeizc for them, there is no use of a man having a public record, (Applaue.) Take the Southern people, with all th lr heresies and errors, and admitting to the fullest extent what they have done the leaJers done wro g forced a public opinion, and co erced and forced others to follow thetu. Yet all over the Southern States thousands, with faces pule, lootaed sadly at the flag of their country receding in the distance; and alter na vine passed through the struggle, and when they saw it return again under the lead of our gallant oll.cers and meiv thousands and tbousanls re joiced with the return of the ting of their coun- iry. (unecr.) ine leaders oetrayen tne people, and led tbem astray by this great outcry ot "oppression." And, my countrymen here to night, when we talk about this outcry we have a nomely phrase out in the West what we call "hammer and anvil." While Davis and those ot that class were talking nbout oppression iu the South, there was another class in the North tbat were talking about abolition. Taking the two extremes, the oue has been anvil and the other has been hammer. (Laughter and ap-r plausc.) The Rebellion has been suppressed it ia terminate.. Vbo mmtx ot tbo South loin in with those who were trying to suppress tne Rebellion. But we find that those who played the game on the otber hand ares'ill lighting, and tought those in the South who were trying to break up this Government. I am opposed to those in tbe North who are trying to break it up now (cheers), and I am against all those who are opposed to the Union. (Cheerj.) I am for tho Union, the whole Union, and nothing but the Union. (Great cheering.) I helped mv distinguished friend on my left (turn ing to General Grant) to tight the Rebellion in the South and we tnut not forget bis peculiar phrase that he was going to "fight it out on that line." I was with him, and I done all that I could; and when we have whipped them at that end of the line, 1 want to say to you that I am now fighting them at the otner. (Laughter and applause. ) It is a struggle for the Union of the States. The North cannot get along without the South, and the South cannot get along with out the North. Do we want a foot controlled by Rebels? ("No I'M No: we want to let lo j at n en in fliear, neari" Applause), aud none but loyal men. And 1 ask here to-night, In the face of this intelligent audience, upon what does the fear rest that men getting iu trom tbe South would control the country? Take the entire delegation of 68 representatives, com pared with 282 that vou have got in the North, aud if those of the North were to let iu the 68 that you bave no confidence in, how are they to control the 208, taking it in the worst possible light? We are afraid of these men in the South; we ace afraid they will repudiate our national debt. Place these men in the worst possible condition that they can be placed in, and you have an overwhelming majority of 150 or 180. Yes, alter this immense amount of money has been expended, after peace has been restored, alter all these lives bave been lost, all this blood that has been shed, when we want trade, commerce, agriculture, aud all the arts of peace restored, are we to be carried away by tbe clamor that if fifty-eight men come in from the South, great evils will result? (Cheers.) Are we a people? ("We are !") Are we all cowards ("No !") Did they control you before the Rebellion commenced, and have they any more power now than they had then ? But let me say to this intelligent audience to-night, I do not pretend to prophecy, but at the beginning of this Rebellion I made a prophecy thut has been fulfilled. I told the Southern people years ago tbat whenever they attempted to break -up this Union, whenever they attempted to dissolve these Slates, that it would be a death-blow to the Institution ot slavery. ("Good I good!") I am rtroud to say on this occasion not bv way ot flattery or compliment to the people of the city of New York that they are taking a liberal, comprehensive, and patriotic view of tbis whole question, i am proud to nnd her conscious ot the faet that our existence depends upon congregation that while you are willing to live you are willing to let others live, and do not desire to live by the destruction of others. Mr. Seward's Funny Speech. Citizens of New York: I belong here here in New York and whatever Cabinet or other honors have occurred to me, they are all 6tibst diary to my principal pride that I am a native born citizen of tbe greatest single republican Stuteof tbe world. (Cheers.) Aye and I wish tbat I could make the Mayor of the city of New York feel halt the pride in the growing elorv and greatness ot the capital city of the State of New xotk. that l teei wuen t remember that In the Cabinet of tbe United States I never have thought a thought, or studied a principle, but wbica went to make the city of New York m v own city the great city of the world, of all ages. (Applause.) I thank the Mayor for the kindness with which he has 1 introduced me, and- I will go back to the place which he has assigned me, the very bumble place in the Cabinet. (Laughter.) I will go back into the Cabinet. We war on straight jackets there sometimes. And being there, and it being a very late hour of the night ("Go on!" Go on!") and that the preceding events of the day are calculated to make us loquacious, I will tell you some Cabinet secrets, and I hope you will ex clude the press, so tbat there can be no wit nesses. First. I must ask the indulgence ot my brethren in the Cabinet. Have I their leave to reveal secrets 7 (There being do objection, be ccntinufd.) Recollect, fellow-citizens, that the I doors aie closed. About he last communication I had with the President of the United States before we left Washington was that cer tain gentleman, Alexander T. Ste wart and Rich ard Scbell (applause) and other proposed that we si ouid ame at ueimontco's to-nigm, and he said to roc, "I mustn't be required to make a speech there." (Laughter.) I told him thai I could speak for the Mayor and for the t ommittce, tbat he shouldn't bo obliged to sreak any longer than he chose; and, said I, when you get up, If you don't find that you have more interest in making a speech (nan thev have m requiring you to make it, ( am mistakeu. That Is the first Cublnet secret. Now, the second i, that when this excursion, which it. is cou liary to fact to sav that it is political, or that it is recent, or that it has any sinister design against anybody ! it is three montns old, and grew out of tho fact that a member of the Cabinet was invited to speak at tho laving of the corner-stone of the monument to Stephen A. Douglas. And every member of the Cabinet felt that the Nation and the World owed an irredeemable debt to Stephen A. Douglas, and tno President said be would attend, provided that bis Cabinet could attend with hi in. and so it passed until night before last, when the party was gathered together, and arrangements were made for the whole progress of the excursion, fiom Washington, through Baltimore, Phila delphia. New Yorlr. Buffalo, to Chicago; and n, hi came necessnry to select orators to addre-s tbe people, supposing that we should be called out on tbe wav, and we appointed ora'.ors who were raOBt acceptable to the people of the United States to speak tor us every where they were to speak and we were to sit silent. And those ora tors were General Grant, of the ar cy (loud laughter and applause), and Admiral Farra"ulof theNavv. (Great applause.) But I am sorry to tell you that our arrangement has fulled alto gether. And now I must tell you another secret. Look at there, and there, and there (pointing to the arms of the State-), and you will see tbe coat-of-arms of tho thirty-six States of this Union. Just look there. I don't know whether tt is Alexander T. Stewart or the Mayor; they didn't know what they were doing when they put those there. In the month of April, 1861, wnen Abraham Ilneolu wa- just entering upon the civil war, I went to him with a device of Mr. Leutze, of your city do you know him ? ("Yes.") It has cost the Government $jl,0 to get that device. What do you think it was? It was jiu-t exactly tht same eoa'.s-of-arms. (Cheers.) What do you think I was going to do with it? Wehad called out seventy-five thousand soldiers to defend th'.i Union and 1 was going to get that device printed: oue copy of each was to be given to Lieutenant-General Grant and another to every soldier or sailor who should enlist. And a good man would rather have that diploma, with Abraham Lincoln's signature on it, than have anything else. What became of that? The newspaper pres, which is so literal, found it out, and immediately it was Discovered that it would cost a dollar for every soldier, and there was a row made; but the numbers of the army rose from seventy-five thousand to lour hundred thousand, and I have never seen anything more of that device except as one of the relics of what was never executed. Now, alter all, would it not be a good tbiug just to contribute together and raise tbe million of dollars needed to give Ihis diploma to every soldier, and let every solJier have this design? That is the third secret. I hope these Cabinet secrets will be kept. We came to Philadelphia, the only city which asked whether we would have a formal or an intormal reception. I answered, "Jtist, as thev yieubcu." Ana wueu we sot there we found the city disorganized and ungoverned no' Mayor, no city authorities, no police; but we found the city so loyal, so peaceful, so zealous in the cause ot the national restoration and of recon ciliation, that every man was a law unto him scl; and I said to myself, "Blessed ia that citv that can dispense with a ruler." (Cheers.) I was reminded on thit occasion ot a verse of the celebrated John Milton: "Now let us sing, long live the kin;;, And Gilpin loog live be; And when he next doth ride again, May I be there to see." I thought that tt would be good sense, if not rhyme, to alter it so that it might read: "Long live my friend Mcllichaol, And the President, long live he; And when we next do rido again, May he be there to see." ("Shame on Philadelphia!") (A voice "Gen tlemen, I propose three cheers for the President no, for Alderman" .) ("Order!" "order!" "order!") Mr. Seward Then we came here, and as we came through the streets trom the Battery we looked, and there were friends on the right, and Admiral Farragut noticed by the applause given to him that there were triends ou the left; Gene ral Grant saw that there were friends up to this end of th street, and tha President f juud tnem up to that end; and we rose, and as we rose, friends receded on our right and on our left, to the south, to the north, and everywhere, except tbat there was nobody under toot. (Cheers.) We know where those who have been enemies of the Republic were. They were under our feet. I looked to see what General Grant did under the apple tree of the Appomattox, and I saw the one spirit that a military man always has. that is, that while he has triends on his right and on his left, be never will suffer a pros trate enemy to lie under his feet. THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. A Card from Henry J, Raymond. The following reply has been sent by Mr. Raymond to the letter of Governor Ward: New Yobk, Wednesday, August 2'J, 1806. Hon. Marcus L. Ward, Governor, etc. Sir: I have just received your favar ot the 28th. It is a matter wholly within your own discretion whether you attend the meeting of the National Union Executive Committee, called in this city for the 3d of September, or not; but I am not aware that you have the right to overrule the action of the National Union Convention, by which, in common with yourself, I was made a member of that Committee; or that of the Com mittee itself, by which I was made its Cnalrman and Treasurer. ( need not inform you that meetings of the Committee can only be held under tbe call of its proper officers, aDd that action taken at meetings not so called can have no binding authority. My object in calling this meeting was to afford the Committee an opportunity to take such action, in regular form, as in its ludgment the condition and interests of the Union party may require. If its members do not choose to attend it, my duty will have been performed. . I am obliged to yon for the opinions as to my political course with which you favor m?. 1 trust I do not underrate their importance, or that of the distinguished source from which they come. 1 have no desire to controvert or comment upon them, though as at present advised I certainly prefer my own. I hope I need not add that I have no desire to hold any official position in the National C i mittee of the Union party, or any other, against the wish of its members. But I deem it my duty, especially as this is not merely a matter of personal feeling, to insist uoon regu larity of action as tbe only mode by which that wish can be ascertained. Yours, very respectfully, Henry J. Raymond. The Cholera on the Lower Mississippi. The New Orleans Timet eays the cholera prevails among tbe negroes on the lower "coast," as the banks of the Mississippi are termed in that part of the country. The colored troops who were attacked with the disease while in New Orleans at the time of tbe riot, carried It away with them when they returned, to the forts below the city. TflE SECRETARY OF WAR. Why Mr. Stanton Rcmalu in the Cabinet is to Account for Condmt During the Reballion A Suit Already Inrtitnted. From the jfew York tttroXA oftifiay. Warhinoton, August 29. The strange perti nacity with wtlch the President ha.s hitherto hnng on to Mr. Sianton, depite the very heavv and influential pressure brought to hear to effect bis removal Irura the Cabinet, has beeu a mat ter ot common remark and wonder, aud many and varied have been thi reasons assigned for this singular conduct. Even Secretary Seward and Mr. Thurlow Weed wcro not averse to re ceiving the popular credit due for effecting this remarkable circumstance. It is posMble thst those geptlemcn may have had something to do in battling the wishes ot the majority of the people that Mr. Stanton should be relieved irora tbe War Department; but tt now turnti oat that the President has beeu actuated in this matter by higher con siderations than the friendship of Mr. Weed or a desire to please Mr. Seard. It seems that Mr. Sianton is to be called to account lor his conduct during the war, and the Administration has determined to protect him against harm in these matters. H"re is the whole secret oi the matter: were bis record all right, the Secretary of War would doubtless have been di-unis-eJ or suffered to resign immediately after the Phila delrhia Conventiou, in obedience to the demands ot the majority ot the delegates to tuat body; but bis record was not all htratght. A suit lor damnges, because of alleged false liuprisonmeut find distress ot private property, was thpn pend ing against him in the Supremo Court of the D.MTict of Columbia, and it is to aait the de termination of tLat. in manv respects test case. that Mr. Stanton is so strangely retained in the Government. It will be remembered that early in the sum mer ot mi wiiuam x. smitbson, a banker ot this citv. was arrested bv order of the War De partment, charged with being in correspond ence with the enemy and dealing in Contederate currency. He was thrown iuto the Old Capitol Prison, his family ejected from his house, his furniture carried aay and appropriated by the police officers ot the War Department, and other indignities ollered to himself, b; family. and h's property. Subsequently Mr. Smiihson was tried belore a military comrais-ion iu Balti more, convicted and sentenced to tea years' imprisonment in the Penitentiary at Albany, N. Y. Alter serving out aiout a ,'ear of his term in the Penitentiary, he was pardoned by Presi dent Lincoln and set at uoerty. lie has now instituted proceeames agamst Mr. starton. as Btated above, tor damages because of these alleged irregular and unlawful proceedings, laving his damages at $30,000. The following is a .copy of the declaration filed in the case upon which the proceedings are commenced: IN TUB BUPItKME COURT OF THE JJISTltlOT Or Columbia, June 26, 1CQ William 1'. Smitbson vs. J dwin M. Stanton. WifiamT Sralthson. toe n'aiu till'in this suit. comDlaius of Edwin M. Sianton. tho deicndant in this suit, lor that the said defendant lie: etoiore, to wit, on the 80th dav ot Jane. 1363, with ioice ot arms, broke inio and entered a certain dwelling bouse of the said plaintiff, situate in the cuv ol Washington, in tno .District ot Columbia, and ihon and there ejected, expelled, put out and ic moved tbe tumily and servants of tbe said plaintiff irom ibe possession, use, occupation and enjoyment ot the said dwelling house- and kept them so ejected nnd removad tor a long space of timu, to wit, from thence hilt erto. whereby the said plaintiff tor and during ail that time lost and was deprived of tho use and benefit of t'ie said d welling house. And also lor that the said defendant, on thedar and year aforesaid. tv wit, attnncitv ot Washington aioresaid, seized and earned away certain housuno'd turniture of the snid plaintiA'of rrnii ralas. to wir, ot tno value of SoOOO. And a.so that the Ba d delendant. hereto fore, to wit. on the 30th dav of June. 1868. assaulted the said p'aintifT, t wit, at Washington citv aloro snid. and caused hitn to be arrested and imprisoned. ana Kept ana ao'ainea mm in pns -n wlt.iout any reasonable) or lawful cause whatsoever, tor a long time, to wit. from tbenothithorto, contrary to law and auainst tho will of said nluinfifT: and other wrongs tbo aid defendant then and there did to ibo said plaintiff. Wherefore the said nla'ntitf saith that he Is injured to tbo amount ot fuO.OOO, and therefore he brings his salt. The deicndant will plead hereto on or before the first special term of the court occurring twenty days after service hereof, otherwise judgment. Upon the filing of this declaration a summons was issued and placed in the hands of Marshal Gooding tor service, as follows: IN THE StTPEEMR COUET 07 TUB DISTRICT OF Columbia, June 21), 1806 At law Ao. 2724 Vfil- imm r. enuthson, o atn iff. vs rid win itt. stanton, defendant. The President ot the United States to the Marshal tor said District, greeting: Hummou the defenoant in the above entitled case to appear in said court on or before the first special term thereof occurring twenty aays alter stvico ot trus writ, aud answer the declaration herewith served, and warn him tbat in delanlt of eo doing the Plaintiff mav proceed to judgment and execution at t he trial term oi saia oourt next alter eaia servicot and do vou return this writ into the clerk's offioo immed ateiy after service, so endorsed as to show the time and manner ol executing it; and if you cannot serve il within six mombs, the dav of its issuance exclusive then return it into the said ofilce for renewal. Witness, D. It. Cabter, Chief Justice oi said Court. ft. J. Meigs, Clerk. On tlin pnmmpnppiitAnf nf ftinan fiwtnAwllnrvc the matter was brought before tho Cabinet ani fully discussed, when the Attorney-General was directed to appear for and defend the Secretary of War. That officer is now engaged in prepar ing the answer to this declaration. He has re tained Mr. W. G. Kendall, a young lawyer of i ins cuy, as attorney in tne case, xne prosecu tion is in the hands of Messrs. Hughes, Denver & Peck. The defense will mainlv relv unon the act ot Congress indemnifying certain officers of tne Government lor acts done in their official cniiacitv for the suppression of the Rebellion. The prosecution will contest the constitutional ity of this law, and so raise an important issue, upon the determination of which will deoend the commencement or abandonment of hundreds ot similar suits. The Government considers this a very import ant case, and will put forth every effort in Mr. Stanton's defense: and It has been considered that that defense can be better conducted with Mr. Stanton in his official position than other wise. Hence his retention. The issue will be joined at the special term of the court commeac mg on the first Tuesday of September. LATEST FROM MEXICO. Tvpelo Taken by the Liberals Seven Hundred Man and a Large uuanuty or bpoiis Captured. Chicago. Aupiut 29. A Galveston despatch. dated at noon to-day, states that Tupelo was captured by the Liberals last Thursday, with me euiir- fiurnou oi iuo men. no Jives lost on either side, as the place was surprised by night, and tbe garrison overpowered before resistance could be made. Besides the prisoner, eight rifled guns were captured, and 1100 small arms, with a large amount of baggage and stores. "NEW OllLEANS. Sheridan Still Holding His Grip on the Rebels He Threatens to Bring More Troops Down, Chicago, August 29. New Orleans advices say General Sheridan still holds his grip with unabated force upon the city officials aud Plug Uglles. The General last night stated that more troops would be sent to this department unless matter soon assumed a different aspect. He has ordered two companies of regulars on duty at Baton Rouge to report immediately. Ibe Cholera tn Cincinnati. Cincinnati, August 30. Only three deaths from cholera occurred here yesterday. The Price ot GoM. Naw Yoke, August 90, noou. Gold U quoted at )47L COMFORT FOR SHALL ttCOSIES. BY MRS. WARREN. ACTnOR OP UOW I MANAGED MY. HOD-B 0! TWO tlCN- dked Pounds a year" "how I MAlvAOED MY CaiLUBSN." Published by Loring, of Boston. ontmued from I vening telegraph of yesterday.) CHATTER IX. The Pussel'emE The Universal Malady How to Meet Difficulties, Toil, Trouble, Worry The Form of a Ministering Spirit A Railway Com panionAn Eastern Apologue The Visit Blue Potatoes Cards for the Kitchan Very Eesirable. Kexiah's memory seemed to get weak as she grew older. She could now read and write tolerably weil, much be ter than when she first came, as It had been mr practice to hear her rend seleced chapters Ironi the Bible on Sunday nignts, just as my children na, ana occasionally to write copies. ' Oue evening ot her early days, alter I thought she had been much impressed with what she had been rea Kng, she staitled me by saying! ""I'm very fond of reading the Puflsel'ems, ma'am." "The Pussel'cms, Keziah ! that'a not fit read ing lor Sunday nights," thinking she meant riddles. "I thought 'twas, ma'am, because they's in the Bible," and, turning over tbo leaves, she pointed to the Psalms, and pronouncing tbe word as three syllables, behold "the Pussel Vms !" I set down the rising laugh by making her properly pronounce the word, and said, "Don't mind tbe letter P, call it 'Salms." "That's tunny," was her next remark; "my father tcll'd me I should never get on if I didn't nnnd mv P's and Q's. This kii'd of conversation died out as time went on, and Keziah became more retiring in her manners and speech, and lost much of her country dialect. She became a very regular attendant in the aiternoon service, bat in the winter endeavored to go to the evening service as well, for in the summer she and the nurse were allowed to go for a walk, but in the winter tbe nurse prelerred to stay nt home. Alter a w bile Keziah was seized with an in firmity of temper, coupled with los ot memory, which Becmed irremediable; for her petiishness she was always sorry and penitent, but her memory failed her in her. cooking, and always in the little things that made its perfection. Still I bore with her, thinking she was not well, lor she had been listless since her lost return Irom her home, where she went occasionally from Saturday till Sunday night, for we had cold dinner on a Sabbath, Sh" war. ni ico in ber own room at unreasonable times, at which I was greatly puzzled, till I observed that her firgers were frequently iiky, when a new light seemed to dawn upon me. "Who bave you been writing to, Keziah ?" "My mother, ma'am," Still the fingers continued Inked. "You seem to write very lrequentty to your mother," I observed. Keziah blushed, but said nothing. The girl had found a lover, that was quite clear; that was tho reason of my old troubles returning upon me again, ot my b mg so often ooliged to remind ber ot her shortcomings. But still I was unwilling to bring things to a crisis I thought it was an incipient fevei that would pass away, and so I went on, being kind where 1 should have reproved; giving way when firmness was needed; and thus no long time was needed to convert the girl info becoming my mistress, and a tyrant to boot. Keziah knew her power, knew how reluctant I should be to give her warning, and thought she could eo to a greater length of the tether without serious reprimand. I have ever found that with any difficulty, either close or at a distance, the best way is to grapple with it at once; to beat about the bush is to torture oneself. "Tender handed, touch the nettle, And it sting y ou for i our pains ; Grasp it wl b the bo dext mottle, And it soft as silk remains." Keziah was just now the nettle in my path; however softly I spoe to her, however seem ingly blind to her faults. I felt a perpetual sting, though varied in its intensity by the occa sion which called it forth. That the girl must leave me sooa I knew for a certainty, and it was best to be prepared for it. One evening 1 spoke to her about her general carelessness, and said I supposed she was tired of the place. "If you please, ma'am, I would rather leave, I'm very soiry, ma'am, but my mother wante me at home." So this wu3 the end of all my teaching; my tioubles were to begin again. I was wrathful, silently wrathful, no doubt of it, my temper wa lising, and I was nursing it to kecpitwarnu There were two things which always helped me over my difficulties if I could only command my temper sufficiently long to think. One was to cast my trouble upon the One whose care is ever over us; the otber was to get away from home for a lew hours. In this case I got away lir.-t, and went by rail to visit a friend. A rail way journey has alwavs power to soothe my. mind. I ran think better in rapid movement. Everybody must bave lelt, some time or other, how pertinaciously some sentence or words of a song will lay hold of one's mind; mine was now held last by the words: "And make ui ministering spirits." Over and over again the sentence rose in my mind till I was forced to think of its meaning, and to ponder upon the high privilege ot be coming a ministering spirit. So dreamily the thought wove liself into imagining the shape in which such a spirit miht manifest itself. It surely must come in human form with help lor our needs; but its humanity must not be too exalted nor too grand for our intercourse; and thus one thought led to another, till it occurred to me that each of us could be "a ministerlDg spirit" at least the helpers of each other whether we instructed the ignorant, clothed and fed the needy, or consoled the a.Hicted, and that this was the worg mrre especially given to women to do; and if from a sense of toil or weariness it was put aside, it became a sinot omission equally censurable with a sin of commission. Then Keziah returned to my mind, and my heart sickened at the recollection ot the tedious trouble I once had m teaching her. Then I thought of a governess' life, of the duties "never ending, still renewing," and again I took heart. Others there were who must stilt pursue a weary lite, with no loving voice, no smile to cheer them on their rugged way. Thus many accomplished and even self-edu. cated girls of gentle lineage or noble ancestry w ere plodding to obtain their daily bread, while I, with a wealth of love surrounding me, and an income which was ample for my wants, poured into my lap without any care or mine, was repining because the young girl whom I bad me, and to take her place union the world's surrounded mv future work ! Wbat I had taffht Keziah J oould teach others. I had taufrht her hnur 1i ia en gtmt'uTt. nn a m all m ai i,a 4. save and utilize ever? household matter, how to cook w insure guou uieeuonf ana enowing tuat Vhlt AAllIri tiA dmiA With m. mrJinmatA week. As occasion needed I had written out a nuiuOT o recipe ior Jkeziao, wua Ute Buui&er-
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