THE DATIA EVENING TELEGRAPH. PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, AUGUST 18, 18C6. THE NEW YORK PHES3. EDITORIAL OPINIONS OF THE LEADING JOURNALS UPON CURRENT TOPICS. COMPILED EVERT DAT FOR KVEWIHO TBLFQRAPH. The Silence That Condemns, front the Nation. Fifteen days Tiave elapsed since Mr. Johnson took the government of Louisiana into his own hand", and allowed it to pass into the charge of ft ferocious and bloodthirsty mob. Fifteen days hare passed since he learned of the wholesale massacre of unarmed and loyal men, by those to whom he had deputed his authonty. When appealed to by pardoned Rebels to suppress a peaceful Convention and to depose the Governor of a State, he lost no time. He could not wait from Saturday to Monday, but hastened upon Sunday to tie the hands of General Baird, and. to direct the forces of the United States to be used In support of the "Thugs" of New Orleans. The Thugs have acted according to their nature, We cannot believe that Mr. Johnson meant that tbey should enact the scenes of diabolism which they did. We cannot suppose tbat he intended arrests to be made without the shadow of legal 'warrant, the assassination of defenseless and unresisting pri-ouers, the deliberate massacre of unconvicted and unresisting men. But the deed lias been done. Even some of hte own tools are shocked at their work; why cannot the President speak 1 He ws prompt to telctrraph Biosatjes aga'nst tne Convention; prompt to publish his telegrams. Hits he telegraphed any censure of tbis bloody work to the Rebels whom he made ruUsra of Louisiana? If he has, why does he not publish his telegram f What means this silence over massacre after such ready speech against "usurpation ?" We trust thnt all our readers have studied the letter of Mr. E. P. Brooks to the President's organ in thi9 city. Calm and clear in Its state ments, its Impartial record is all the more terri ble in its effect upon the mind. It relates how the clergyman who offered prayer at the opening 01 the Convention came down to surrender him self to the police, with a white handkerchief on the end of his walking stick, and " was met. knocked down, trampled upon, kicked and beaten nearly to death while begging,for mercy" (he is since dead); how Dr. Do.-tie was treated in the same manner, besides being stabled re peatedly; bow a detachment of the mob, some hundreds 6trong, led by six policemen, hunted a single negro, the policemen, as they came up with him, emptying their revolvers into his back; how another negro, fallinVSrmi a police man's shot while trying to wfJ was sur rounded by policemen, who fhUriueir pistols into him as he lay, and then, when he feebly raised his arms to implore for mercy, pounded him with their clubs; how a policeman mounted a cart full of dead men, and thrust his revolver between their bodies to kill two men beneath them who yet gave signs of life. These, be it observed, were the acts of the police the sworn guardians of the public peace into whose hands the city was committed by Uie express orders of the President. For yet more ghastly sceups among the auxiliary mob, we refer to the same letter, in the New York Times of August 8. These specific details, given voluntarily by an eye-witness who is a supporter of Mr. Johnson's policy, and whu has not withheld censure of "radicalism" at the North, have been public for more than a week", but yet we have not heard a word from Mr. Johnson cr his orsrans. The Saratoga Convention has met, and endorsed all the acts of Mr. Johnson. Long speeches were made on the occasion, but we do not notice a single expression of horror over this narrative, which halt the members must have read on their way to the place of meeting. They could go out ol their way to pledge an affected sympathy for the soldiers of the Union at the North, but could not spare a word for the discharged soldiers who had just been massacred by paroled Rebels at the South. The President of the Convention declared that he held out his hand to the loyal men of the South, wbom he justly called our brothers; but to tne blood of these brothers, spilt before his eyes, he was blind; to their cries lor help aud rescue he wa deaf. The partisans of the Administration in vain endeavor to evade the responsibility for this appalling crime. But for tne President's posi tive orders, General Baird would have protected the Convention from violence. The action which General Baird finally took, and which alone stayed the work of death, was contrary to the President's instructions; and it is already announced by one of the President's niouth- Eieces that the General's action will cost him is place. If the whole object, end, and aim of the President's policy is not to turn over the loyal men of the South into the hands of such rulers as Mayor Monroe, and such police as those of New Orleans, who can say what it is ? Not only does he encourage and aid the rule of such men, but if by accident a man of different mould comes into power, the President either ignores him, as in Tennessee, or threatens him with violent resistance, as in Missouri, or de poses him, as in Louisiana. In short, the man who made such loud professions of loyalty, of hatred of treason, of determination that loyal men should rule, is the man under whom to-day past loyalty is made odious, traitors raided to power, and' Union men literally crushed under their feet. There Is not a doctrine in his poli tical creed which he has not violated, not a pro mise which he has not broken, scarcely an act nf it iiir nation in his Dower which he has not committed. But of all his acts none have been no utterly without palliation as his course in resnect to the Louisiana Convention. His readiness to speak when he hud no pretence of light to Interlero, ana nis persistent sueuco when evert instinct of manhood should have drawn him to speak, are his crowning, his damning disgrace. The War of Races. From the Tribune. The MemDhis Daily Commercial a. Rebel sheet, of course, none others indulge in such luxuries of wo preaches on this theme a ser mon full of loathsome malignity. It h but one of many, we presume; but it is a good specimen of its kind; spicy with newly kindled wrath, and pointed with recent facts of bloody import. The text for the discourse is a passage from Jeffer son, written in 1821, when he was seventy-one years of age, and, according to the editorial prophet, in the plenary ripeness of his bright and powerful intellect. The text runs as tol lows: "Nothing Is more certainly written in the book of fate than that these people (the negroes, are to be free; nor is it less certain that the two races, equally free, cannot live in the same covernment. Nature, habit, opinion, have drawn indelible lines of distinction between them." The points are these: Jefferson was an anti slavery man, and would prophesy the mo3t hopefully for the blacks. He was a very wise and sagacious man likewise. His first predic tion has come true. The second, therefore, will, in all hicellhood, come true also. There will be a war of races in the South. But, In a w ar of races, the black race will be not only subdued but exterminated. Thus Abolitionism destroys itself, and thus pretended philanthropy will nrove ihe destruction of it victims. Onn or two slips in logic here invite remark; for in stance, that the secona prediction must be imuiiea Decause ine dtbc uus uceu; una mat a war or races is the only issue, supposing the aecond prediction to be iustlned by experience. in the order of time. We will offer a sutrsostlon or two touching the first dilemma Je.tler.sou nredicted the emancipation of the slaves, by bome means, In some probable ernejgeucy an exceedingly vaeue prediction, tie also pre dieted the be partition of the races another pre? diction even more vague. Events have brought about the formal emancipation of the slavt'3; iiiHt pvents. therefore, bring about a separation he races r That depends a little ou the grounds on which the different prophecies were based. Why did Jefferson predict emancipation f and why aid he predict the separation or the races 1 It is not difficult to answer either question. Jefferson was an abolitionist. He believed thnl slaveiy was wrong, and that Ood was ust. He was a statesman, and he saw that the form of government that must In time prevail at the South was opposed to democratic tendencies, and must give way before them. He was a close observer of society, and he could not be blind to the fact that the slave population would eventually be an embarrassing and possibly an unmanageable element in Southern communi ties. He foresaw the ultimate extinction, there fore, of slavery, as a mistake, a nuisance, a mischief, a solecism, and a sin. 80 sure as the Almlehty lived, it could not endure; he trembled for his country while it did. Obser vation, reflection, conviction, faith, lent their combined vision to pierce the future when it should be no more. A moral vision thus keen was not to be ballled; thp great conclusion came, though under circumstances which no merely mortal vision could have indicated. And why did Jefferson, auguring thus hope fully for the negro's emancipation, augur thus drearily for his emancipated destiny? Because he was himself a Virginian, with the ideas of a French liberal, but with the habits of a South em ghntleman, used from boyhood to feel about the blacks as the best of Southern gentlemen may, but as Southern gentlemen always will, he said truly that habit and opinion drew an Indelible line between the whites and the blacks. When he added "Nature" he meant habit and opinion, which were nature to him, no doubt, as they are to most of us. His limits were the limits of destiny. God proposed nothing more than lie could conceive possible. He could not conceive it possible that whites and blacks could live together In equal freedom under the same government. An Immense array of evidence, historical, moral, presumptive, convinced Him that slavery must pass away. VVhere was the evidence to persuade Him that the races must be detached or tall into hopeless strife? Not in history, not in philosophy, not in conscience; it was simply "In his bones and blood." The one prediction, therefore, might be as Inevitably foolish and false as the other was wise and true. The verification of the first would, on general principles, suggest the futility of the second. But the second has already been Instilled by the same history that justified the first. Tri umphantly exclaims the predicator of Memphis; Do you not know what transpired here in Tennessee? Have you not heard of the receut occurrences in New Orleans? Are you blind to the signs of the times in the Carolines, in Georgia, Alabama, aud Florida? Canyon not feel the pulse of the chivalry beating with in dignation at the disgrace that emancipation puts upon them ? Have you not caught the whisper of their recorded vow that the negroes shall be either banished or exterminated! Oh yes; but does this prove that a war of races is inevitable, thut wbhes and blacks cannot ive together, that an indelible line is drawn by nature between them ? It proves that the Southern whites retain their ancient prejudices of birth, ignorance, and habit; it proves that they are gilted with a Boeotian fat ness of intellect as regards their own interest: it proves that their pride is dearer to them than their prosperity, that the indulgence of their temper isswepter than the fulness of their barns; it proves that they hate the freeduien, are jealous of their thrilt.are malignant towards their loyalty, are vexed over their auerandize mental their masters' expense, are beside them selves with rage at their own powerleiseess. It E roves that their nature, in its grossest and least umau element, would giadly draw, and means to draw, an iudelible line between the two races. But is their nature God's nature? Is the barrier they cement witu blood made firm by Divine decree? The war at present raging between the whites and blacks is not a war of races, but a war ol interests. Human passions, not Provi dential antagonisms, are at strife. We need not call in destiny to explain what deviltry will explain just as well, and better too. That strile is impending between the whites and the blacks in the late slave States is, we apprehend, very evident. Of that strugglo, the blacks may be the occasion, but the whites are tne cause. Had emancipation Deen practically more universal and complete than it is now, the struggle might have been avoided, because then the negroes would have been ou a civil and political equality with their former master?, aud could have put forth a show of stveugth that might have held their enemies in check, or even extorted from them concessions of privilege. It Is the non-fulfillment to its full extent of Jeffer son's hist propnecy that has brought the second so near to a fulfilment. Had the treedmeu, again, shown themselves less industrious, sober, thrifty, temperate, emulous, the struggle migut have been avoided ; for in that case the whites would have had some pretext for standing, not on their contempt, perhaps, but on their silent, nrnis-folded indifference. At present, jealousy ministers to their rage. The negro proves him self altogether too capable of self support, too reaiiy ior education, 100 cuiierior iuo imiueuues of civilized life; and bis former lords nnd them selves unable to live with him on equal terms of labor and progress. When the blacks are equally free with the whites, we confidently pre dict that the war of races will become a phrase instead of a fact, and a phrase filly describing nothing but an exploded prejudice. War ot races, forsooth ! Neither race is in condition to do justice to itself. The negroes are not, be cause they are not vet emancipated from the bondage of habit and opinion. These habits and opinions may be incurable in the present generation; they will disappear in the next. They may stand out against bureaus and bayonets; but they will yield to manu factures aud trade. Born in time, they will die in time. Born of the old world, they will vanish in the new. As the old system passes away, the old Adam will pass away. The races live together comfortably aud to mutual satis faction when they live together on equal terms, as they do in some parts of the British West Indies. It is inequality that begets war. Equally free, they will be equally coruial, pros perous, aud happy in the United States. Nei ther the white man nor the black mau of 1321 was the same being that he isiu 18GU. Circum stances alter; and the prophet who feels his wav along the line of circumstances will always be at fault, as Jefferson will prove to be yet in his predictions thnt tne races cannot, in equal freedom, live together. Principles never change; and the prophet who projects his vision along the track of piinciples will always be verified, as JeQerson was in 111s prediction mat tne slaves would be made free. Napoleon, France, and Prussia. From the Times. A telegram in yesterday morning's Times, sent from Pails the day beiore yesterday, will inform the reader that on August 15 the Prussian Am baesador had un audience with the Emperor, at which he delivered the formal refusal of the Prussian Government to comply with the French demands of an extension of the frontiers, The Emperor is said to have assented to the reasoning of the Prussian Government, and to have further remarked that he had made the demaud only in compliance with the public opinion ot France. This, at first sight, would appear as an outcmt counrmauon 01 ine tele gram ot the previous day. referring merely to a "renuoie report ui runs 10 me same enect. But we feel incuued to caution our readers to accept it as bucd. as we judge the character of Napoleon, he is very apt to tin Hnmpthinsr else man What he Rftvs Some critic remarked that Napoleon was the niovt difficult man of any for a diplomat to understand, for, when ne says a thing, no one rn pxnect that he means it. nor eveu that he means the reverse. He proclaimed that the Empire was peace. But since he made himself Emperor "par la grace de Lieu et la volonte nationale." there has been no peace in Eurone, When there waa no war, there was irritation and preparation for war. So now, when he, as reported, proclaims his intentlou to keep the Ei-ace and not to increase the number of com atanU, we may very well douot tie sincerity ot u'.s ueumuoa. , But. then, if our telegraphic report be strictly correct, he has announced himself at the pliant tool of the public opinion of France. In de ference to it only, he now claims to have made demand. In this very declaration, if it bo true, lies the "backdoor," which he has always hitherto succeeded in leaving open lor any sud den change of position. In deference to that same "public opinion of France" he may believe himself compelled to reinsist upon the demand, and to exact a compliance by force. Public opinion is something in this country, it Is some thing in England, but m France, the Emperor "by the national will" considers himself the master of public opinion, and his referring to it nowma.vwell put us on our guard, and might Eiepare us for ni leaning upon it again when 0 proposes to act in a different direction. And here may be covered up, like the forthcoming cbicken in the egg, his future course by the reported caution to Prussia, that she should not extendi her power below the river Main. We have, of course, not the very words in which this caution was expressed, but it contains enough to show that, as in many other occa sions, it Is just as well now to accept what a German caricaturist onco wrote about him. that he looks to the ripht and squints to the left, talks to those in front, while his hands are busily at work behind his back. The Fnropcan Question Napoleon's Dif ficulty and the Perils ol Austiia. From the Herald. We have a report from Paris of the 15th, by the Atlantic cable, that the French Government had abandoned the idea of extending the fron tier of France by the annexation of certain Geiman provinces on the Rhine. Napoleon may have caused certain hints to be thrown out in this direction In order to gain time or to sound the public opinion of France in reference to the back-dowu suggested; but his defecation of those treaties of 1816 no doubt remains the same as when he made tbat audacious little speech at Auxerre. He there proclaimed him self the champion of the imperial programme of his uncle; he intended trance to understand him, and his speech was so understood and ac cepted by the French people. They have accord ingly been expecting great things either from the diplomacy of the Emperor or his splendid army from a European Congress or a campaign on the Rhine. On the other hand, it may be said, that when Napoleon finds himself in an untenable or dangerous position he does not hesitate to withdraw from it; and his peace with Austria in 1859 of Villa Franca, and his retirement from Mexico, may be cited as examples of his prevailing prudence under the strongest temp tations lor rashness. But the abandonment of the idea of the extension of France to the Rhine under the t,rpsent situation ot things in Europe, involves fetch a los of prestige and popularity to Napoleon and the empire as to nwkc bis surrender quite as dangerous to h!m selt as a declaration of war. It 1s a question which will probably take ns much time for a settlement by negotiation ns by the sword. We apprehend, indeed, that the sword will at latt be required to cut the gordian knot, what ever adjustment may be attempted by diplo- 1 niacy; for in this "matter tiie question is whether France shall maintain her ascendancy ou the continent, or quietly consent to be neutralized, overshadowed, and held at bay by the new Germ ante Confederation embraced in the now truly powerful kingdom of Prussia. We can hardly believe, therefore, that the French Government, upon twenty-four hours' consideration of the Prussinn ultimatum, has abandoned the idea of the Rhine frontier. On the contrary, we are still inclined to the opinion tbat this business will not be settled short ot a continental war or another French revolution. In view of a revolution there is on active agita tion going on among "the peoples" of the Aus trian empire, which may spread like the conta gion of the cholera or the rinderpest into France. Revolutions, like epidemics, when once started, are apt to travel in every direction where the combustibles upon which trey feed are to bo found. Poor Austria now, in the midst of her degradation and helplessness, anpears to be on the verge of a general break-up through a revolutionary uprising of her various "peoples," especially the heroic and republican people of Hungary, who in 184!t were only checked in their victorious march towards independence by the interventiou of Russia with an army of nearly two hundred thousand men. That Hungarian revolution was set in motion by the French republican revolution of 184S, resulting in the expulsion of Louis Philippe, and in the setting up of that experimental poetical republic ot Lamartlne, which was first secured and then superseded by the present Napoleon with his coup d'etat and the empire. But why may tot the revolutionary con tagion spread ' from Hungary to France, as well as from France to Huneary ?. When the loyal Austriaus proper of Vieuna meet their hitherto venerated Kaiser with the cry ot "Abdicate !" " abdicate !" when thou sands ot brave Hungarians taken as prisoners ot war by Prussia, in his service, accept with gri'titnde their release on the condition of undertaking the independence of Hungary, we may well paiiFe to require: Is Austria to go to pieces from this disastrous conflict, or will 6he still survive, even as a second-rate power. through the helping hand again of Russia? This, too. Is an interesting question, and oue which will deptnd as much for its sertlpment uoou the movements ot the revolutionary ele- ments upon the continent as upon the managing statesmen ol the great powers. We still hold to the Impression that peace is not secured in Europe; that war outside ol Frauce has become a necessity to Louis Napoleon to avoid an internal revolution, and that while courts and cabinets are discussing the rectification of their boundaries, "the peoples." as in 1848-t, and with more syf-tem aud torce, mavnse and change the whole programme from France to Hungary, or iroui Hungary to r ranee. France and Prussia. From the World. Nothing can be more bland nnd conciliatory than the tone of the Empeior Napoleon in his discussion with Prussia upon the propriety of a "rectification" of the eastern Iroutiers of Franc. as we see its results received by the Atlantic cable. But nothing, on the other haud, could well be less reassuring as to the probabilities of the preservation of peace between France and Pruisia than the substance of the Emperor's , i 1. .1 .. 1' Tri ...... 1 repiy 10 cue amuassauor 01 mug wiiuain. The amenities ot diplomatic intercourse, like the civilities of private correspondence, are pretty sure to be clipped and docked in their transmission over tne busy and oeremntorv wires ot the telegraph; and the account which we now receive of the conclusion of these nego tiations abundantly connrms our original doubts as to the form and nature of the alleged "de mand" made by France upon Prussia for the cession of the Rhenish provinces of the latter power. Huch a "demand" would, in the first place, have been utterly preposterous, in the actual condition of the two States; aud could it by any possibility have been made, it must, in the second place, have been insisted upon with all the power 01 the empire, and at what' ever hazard. It is obvious, now, that the propositions of Napoleon, marie, as tne Emperor declared them to have been made, to "satisfy the de mands of public opinion iu Frauce," must have amounted to a suggestion ot the propriety of anticipating aud preventing any future difficulty on the subject of boundaries between the two nnurpis. hv a reference of the Question ot alio. glauce to the people of the Rhenish districts bordering upon France, as well Prussian as Bavarian and Hessian. This suggestion, Prussia, it seems, has decidenly declined to entertain, and the Emperor ot tne rrem n, proteasing him self euttiely satisfied with the arguments by which King William Justifies his refusal, ouletlv expresses the hope that nothing may occur to change the existing condition ot things, and that Prussia will not think ot passing the boundary of the Main. But that Prussia does think, and think seriously, of passim the boundary of the Main, is more than Implied by the .latest news we nave ot me course 01 tne rruesiau authorities aal tae Prussiau armies beyaui thnt boundary, and by the threatening aspect, ot the relations between PrHssia, on the one hand, and Wurtemberg and Bavaria, the most important States beyond the Main, on the other. In that quarter of Germany all the signs now point omir.oHkly to the renewal of the conflict at an early day. A Prusian invasion of Bavaria east of tne Rhine would hardly be unattended by a simultaneous Prussiau iuvasion of Bavaria west of the Rhine, and a Prussian inva sion of Bavaria west of the Rhine would bring about at once a state of affairs on the immediate frontiers of France which would justify the French Emperor not only in making propositions to "satisfy the demands ot public opinion," but in taking action to assure those frontiers. Interpreted by all that the world knows of the third Napoleon's habitual couise of con duct at critical emergencies, and illuminated by the light of the existing state of things in Southern Germany, these curious negotiations which have lust passed between Paris and Berlin must be taken to be a sorl of repro duction of those propositions for a "Con gress," which, proceeding from the Tuilerles, preceded the outbreak of the Italian war in 1859, and again ot the recent struggle between Austria and Prussia. It has been the one clear and consistent aim of the policy of the third Napoleon to avoid the methods, while steadily laboring to attain the ends, of the policy of his uncle and predecessor. From the moment when he assumed the sceptre, f napoleon ill has been visibly impressed with the paramount necessity to his perma nent success of persuading Europe that the methods ot war and "conquest were utterly distasteful to bim. Never has it been so important for him to rnaintabi this impression as now, when events seem to be tast;ripening towards the crowning opportunity of his icign, and rTance once more sees within her not distant reach the occasion ot seizing once more that "natural frontier," the desire of which has tor ages made the Rhine a French rlverin the profound and passionate conviction ot the people of France. Aguiust a player play ing so patiently and so warily for a stake so high, the audacious and reckless game ot Count Bismark may possibly prove succestul. But the chances, it must be admitted, look danger ously the other way ; and if this last move of Napoleon shall precipitate the imperious Pre mier of Prussia more rapidly and boldly upon the course of policy which be has shown himself disposed to adopt towards Southern Germany , the world will not have long to wait for the shock of a French advance in lorce upon the positions which Count Bismark has now declined to make the subject of diplomacy. Military Organization in Prussia. From the Daily ATewB. The recent exhibitions of prowess with which the Prussian army has astonished the world, have placed it, In public estimation, In the chief rank of national military establishments. It is evidently a most extraordinary army; its arma ment and commissariat are pronounced not to jbe equalled by those of any other array in Europe, and the moral individual excellence of the soldiers is stated to be of the highest order. A military critic remarks, and with much truth: "The Prussian generals command 'thinking bayonets,' and find them not tne worse tools for thai." There can be no doubt but that all this excel lence is to be attributed to the military organiza tion of Prussia, which is based on the principle that every citizen owes his services to the countty. The law ot that nation demands thut every man snail be a soldier; but, owing to the limitation of the army to a certain number of men, every person may not be obliged to enter the ranks. When this young Pfu3siun attains the age of t wenty the State calls upon him tor his 'services, and requires a certain number to enter the standing army, in which they remain tor five years, tne last two ot which are spent m the reserve. Formerly it was only necessary to remain in active scrvica tor two years, with the exception of the Royal Guard, after which the soldier was dismissed and placed in tne reserve, but was liable to oe called out at any time lor three years more; but the present Kiug, when Prince Regent, in 18G0, without asking the consent ot the. Legis lature, extended the regular term of active service to three years, which was equivalent to an increase in tne peace estauusnment by near! v one-third. The time of service for pro fessional men, students, etc.. however, is only one year. Those men between the ages of twenty and twenty-five, who are not required lor the regular army, are enrolled in the t-econd levy of the iandwehr, of which we shall speak neieaner. loung men 01 any station iu me are. however, allowed to enter the array as volunteers lor one year, without receiving any pay, and at the end ot the year they go over to the reserve, in which they remain for two yenrs more. Maying served nis term m tne regular army, the Prussian soldier enters the first levy of the lanauehr, where he remains tor seven years aud is then transferred to the second levy, where ne is enrolled lor a Hire term, uouse quentlv a Prussian subject is not released Iroiu military fluty until ne is i'J years 01 age, nis time ot service being divided as follows: From 20 to 'J5 years ot age in the standing arniv, from 20 to 32 111 tne first levy, nnd Irom 33 to 39 in the second lew 01 tne tanawenr; tne entire period being nineteen years. The first levy of the tanuicerir is cniied out a tew aays in every year lor drilling and manumvrmg. in war it is em ployed the samp as the regular army. The second levy is liable to be called out in time ot war tor the nurooteoi garnsomngme iortresses Thus the tanawenr is a standing rauitia wuicti forms a second reserve ot the army, and is aug' mcuted fir m tne ranks ot tho regular troops, instead ol supplying recruits to them, as is the case in some other countries, rue scanning army is in fact the military school, and the (andu-ehr forms the nucleus ot the army. The first lew of the latter penorms the annual ex ercises with the regular troops, and the eye of a militarv officer would ddect no difference ia the niauomvres ot citner corps, ine second levy is likewise a thoroughly experienced miiuary body, for, as we have shown, it consists chielly of soldiers who Lave been dratted, from the reuular army to the first levy, and from thence to the second, when arrived at tne requisite age The horses for the cavalry of thi Iandwehr are furnished by the landed owners ot the circle durlnt the continuance of the annual exercises, When the Prussian an Ives at the age of 39, and is discharged from the Iandwehr, his Gov-I ernmeut is still not content to part with hi 111 alioeether as an arms-bearing individual. He is now incorporated into an irregular militia, called the landslrum, where he remains until be is GO. This body acts as a home-guard iu tho event ot loreien"iuvasion; but It is only a local force for defensive purposes, aud is never called out except in extreme cas-ps, when even young men of from 17 to 20 are also compelled to serve in it. Thenilitary lists of the middle of last year give us the number of disciplined men in Prus sia, whose period of military service has not expired. The standing army, on a peace foot ing, is entered at 213,010 men, but on a war tooling at 647,0u0 men; the difference between these sums (434,000) represents the reserve ot the regular army aud the first levy of the Iand wehr. which ol course are now under arms. The second levy of the iandwehr is put down at U6.000, which swells the total to 742,000. To add to this there were still 320,000 dnllei men in the country who were under 39 years of age. By her peculiar military organization it will be seen that Prussia has always an immense and thoroughly disciplined force always on haud aud ready tor any emergency, and this, too, at but a trifling expense, wuen compared with the military expenses of other countries; tor she only baa to pay for her troops when they ere actually on duty. Tbe fighting quality of the Prussiau soldier has been thoroughly tested cn the battle-field during the present war, whilst bis marching powers have been proved to be very great, and quite equal to those of the French Iu the old war. In fact, the order and tbe regular'ty aud speed with which tbe Prus sians entered the enemy's country were very sliiking; "no precautions," says a correspon dent, "were omitted, and the army moved as it ought, exactly m if au eueiuy were ia frout." L1TERATU11E. KliVIKW OF NEW BOOKS. IIarpkr's Hand-Book roa Tbavbi.lf.bs in Emors anp tub East. By W. Pembroke Fet rldge. Harper & Bros.: New York. Philadel phia: J. B. Lipplncott A Co. The usual annual edition of the "Hand Book" comes to us with a number of recent revisions. It is a rich epitome of information, and Is such a work as Is ever needed by not only a traveller, but by all who intend to travel. With it as a companion, we can view the sights of other lands without leaving our study, and delight in the anticipation of delights which we hope are jet to be ours. To a traveller It Is Indispensable. ts only fault is the attempt to compress too much into one volume. It will be found a valu able addition to Murray, as it gives the Ameri can view of pluces nnd hotels, which is essen tially different from the British fancy. We regret that, with all its boasted, and much real enterprise, the list of Consols was not corrected, but the old list of 1802 inserted in a book sup posed to be entirely up to 186G. It Is for sale by J. B. Lipplncott. Insidi: a Chbohicls of Rechssion. By G. F. I Harrington. Hsrper A Bros.: Hovf York. J. J B. Lippincott 4 Co.: Agents. The book form of "Inside" gives it a much more attractive appearance than it had when published as a serial in Harper's Weekly. It is a 'romance originally fouuded on facts, has a true Union ring about it, and paints all the horrors ot life in the South during the Rebel lion without an effort at a disguise. The names of the characters are changed, although some of them we can recognize. For Instance, it takes no great penetration to reveal Colonel Ret Roberts as the veritable Colonel Robert B, Rbett. It will well repay perusal. "Papers from the Overlook House," recently published anonymously by Lippincott, are by a Rev. Mr. Beesley, whose church is in Bucks county. Their tone is as admirable as the poetry is execrable. Woman's Thought About Womn. By D. M, Muloch. T. B. Peterson A Brothers. It is a pleasant relief to turn from the ultra- sensational school of the present day, and find improvement as well as entertainment in novel which is admirable in style and pleasant in its plot. Above all things else, it is natural in its details. Such are Miss Mulocb's produc tions, and, with the exception ot "John Hall fax," we consider "Woman's Thoughts" her best. Every now and then Messrs. Peterson get out a reprint of some sterling work, and the rapidity with which the edition is absorbed shows that the public taste l not vitiated. The merits of the work before us are too well knowu to be pointed out; we can therefore only com mend the style in which it is issued, and advise all who have not perused its pages to do so before the issue is exhausted. Anpbew Johnson, Pbesipent of the Uniteo States: His Life and Spebches. By Lillian Foster. Richardson: New York. Howard Challen, No. 1308Chesuut street, Philadelphia Mr. Challen semis us a life of the President. printed in handjome style, neatly bound, and perfectly reliable. It is the best of any of his lives that have fallen under our notice, being full, so far as the biographical sketch is concerned, and having all ot his speeches up to the latest date, as well as all of his mes sages. The members of the Convention will find it a peculiarly useful woik,and one which is perfectly reliable. SPECIAL NOTICES. UNION CITY EXEUTIVE COMMITTEE. Aucintt T. lMtitt. UOTUE VOTERS OK- THE UNION PaUIV OF XuE CllY OF llilLAlr.LPliIA. in accords nee with the rules th e members of the rN lOJ. VAKT Y will mt-et In tnetr several wants on the THI HI) 11 r-MDAY tF At GUST i2ist Inst.), at 8 o'clock f. M .. at whicli meeting tho citizens of the illllcrent dlvlnlons prcnent snail elect Judge and two inspectors to conduct the elvcilons to be tiu.d on the toilowlng luesoav eveniim. On the lourth '1 uesday of August (28th Inst ), the citi zens 01 each warn shall meet in their respective divi sions betweon the hours of t and 8 o'clock V. M . and elect It cm each one Deli'iiaie to a City Convention for the nomination of City and County Olln ers One Delegate to a Judicial Convention. Oue Delegate to I onvrcsslouai Convention. One DeU'KHte to a Kanrewntatlve Convention. lo Lieleyates toaWard Convention, in such dls tilcts as eleci a Reuator or Mirveyor, one drlegute to a Senatorial and oue Delegate to a Surveyor's Con vention. . Two persons to a Waid Committee ot Superintendence will alxo he chosen irom each division. 'I lie loyal citizens of Fill ade phla. who have so nobly vusialned the ooveriiwent when assailed by Rebel In anus, aud who are 111 lavor 01 securing a permanent peace bv f ri ) er tafr'juardt thejuturt, are invited to tuke part in these primary elections. 1 be I uion organization lias carried the country sue cefsiuliv tlrough a great war. It has crushed tli uiost luiinlduble hebullion ever organized avalnsi the liberties ot a iree people. It has maintained tbe I'nlon 01 States against ihe uiulutetnutlng aogma of Mate rights, sup ported by the leaders ot the Democratic party It has preented the enemies ol our country from acconiplith Ipr bv uueiiual and uisioyal representation In the coun cils of the nation tbat which Itiev attenibted aud laded to achieve in war Aud whilst there can be no proper Indemnity lor the two hundred thousand uoble lives laid dowu .n Ueieneeof the Union in the past, it does demand that there shall be security against tbe recurrence oi rebellion lu the future Wlih such a tecord. to whom can the destinies of tbe Republic be more eafelv entrusted? we, therelore, Invite all citizens who unite with us In sentiment, who believe that treason Is a citine, and will anslft in making It odious at the ballot-box, to take pan in our primary elec Ions. In order that we may nave a satisfactory representation In our several con ventions. WILLI Ail ELLIOTT, 1'resident. John L. H ill. Mecretarles. g n Bt PAUUKE SCIENTIFIC COURSE LAFAYETTE COLLEGE. In addition to tbe general Couise of Infraction la this Iiepurtiuent. tiesigned to lay a substantial basis of knowledge ard scholarly culture, students can pursue those branches which are essentially practical and technical, viz. : EJG1'KKRISG Civil. Topographical, and Mecha n, MINING and MFTA! 1 1 1:1Y : AKl HlfcC- '1 IHE, and tbe application ot Chemistry to AOKICLL- 1 I K, ana me a run. .... Tr-eie is also atlorded an opportunity lor special study .r tuint. ujui ( OMMKKt.'Ki or J.OliKltN LAN GVAC.K- and 1'HILOLOGYt and of the HISTORY and lMiTITUTlONM olourcountiy. -For Ciiculars apply 10 J.b VoungSaN ( icrkol the KacultV. Easton Pennsylvania, a prlH.lWitt. . 6l0 CITYOFQCIXCY ILLINOIS BONDS, Holders of said Bonds can exchange them for new Bonds, which the 8tate pays like State Bonds. Address, or call on O. C. Skinner, of Qulncy, 111., at office of KIDI), PIERCE & CO., AO. 1M liROAD Street, Mew Yoik, lor 30 days. 31 linrp ev-rsj- JUST PUBLISHED xy Bv tho I'hvelclaus "i the NEW YOKK. MUSEUM, Uie Mnetleth Edition 01 their t OL K LECTURES, entitled PHILOUOVHY Or MABTUsGE. To be had nee, ior four stamps by addressing Bccre taiy New York iluseum ot Ana'omy, . , btt No. 618 1 ROAmVAT, New York. BATOHELOU'8 HAIR DYE THE BEST IN THE WOULD. Harmless, reliable. Instantaneous. Ihe only nertcci dye. No disappointment, uo ridiouloas tints, hot true to nature, black or brown. . ... . . ,r no GLMINE is SIGNED WILLIAM A. BATCUELOB. ALSO. FeaeneratiDg Extract oiilillefleursrestores.preserves and beautifies the hair, prevents baldntus. hold by all Druggists. Factory No. SI BARCLAY bu, N. Y 31) FOR RECORDER OF DEEDS, WIL LIAM M. lOOPr B, ol the Fifth Ward, subject to the tlecifuu of tut) Convention ot tue union party. 0 SPECIAL NOTICES. THE UNION STATU CENTRAL COM mlttMi of Fran Irani, to th FutrioM m t Boath, nrtlng:-Phliilfilphi, Auuont IS ISNS Tk il'nion Rtte Initial v'ommUtpe of rrniwtlvaata awi eroetlnt to their brava t'nlon hro'hrra ot tna NoatiL, and extend to them a lieartr welcome, on tha koio of tneir meeting in till city on Aondar, toe NUfti hlxtorr fiirnitbe na parallel 10 tna patriotism, roar- age. and fldelltr ol tnoae men who. from tha frettnniaa; 01 the Rebellion to tne end, lougul Uie good Dnht aa4 ept uie laun. 'j he quentlon to he decided la whether loyal tr la to bo proacrllied and punished In tu penon of patriot Ilka thee. or treaon rewarded and honored in tha parwne of ihe aullty author and agent of the Kehelllon. Miall tne loyal maaeea or ine Dainea ana aoieaied trairon govern the conntryf In theee (teeat loaues all aro Tltnlly concerned, anil our Southern oompalrloia bare inntinciiTeiv turnea lowmni uie epoi woence tna ureac ( baiter of American Liberty was first Dioclalmed, anil fropose. within the aacred ohadows or lndcenilenen lail, 10 renew ibeir vows of fldelltr to the prlnclnie of that Immortal creed aud to tako counsel with their union mends. on behali of the loyal men of the Commonwealth ot Pannsvivanla. this Committee hereby gratefully extent a cordial wen-onie to these patriots and trlends from the Southern Mates. All wbo come will be received with open arms and warm hearts. The Union men of the entire Commonwealth are cordially and earnestly Invited to come here and honor tre occasion with their prenence. and to eoanleail t confer together upon the present and future of our Im perilled country. It is also suvgested and recommended that our friends Irom other Sta es send delegations here on this Im portant occaslen, not to sit In Convention, but to cheer and co operate with these tried champions ot liberty Irom the Hottih. By order 01 the Committee. FK JORDAN, Chairman. TITF CONVENTION OF SOUTHERN TTMONIftTfl National Ball has been secured tor the sittings of the Convention of Southern I'nlonlsts, to assemble In this cltr on the 3d of rteptemher. Ihe Natinal Union Club of this city invite delegntes as they arrive, to call at their Rooms. No. 110 t'HESNUI' Street, ana register their names The Club place their Poonis at the use of tne Convention as Headquarters. Governor A. J. Hamil ton, of Texas, and Then as J Durant, of New Or cans, have already registered their names. 917 Mi 5?r UNION LEAGUE HOUSE, Inroad Street. Philadelphia, August IK, HW. A Special Meeting of the Union League of Philadelphia, Will be held AT TIIK LEAGUE HOUSE, ON WEDNESDAY-, AUGUST 22, AT EIGHT O'CLOCK. By orOer ot tbe Bof ,d of Directors. 9 15 Tt GEORGE H. BOEER, Becretair. SHIRTS, FURNISHING GOODS, & J. W. SCOTT & C O., SHIRT MANUFACTURERS, AND DEALSKS IN MEN'S FUIINIS1JINQ GOODS. No. 814 CHESNUT Street, FOUR DOORS BELOW THE "CONTINENTAL, 8 26rp ; PHILADELPHIA. p A T E N T SHOULDER-SEAM SHIRT MANUFACTORY, AND GENTLEMEN'S FURNISHING STORE. PERFECT FITTING SHIRTS AND DRAWERS made irom measurement at very short notice. All ether aitfcles of GENTLEMEN B DRESS GOODS In lull variety. WINCHESTER & CO., 8 24 S No. 706 CHESNUT Street STOVES, RANGES, ETC. QULYER'S NEW PATENT PEEP fcAND-JOLNT IIOT-AIli FU11NACE. RANGES OF ALL SIZE8. ALSO, PHIEGAIl'S MEW LOW PRESSURE STEAM HEATING APPARATUS. iron BALK BY CHARLES WILLIAMS, 6 10 Ko. 1182 11AIIKET STREET. THOMPSON'S LONDON KITCHENER, OK EUROPEAN RAN OK, lor families, hotels, or public institutions. In TWENTY DIFFERENT M.hS, Also l'hl.adeiphia Raniies, Uot-Alr fur. races, Portable Heaters, Lowdown Urates. Fireboard Htoves. Rata Holler. Mewhole Plates, broilers. Conk. inn stoves, etc, wholesale ana retail, by the manuiao turers. HI AKPli & THOMSON, 5 18tUtI)bm no. ! fl. MKl'USD Htraet ENGINES, MACHINERY, ETC. .fvFSrV FEN N STEAM ENGINE AND WOKKS. NEAFIE T.KVV , ' 1 11.117 wm 1 l it PRACTICAL AM) THEORETICAL ENGINEERS. MACHINISTS. BOILER-MAKKKS. BLACKSM1 1 US, and FOUNDERS, Iiuvinit for many years been In suo cesptu) operation, and been exclusively envatred ia buildinn and reiiairitm Msrlue and River Engine. hln aud low pressure, Irou Boilers. Water Tauks. Propoi lers. etc etc.. respectiuilv oiler their services to tha public as belnK tullv prepared to contract for engines of all siz s. Murine, K ver, aud tftatiouarvt having sets of patterns of uitlerent sizes, are prepared to execute orders with quick acpalcii. very description, pf patteru inakinir made at the shortest notice liiKh and Low pressure r Ino. Tuimlar, and Cylinder Boilers, of the best Petitisvlvaula charcoal iron. Forgmh'S ol all sizes and kinds; Iron and Brass 1 astings ol all deacrlntlons ; Roll Tunilnir. Hcrew Cutting, ai d all other work connected with the aboe buslners. Diawiuvs and si educations for all work done at the estuhllabment iree 01 charge, aud work guaran teed 1 lie subscribers have ample wharf-dock room for repairs of boata. where tliev can lis lu perfect safety, and aie provided with eheari. blocks, tails, etc eto.. lor raising heavy or liuht weights. JACOB C NEAFIE, .. JOHN P. LEVY. 8 3 IS BEACH aud PALMER Stree'a. J. VAl'OHAN MkUBlCK, WILLIAM H. MKBBICK JOHN E. COPE. SOUTHWARD rOfJNDKV, FIFTH AND WASHINGTON Streets, I'lllLADSLPniA M.-hlilCK & MX8. F.NC.lNts.Rs AND MACHINISTS, manufacture Itlwh and Low Pressure t-teain Engines for Laud, hlver and Marine service Boilers, Osmometers, Tanks. Iron Boats etc. ( asiinua 01 all kinds el her Iron or bia-n Iron traree Roots .or Uas tv'orks. Workshops, and Railroad station etc Retorts and das Jiuchlucrv, ot the latest and most Im proved construction. Every desci iptlon ol Plantation Machinery, and Saner, Haw, and Orlst Mills. Vacuum Pans Open p team Tiauis, Liefecaiors, Filters, Putiipinx Engius elo. hole Annus lor N. H'ileux's Patent Sasar Boiling Apparatus. Nesmyiu'a Pattnt steam Mammal, and As- pi in Mac inwau s w ooisey sranui vcuiruugai sugar israiuiug blue. B RIDESBLTR'i MACHINE WORKS. UFKICE, No. 60 N FRONT STREET, rilII.ADKI.PHIA. We are prepared to till orders to any extent for out well-known MACHINERY FOR COTTON AND WOOLLEN MIILS, Including all receut Improvements In Caidlug, Spinning, and Weaving. We Inv ite the attention ol manulacturers to oar exten sive works. 1 IS ALFRED JENKS 4 HON. DENTISTRY. THE GOVERNMENT IIAVINO JStr Bxsnted me letters-patent for mv mode ot administering Nl'rous Oxide Oas. by which I bava extracted uiunv thousands 01' Teeth without pain. I am JuBtitlt d In asiertii 11 that It is both saf er and superior Ut any other now lu tue. DR. C. L. MUNN3 3I6m No. 73I sraOCK Street. "yUAT IS THE BESI CURE FOR CORNS, BUNIONS, ETC.? THEOBALD'S BOOTS, No. 703 CAM-OWIlIX-l, STHEKT. He makes etc. etc.. to fait lit ( Keet, au J Boots IW. (
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers