1 nniL(NTr T J)tT H A VOL. VI.-No 37. PinLADELPHIA, TUESDAY, AUGUST 14, 18GG. DOUBLE SHEET-THREE CENTS. TRAIN ON THE TRACK. Meeting at the Musical Fund Hall Last Night. American Nationality First, and Irish Nationality Afterwards. Cheers for the ' Head Centre of Consti tutional Liberty," Andrew Johnson. A Large Audience Assem bled at the Hall. The "Train" About Twenty Minutes Behind Time. Immense Applnnso on Ilin liliitiuuiee. Speech of Hon. John Hogan. Etc-, Etc, Kte Etc, Etc, Etc, Etc. (special phonographic beport pon iiie eve- 1KQ TKLEOHAI'U At the Musical Fund Hall, lust evening, the following speech was made by Hon. John Hogan, In which that gentleman introduced George Francis Train to the audience: Ladies and Gentlemen 1 am very much grati fied to have an opportunity of meeting you to night, and presiding over this meeting. We come together here" tonight lor a two-fold purpose. We meet to enioy an intellectual treut. You know through whom that treat is to be communicated, and what you have come to enjoy, you will enioy. But the purpose to be subserved is not so much your gratiflea tion by means of the intellectual treat to be impaited to you, as that, through this medium, you may secure something more de ferable even than eloquence, more beneficial than Intellectual attainments and that is money. Now you have contributed your money and come here in order to this enioyment. What is that money for? Well, you all know, my brethren. For off yonder, over the briny deep, there rests in mid ocean a little i'l'e oppressed by men lor many centuries, who have oo riehta there, who have no authority there but that is usurped. And when men have sought to rid it of these spoilers, and sought there to assert the independence of their yoke, they have been seized with the grasp ot power, and in a felon's cell incarcerated, because they dated to wish that Ireland might be free. (Cheers.) You come here to-night to commise rate their condition, for thc.-'e men loved Ireland more than even their own wives or chil dren, and they saciiticed everything tor Ireland's prospect- arid Ireland's hopes; and will you will you, lor whom they labored, for the elevation ot whose people they toiled can you, dare you, should you see these wivp? and these little children deprived of food, and raiment, and houses, and friends, when you iu this land of liberty can pile up to them your aid? (No! no!) You wouldn't do it. N o, is it in the heart of an Irishman to-day ? Yea, his last dollar would be given rather than they should sutler. Bui that England which has oppressed Ireland, who has incarcerated these men, deprived them of their liberties and hopes, that England who could contribute its millions to free another race, but bas not a penny for suffering Ireland, and are unwilling that these men should have any aid from heme, when the ladles ot Dublin sought to get up an entertainment of a musical character. For the benefit of the families of these incarcerated prisoners, England, I say, deprived these starving women and children of this aid. England has no power here. (That is so. Cheers.) She cannot stop us in any way in trying to aid these poor suffering people; and the liberality of these Irish-American me chanics will be poured out for the relief of the distressed, and of those that are incarcerated. Now, my fellow-citizens, we want to give you 'your lutl money's worth that you have contri buted ot pleasure; and therefore I have the honor of introducing to you, as the orator of the evening, George Francis Train. TRAIN'S 8PKECH. Amidst tumultous cheering Mr. Train spoke as lollows: The Irish are a generous people. You are so kind hearted that I am sure you will oblige me by allowing me to pass that applause over to Ireland to cheer her on. (Cheers.) I believe you are true to those who are true to you, that you like those who like you. and that is all there is of life. (That is so.) The IriBh like me and I like the Irish. (Cheers.) But for twenty years, when you know there broke out in New England a disease which was so con tagious in the land, called "nigger on the brain," I ten years later caught a disease which has never left me, but which 1 tear ia not very contagious, I em sorry to say, known as "Irishman on the brain." (Cheers.) For I am thoroughly devoted to your cause, and have done what 1 could to preserve an Irish nationality. You have lust listened to the most eloquent Irishman in this country: he is Irish all over. (Cheers.) He was one of the few men who dared to stand up for you in this late Congress, demanding that the Irish prisoners in Ireland should be at ouce released. (Cheers.) I refer to Mr. John Hogan ; you are well aware that some of these men are suffering. When I was telegraphed and asked it I would speak to-night I said yes; but I thought it too late to fill a bouse. Only twenty-four hours 1 but I con gratulate you on Having so many here to-nig;. When Mr. Hogan alluded to those Icl&hinen who wanted a musical entertainment In Dublin lo alleviate their sufferings, it was the same idea 1 alluded to in my telegram :"X$s, Erin E. Pluribus Unum, Erin G EiagV. Down with English Despotism ap up with Irish Nation ality. 'Our UisU girls, they should be unted teaman,"! (Cheers.) Three cheers for the Philadelphia Convention and Andrew Johnson, Ms prophet, or the head centre of constitutional liberty. (Cheers.) You remember what was referred to as to the attempt In Dublin, when they tried to aid the wives ot the prisoners. It is only the other day, it seems to me, taut I spoke to that great audience in the Academy of Music, when'tnt re were over 600 Fenian Head centres on thentage; and tbey saythe Fenians hate done 'uothing since then. They seem to have fqrgdtten that they have frightened Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Newfoundland into a common -war, and tUev have been under arms ever since; for all we have no thought of going there. They seem to have forgotten that Canada wis called out a hundred thousand vol Tinteers:nd still tbey are a I raid of then country. The Fenian invasion of Canada has frightened it iuVo rtjct iur uva power tn Amvnca. I told you then that I was not a Fenian. What I wished to do was to set the Irish thinking ia this country. I wanted them to understand that they represented seventeen millions of the Irish race. There were six millions of Irishmen here, half a million in Australia, halt a million in Canada; there is a million in Scotland, two millions in England, and In this country from sin to seven millions of the Celtic race; and in the name o the Irish ot this country I propose a resolution tor the platlorm lor this Convention to morrow in these words: Hesolved, That we pledge ourselves, our lneomos, and our honor to maintain the Union, the Constitution, and the laws. (Cheers.) All those in lavor of these millions of Irish proposing that say aye. (Ave!) That was short, and to the point. But what I want to pet first in the country is American nationality, and when you have that you will soon have Irth nationality. (Cheers.) The organization ol the Fenian Brotherhood has done more to aid the Irish people than all the Saint Patrick and Hibernian Societies of the world. The Iilsli are no longer sneered at in this country. For a few years war and pi'aco, through every newspaper of the country, has been teemirg about the Irish, and It is thus that they have been enabled to get themselves thoroughly advertised. (Cheers.) Now, then, regarding your hold in Ireland. England Is shaking as with the palsy. They say the Fenian Brotherhood have doue nothing! Why, they have brought down twenty of the largest banking firms ot the couutry. I came over from England eivht years ago, to survey the Atlantic and (ireat Western Railway. They all said I was wild in building a broad-gtnge railway. I remember, then, it was when I got my first 20,000. Siuce then over a hundred millions of dollars would have been spent iu I'eur sylvania if it had not been for the Fenian Brotherhood, and now over twenty of their best houses have failed, and Consols have gone down from 99 to 80 and even the Bank ot England has suspended specie payment! Eh! they are on the eve of a revolution, started by the Fenian Brotherhood. Notice what happened the other day. They asked that Hyde Park might be opened. The Ministrj refused, and half a million of men tore down threo sides of the Par; and it was only the other day the Ministry said, "Let them vo in." "We are on our way," said the Fenian Brotherhood. (Cheers.) Yea, over the waters there came the startling announcement that ten barrels of gunpowder were discovered under the House of Parliament. (Cheers.) Yes, this revolution must come to England unless the Ministry do something; and that, too, in not less than ninety days. A revolution is on the people, and Irishmen are free. (Cheers.) You can readily see that tha people arc roused. These reformers told the ministry that these injured men must be redressed; and there is no log'c like the yell ot proud deuance; even kings can understand this. (Cheers.) Eugiund to-day is the favorer ol aristocracy. You know those terrible statistics, that where there is one rich man in England there are sixteen paupers. People with pauper grandmother? and pauper grandfathers, who married pauper wives, who nave borne pauper children. There are one million lour hundred thousand paupers in the country; sixty thousand drunkards die every year, and there are over six hundred thousand habitual drunkards in the country; one out of fourteen is born outside of wedloCK, and six millions of white people have no vote at all; and yet these very Englishmen have the impudence, when these six millions have no votes, to ask the American people to give four millions of black people their votes. (Cheers.) There are only one million of voters in the coun try. The British Parliament represents so many acres of land, and so many black cattle, and the whole territory occupied by three hun dred thousand people; und yet wheuin England, in Hyde Park, addressing au audience, I said something like this: You have seventy millions expenses to pav, and that in English rates; but it goes into the hands of the people who call you the mob, as your fathers were called the mob by their lathers, and their grandfathers called "your grandfathers the mob, aud their sons will call" your sons the mob alter you. I told them the seventy-five millions did not enrich them twenty-eight millions lor the national debt. Have you any ot the debt? No. How much to the army and navy? Twenty millions more have you any interest or any bom tn either? No. England was the pasturage lor a proud aristocracy, and why ate you roiling up such an enormous national debt? I asked you what right have you to monopolize the debt of the world (cheers), and I told them that we would have a debt one ol these days that would make them ashamed of theirs. (Cheers.) When they spoke ot our taxes 1 turned upon them and reminded them ot Sidney Smith; you are taxed for everything which comes from abroad: from the rich ermine of the Judge to the rope that hangs the criminal, lrom the shroud on tne coflin to the ribbon ot the bride. In fact, everything is taxed. (Cheers.) Now that is the weak spot in England. The rate ot discount is teu per cent, in England, while in France it is only tour per cent., and Ireland is to-day ouly biding her time. All we have to do is to keep up our organizations and pav in ten cents per week. How much is that? Ouly one flats of whisky. Keep up the organization, here is a gigantic power in it, and one of these days you will see tne moral power of speaking with a million of votes in this country. One million ot votes will eive you a hundred mem bers of Congress, end a hundred members ot Congress will say, "Pay the Alabama claims!" (Cheers.) Pay the hundrfd mlllivns for destroying our ships upon the seas, and we will elect a Demo cratic Congress that will repeal the neutrality laws, and not try and tail, as did the radicals the other day. (Cheers.) We want no wars with England. All we have to do Is to do as Euglund did, remain strictly neutral. Undoubtedly we did not want war. I wanted ber to remain strictly neutral, aud at Philadelphia, Boston, and New York, fit out fast sailing vessels. (Cheers.) I wanted no war in this Christian age. All 1 wanted was to remain strictly neutral, and put aboard these private vessels Parrott guns, revolvers, and man them with Irishmen, volunteers of the Fenian Bro therhood (cheers), and to send them out. But everything is going smooth. We are bound to win. There is a man at Washington who is head and shoulders over every other man on this con tinent. He is an earnest man. He bos been tnisuuderstood. You know as well as 1 do, that he coulii uoi i)reak the law ea litis neutrality Question. Yon know as well as I do. that he was obliged to do what he did. But he did more, he offered them transportation home again. I think the President, perhsps, has been misled by his constitutional advisers about that question, II tney wera tn earnest, v ny aia iney not advise him to issue a proclamation before It was so far gone? But no; they wanted to wait till the act was done, and then pounce on the whole of them. In less thhn three weeks this member was kicked out of the Cabinet. (Cheers.) I was surprised to hear any one censure him. Who was it, I ark, fifteen years ago, who stood by your people and defeaded you against the Kuow-Noihings ? Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee. (Cheers.) And yet he has been with the people and of the people, and Is one of the people. I saw him oa Saturday, and he told me to say, "That he bad )iMn in the riast and should be in the future the Mend of Irish nationality." (Cheers.) Ana yet he has been censured; and he has told us in ii inaiiffnml. "That all nower came from the people, and he was of the people." Who was It that culled Thad. Stevens and Charles Sumner to account for talking or ewraacnising toe nmrrn .nil dltn franchising the Irish? Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee. (Cheers. ) I ay that kra vnw An all ion can to secure American ufcvkmalKj, ma mM the President to wrrywg out his plan, you will find then you have time enough to secure Irish nationality. There was no subioct mentioned tor my lec ture, nothing, I believe, upon the bill. When I was written to, I had no sublcct given me whatever; and it has always been my custom to allow the audience to elect the subject. The Philadelphia Convention is here. Do you want me to draw the pith of that Convention, or talk about North. South, East, or West ? (A voice, 'No politics.") I tell you that this is my Con vention. (A voire. "Tell us who to vote for, and who our friends really are.") I will tell you. Your friends are those who stand by you, those friends who have stood by you for twenty years. He is Andrew Johnson. (Cheers.) He is the man that you must stand by in the coming contest. (Cheer.) The radicals could not be your Irlends. Who, I ask, burned down the convent? Who rode the Catholic priests on a rail? The radicals. (Groans.) Who have alwuvs called yeur people damued Irishmen? The radicals. And yet these men have the impu(fenee;to bring up a proposition for you, and to kill it in the Senate ? (Cheers.) And there fore they are not your friends. It is easy enough lor you to be your own fuends. You are a million of voter-There; we want you to think for yourselves. I have often told my friends 1 don't belong to the dress circle, lama delegate; I am a member of the pit. I find, In looking over the call, it says the people. It don't say we the politicians. Now theu, your friends are youiselves the people. You make Yourselves known, and it vou will refuse to go into the ranks of Andrew Johnson, then think lor yourselves. You will all be a power in this nation, and will benefit and restore the shattered Union. Therefor1 1 would ask you to stand bv those who stand by you. Have no faith In this new found desire of the radicals to cater to the wish of the people. I went on to Washington early, where I see an organized body of men; I want to be there; I cannot resist the wish to go alter it. I have distinctly laid down in my former lectures two or three points That any thing can go out wiih the tide straws, dead wood, stinking Ush, etc. It is only the strong nsh which goes up the stream. It is only the live salmon that goes no th falls. So in Kiic land I went atTain-t the aristocracy, who were trying to break ns up. Engl-tnd has had this deign long ago. She did so lu India and in China, and has worked on the everlasting nigger question in this country. She sent mis sionaries North and South. George Thompson was sent into New England to get over' the New England women, and the women woeld teach the children, and tne children would do the work; and so it has been done in thirty years. It was done. We owe this war to Eiiklnnd. She wa- at the bottom of it. and that because we are always toadying to Eng lishmen. I have stated (hat Englishmen were ruled by two Halls Bxeter Hall and Fiee Trade. When Kxeter Hall took: a pinch of snuff we sneezpd. This was, the reason I proposed this proposition r resolution which 1 propose to you. All our legislation comes lrom Eugland. I put it m this way : Jtesolvcd, That free trade, pro-slavery, seces sion, Monroe doctrine, and Freedmen's Bureau ism, were all links ot the same political sausage, made out of the same Eughsh dogs. (Cheers and lauchtcr.) Therefore, I answer your question, sir. You are the friends of yourselves, and I stood upon the platlorm of the Fenian Brotherhood because it wus the only American platlorm that I have ever seen in this country. (Cheers.) Now, then, you ask me to say something about the Con vention. Let me tell you it is going to be a success, and the greatest success the world has ever wit nessed. (Clieerp.) We come here with the same earnest spirit they had ninety years ago, when from the steps of Indepeudence Hall an Irish man read the Declaration of Indepeudence (cheers), and when nine Irishmen signed the immortal document. (Cheers.) We come here as earnest, dignified nin, und say this country must and shall be pre.-erved. (Cheers.) The Union must and shall be restored. (Cheers.) I told you the best Union men to-day are in the South. I say there is no reason why this nation should be crucified between two thieves, Charles Sumner, of the Senate, and Thaddeus Stevens, of the House. (Cheers, hisses, and eroaus.) Let me say to you that these men commenced tweaty years ago on this platform. "The Union is a league with bell, and a compact with death." When I was in New Eugland I fought the battle ot the whole countrv. I told them man made his railways ruu east and west. The Almighty was ins own topographical engineer, and He made the rivers run north and south: and what God put together let no secessionist and no abolitionist dure to put asunder. (Cheers.) Hence I have never yet been able to be a Democrat or a Republican, a Northerner or a s-outtierLer. 1 am sroua enough ot being an American. (That is it. Cheers.) I think it is about time that philanthropy should be allowed to govern the whole nation. Fouryeais ago I went to W ashiueton. and I challenged Wilson and Sumner to open debate ueioie tne people, When 1 got to Boston im agine my surprise, my astonishment, to see placarded everywhere, "No admittance, except on Nigger business." When I got into the streets I lound people whispering and then people did not wisn to be called disloyal. What is the distinction ? Are you tor the Union? They did not ask that question. What is the distinction 7 l an you swallow a nigger whole f No. Then you are a d d secessionist. (Cheers.) Ana then ot course 1 knocked the man down, aud kicked him after be was down. I went around and was astonished. I went into Faneuil Hall I supposed it belonged to the people Sumner got up and made his speech, and then he challenged any one to confute his statements. 1 stepped up and said I should be veiy happy, as this was an open debate, to express my views. They knocked me down live or sis times. They knocked me down and I surrendered to a policeman. At that time I was the mot popular in an in tne country, una because 1 dared to have opinions, even in Boston, my native city, w hich I apologize to you for having been born in. (Cheers.) You well know that a man has no control over his birth-place; it is entirely conti oiled by the place your maternul ancestors may happen to be in mine was in Boston. However, I got ft ball and called around me my Irish boys or Boston. Now. then, if von ask whv I have accented the Irish I will tell yon. the Irish did not knock me down In Faneuil Hall; the Irish did noi. shoot at me in Dublin; the Irish did not try to bayonet me in Dubuque; they did not try to assassinate me nor arrest me in the city of St. Louis, although you will remember I unexpectedly found myself by a change of base over in Illinois, when it was considered a mili tary necessity that I should not touch upon the cotton speculations of a certain Mainr-General. Well, when I pot back t. linston 1 took the Music Hall, and I thanked God that I hud got back to the old nigger State, and that I belonged to a nigger State. I then Jammed Faneuil Hall full of nigger patriots, and bigger utnana Adams ani the ni o per Washburue. aid 1 found every- thno as black as the ace of spades. I said three cheers for the nigger barber for the nigger Bunker Hill. Thank God, we have a nttrger Union, a nigger South, and a nigger Star Spangled Banner, and a nigger Hail Columbia, and a nigger Yankee Doodle, tuneers.) ana i louna .. tt mm nttnrl imDOSsible to make a speech without noticing the African. Not that I had nhtii0 ncmlnnt the African. I was his friend: I liked the nigger; I liked to see him brought from the barbarism of Africa to be a civilized being in this country. I told them that England in trod need slavery nere, and macadamized the Atlantic Ocean with the skulls of thousands mm tbat she had cureed us with. African slavery, and then liberated her own slaves In the West Indies. This seems like the fox who lost his tall and then recommended the amputation to all the rest, so that he would be in the tasnion. I am the friend of the African; but I main tain that this people have been guilty of ercater acts of cruelty than the world has ever . . . f . r 1 1 . 1 witnessed peioie. nere were iour minions oi bapp$ people the happiest people of the world plenty to eat, occupation, and a habitation. I have seen cruelty, but, I ask you, where was there a great cruelty like this? You re member the English blowing the Sepoys from the guns in Calcutta. But where is there an instance ol English crueltv enual to the consigning of lour millions ot colored people to destruction, misery, and deatur (Cheers ) Halt a million of these men have already passed away. Diseases have been introduced among thern, the Freedman's Bureau 1b a deception and a snare to them, aud yet they often ask the more prop. And now we have a massacro in New Orleans. It whs stated that there would be a Convention called, and that the negroes would be armed. There is Boutwcll's speech as reported in the Globe; therefore Congress Is guilty ot this massacre, for political effect an t political purposes, and Andrew Jonnson has done nis ocst to prevent it. (uneers.) ee what turn Congress has done, it has burst up the Pacific Railroad. It has destroyed that great line by destroying the main line. Do that, und the branches win die. irtsumen were buiui iug the road. Had niggers been employed there they would have stopped to thinn. Thev would not have doue what they have, repealed and re-enact again. Second, you know as well as I know, that they bad it in their power to stop the British goods lrom coming into the coun try. I would have a resolution passed which was pai-seu by tne remans: nesoieeit, That we never will again use anything ol British manu factuie until Ireland is Iree. (Cheers.) I say it is a shame to ask these Irish patriots to wear English cloths when their people are almost starving at home. 1 fay it was a shame in these radicals who had the onnortunitv to shut out these goods. For party purposes iliey have post poned tne question till November, ana lam very sorry to see Mr. Tnoa. Stevens and John Hogan, Esq., sleeping in the same trundle-bed on the question ot tariff. (Mr. Hogan I wear cloth made in St. Louis, o-.U ot .Missouri wool, (Good, good.) Tueu what is the aetion ot Con gress in postponing the tariff? It is something like this: Imagine the sheep of Missouri taken from Mis ecurl. carried to Erie, then brought over the luilroad to Philadelphia, put aboard the ship, sent three thousand miles across to Liverpool, pay the port charges there, send them to Man chester or Leeds, and work them up; bring the goods bark again to Liverpool, pay tf n dollars per ton to an English ship to bring them back to Philadelphia, carry them over the Pennsyl vania Central Railroad buck to Missouii to give the farmers shop cloths of British manufacture. (Cheers.) it is a very clear case, the tree-trade question, and yet Ihere are tho-e of that parry who believe in that same thing, und they want to introduce iree trade into the country. Now again I eive vou Doint first when men have thus reduced wages at the risk of putting w mte men out ol employment, why snouid we give Bfty millions to the Mexicans, and njt a shilling to the Irish nationality f (Cheers.) And yet these radicals had no nioney tor the Irish nationality, and I pronounce the Mexican scheme the most gigantic scheme the world has ever witnessed; and it the people return Thad. Stevens from Lancaster, they will return a man who spends the most ot his tune at a gaming table. What else did thev do ? Thev introduced a bill for the Freedman's Bureau that mude the nigger the pauper institution of the South and they tux the white mun lor this puupcr institu tion. Now they have cot the nigger, I maintain they cannot destroy him. What else have thev done? They got the Tennessee official to send a despatch to the CierK oi the senate, officially calling tue Presi dent of the United States a dead dog. Now, then, the Senate received and the House en nursed it, and Congress, as you know, aked Tennessee to come in on that insulting despatch. now a name win Kill a pariy. it was the Copperhead name which tliey hurled at the Democrats which killed them. It was the term "Yankee Doodle" given to them by the English, and which they accepted. Now I see they are apologizing lor that dead dog despatch. Now. when you come to speak ot the party in Congress, you may let it be known in the future as the oeaa-dog party, (uneers.) tA voice, "How about dead ducks?") That was only a ioke. It was simply an off-band speech, but the other was a cold-blooded despatch an insult to the President ol the United States. Boutwell read the resolution. Now, then, this is not the spirit of 1776. It was, what the Southerners intended to bring about, a revolution. But these radicals tight like Job. They were like a friend ot mine, who saved his life by putting his breast-plate on behind. Tbey are doing all they can to bring on the red deed. Now give us first the assistance to re-elect a Congress which will give us American nation ality, ana tnen we win nave an irisn natiouarity afterwards. (Cheers.) For you must support this Convention it is going to be a success, if a hall a dozen men will take themselves out. (Voice Turn out Adams first.) Charles Francis Adams I don't think is much of an American, and unless he does Fomething to get those prisoners out of Irish Jails, he had better take the back track and go home. (Hisses and cheers.) You hear a great talk about the dis turbance here. There Is no disturbance. There is nothing but harmony among the members. There are delegates from thirty-six States, some of the best menin the country. There are live or six men who are offensive to the mass of the people. I know them all personally, ana ll these men would censent to be shut out of that Con vention it would give us a half million votes. One of them has written a s plendid letter, saying that if he was otlcr.sive he would retire. The letter has gone to the press, saying we w ant nothing but good-will and peace all over the land, aud therefore I decline to be a delegate of this Convention. That man was Feruando Wood. (Cheers.) I then went to work on my friend Henry Clay Dean, and told him he had a chance to do what was right, and he wrote a letter de clining to be a delegate. Now there Is Alexander H. Stephens. Ho will not be present. Another one lrom Georgia ha3 declined. There is only one man left, and that is Vallandlgham. I have nothing against him at all. He means right. He was an old triend of mine. (Cheers.) If these men leave the Convention it will give us a million of votes. All of those who are in favor of politely re questing Vallandlgham to remain outside, that we may have a million of votes say aye. (No! no!) Because I know you are in earnest on this occasion, and really I believe Vallandlgham is a tine man, and would not try to create any want of harmony in the Convention. He will do all he can; and I heard be also had retired from the Convention. (So he ought.) All those, I say, in favor of having harmony through the Convention, manifest it by saying a'. (No no aye.) We will now give three cheers In conclusion, for the Union, Constitution, and Laws, for the success of the Convention, with reference to the people, and for that head centre of constitu tional liberty, Andrew Johnson. Another meeting was announced to be held on Friday next, at which John Hogan and Alexander H. Stephens, with a dozen others, will be prebent, the obect;of the meeting being to render aasi stance to the wives of prisoners lo Ireland. THlltl) EDITION 171 G I' J AM! THE COMMOTION OF THE CITY. Thousands of Delegates on Hand, but the "Great Guns" Present Only in Spirit. Some of Them Absent Themselves In Spirit as Well as In Body. Letters from E, C. Winthrop, Fernando Wood, Edwards Fierrepont, and H. C. Deane. Vallandigham Backs Out, for Fear of a Summary Ejectment. Etc., Etc, Etc, Etc, Etc, Etc., EM. When the sun arose this morning he was laboring nnder an evident embarrassment. It was tor that reason that he hid his troubled countenance behind a mottled cloud, and con gratulated himself upon the wretched little dnzzle which his voluntary absence thus per milled to continue. The sun was not the only individual who labored under an embarrassment. The city of Philadelphia, taken as a mass, was equally disturbed. Everybody knew the cause ol his neighbor's excitement, but that only made the mutter worse. It was the great day appointed lor the great meeting of the ereat Convention in the great wigwam. This Convention, as our readers have already been made aware, is composed of delegates from nearly every State and Territory in tbo Union Its assembling in our midst is certainly a mo mentous event, for it has not had a counterpart since the adjournment of the celebrated "Peace Congress," in Washington, on the 27th of Feb ruary, 1861. For over five years the rcpresenta tive men of the different sections of our country have encountered each other only at swords' points in the shock of battle. It was on account of this great event that the city was thrown into tucb an unusual commotion. And on all sides was heard the universal desire to witness the pro cecdings of the assemblage. A slight canvass ot the subject soon convinced nine hundred and ninety-nine men out of a thousand that the thing was an utter impossibility. Business must come in for attention, even before politics, with the mass of the people. And then, even tl.ose who had the leisure time hanging on their hands grew pale at thoughts of the fearful, surging multitude who would be actu ated by a like curiosity with themselves. Should tbey endure the jam and pressure of this crowd? Assuredly not, if it could possibly be avoided. It was just at this point that the mag nificent enterprise of Toe Evening Telegraph recurred to them, and they fetched a sigh of relief as they abandoned the idea of personal attendance upon every sitting of the great Con vention. It would answer just as well, so ran the argument, for every one to remain at home; for in the evening he could take up his Tele, graph, and there he would find every jot and tittle of the day's proceedings spread before him in clear type. Ot course there was nothing at alt unusual in this; it was the manner in which the managers of that journal expected to obtain their news, which created an excitement scarcely less intense than that produced by the meeting of the Convention itself. In these days a telegium from over the ocean has become a commonplace and every -day occurrence; but a telegram from acioss the street, or around the corner, is indeed a novelty. The fact that Tub Eveniko Tbleobaph had erected from one ex tremity of the city to the other a line of tele traph wires for their own exclusive use in ob taining the latest possible proceedings of the Convention, was universally conceded to be a (i at hitherto unsurpassed in the world of jour nalism. In the meantime the preliminaries of the Convention were making tearful headway, and the reporters of The Telegraph were kept upon the tramp in search of items. The scene that they encountered at the Continental Hotel last evening and this morning was almost bewilder ing. That spacious edifice was full, in every souse of the term, with a dense mass ot humanity, and the most marvellous part of the story is the fact that every man whom you theie encountered was a delegate or an alter nate to the Convention. So greAt was the crowd of guests that the proprietors of the hotel hud found it necessary to till several of the parlors and passage-ways with cots for their accommodation. Notwithstanding the fact that every train arriving in the city for days past has brought a large instalment of the delegates and their alter nates, it Is an undisputed fact that many of the most prominent men who were expected to par ticlpate in the deliberations of the Convention are still absent, and not likely to be present at anytime during its session. Ewing, of Ohio, who had been fixed upon as the permanent chairman, was given up several days ago. In his absence, the name that met with most favor lor this prominent position was probably that ot the Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, of Massa chusetts. But last evening the delegates were thrown into a commotion by the announcement that he also would be present only in spirit. He has. however, written the following letter, which has tended greatly to assuage the grief caused by his absence: X.1TTKB raOM BOBiaT O. WIWTHBOP. Kaoount, August B Hon. Lererett Baltonstalt. My Dear Bin I am slnoerely sensible to the honor eonlerred pon mo y.itoiday by the mooting at Faneuil Hail, over which yon prodded, in placing toy name at the head oi the Dolocatos at Larre to U A atiaaal Union (WiVsUob. it,.M I had pro- viously Intimated to moro than one of oar friend it will not bo in my puer to go to rndadotpoia next worn. 1 tm ninto ttiiwilhnir. however, to deollno tho in. r oin inn ni wuhout a diBtiuct expression oi my nt arty cononrronco in the general ti-ws of thono by whom that Convention haa boon called, and of mv earnest hope that its deliberation may conduce to me rarucftt practicnnie restoiation or all the 8 Law ol the Union to the oxoiciko of their Constitutional powers, and to the enjoy moot of their Constitul tonal privilege! in the national Government. i can ana notinny, I am aware, to the arguments which others have already pronontod on this SJhjeet, and I g Rdly avad myeif of the laoruage of Judge Curtl in hit late admirab'e let er: "To aaimoea that the Government of the United States can, ia a Mate oi peace, nguttuily bold and ezoroi absolute and unlimited power over a part or its territory and people Jo't so long as it may cbooe to do so, appears to mo unwarranted by any rules of publio law, ab- norrcn. to rigm reason, ana inconftlxteni wun im nature of our Government." With Judge Cartta, too. 1 bold to the opinion . "that the Southern Btatet are now as rightfully, and shou d be as eflnctoaily in ti e Union, as they were be'oie the madness Of their people attempted to carry them out." Most nuppuv, lougrees oia not aajoarn wiinout admitting to iholr seats the Senators and Represent tatives ol XenncSKoe; out that very aot haa rendered it a I the more difficult to discover an j thing of Coo motional principle, or anything of true national policy in its persistent oeniai oi an representation to the other Southern Matts. Congress has ample means of proieoting itself, and of protecting the country in m the presence of disloyal men in the nans oi legis ation, dv tne simpie exercise oi tne power, which eaol branch poetesses, of deciding without appeal on the qualifications of its own mom bora. Had tne case ot each individual Senator or Kepreentative elected from ten States, lately in Re be lion, 0' on taken np by itself and fa rly considered on its own merits, avreeably to the wise supposition of Present Johnson, no one could have complained whatever might have been the result. But 1 know not liow either branch could have con son tod, as It has dune, to compromise its constitutional inde pendence by submitting any qutstion as to its mom bers either to legislative or executive discretion. This great qnesiion of representation is not aqnes tion which concerns only the Southern States, who, I know, are rogarded by not a lew unre anting men as baying forieited all rights which the Northern Mates ate bound to repeot. It is a question whiott coLcern the Constitution and the wbolo country. 1 he people ot the wholo Union have a right to de mand ol their publio servants an exact and faithful observance of the Constitution and ot all Its pro visions It was to eniorce and vindicate that Connti tntion that l heir blood and treasure have beon poured oat bo lavishly during the last tour years oi civil war. Who cou'd have believed, In advance, that a year and a half alter that war had ended, and after the Union had been rescued and restored, so tar aa our pallant armies and navies could aoc mp'ish it, Dearly one thud ot the States stiou'd still be seen knocking in vain at tho doors ot the Capitol, and should be denied .even a hearing in the council pf the country ? Much a course may, indeed, be calcu late d to prolong tbo predominance of a party, but it seems to me utterly inconsistent with tho supre macy ot the Constitution. 1 have no disposition, however, to Indulge in any imputations either upon parties or npon individuals. 1 hope that a spirit of forhearanoe and moderation wi I prevail at Philadelphia, not withstand ng tue insulting and proscnptive tone in which the (Jon vention has been assai ed bv so many of the oppo nents of tho I'ronldont of tho United States. But I shall be greatly disappointed, i confess, it through theiotluoroeof that Convention, or througa some other influence, tbo people of tno whole country are not soon aroused to tho danger ol allowing the Constitution of the United Mates to be longer the subjoct of par tial and discretionary observauco on the part ot those who are sworn to support ir. It is vain to offer tost oaths to others, it we fail to fulfil our own oaths. Tho necessities of a state ot war may be an excuse for many irregularities, both legislative and executive But now that, by the blessing of God, a state of peace has been restored to us, we are entitled to the Constitution and tue Union in all their logitimato authority and extent. Nothing less than tho who e Constitution and the whole Union ought to satisfy us. For one, I should despair oi the restoration of law and order in ten South) rn Statos. and evon of the maintenance of our own nations' credit, if there should tail to be exhibited at Washington something ot that scrupu lous adherenoo to ihe Constitution and the laws which characterized the earliet days of the Kopnblio. Nor could anything, in my jungmeut, be of more balrlul Influence upon the luturo career of our country than that Congress should evor seem to be holding iu abeyance any provision of tne Constitu tion, until they shall have been ohangod, under duro?s, in order to suit the opinions or secure the interests of a predominant party. Against snob a course ot proceeding, I trust, the Convention at Philadelphia will put forth a seasonable and effective protest. Once more regretting my inability to be present at the Convention, and thanking all to whom I am indebted for the honor ol being named as delegate, I retrain, dear sir, with great retard, very faith fully yours. Robert C. Wikthrop. While Mr. Winthrop thus fully endorses the Convention, although unable to be present, Juose Edwards Fierrepont, of Brooklyn, N. Y has refused to have anything to do with the -flair. He writes the following letter to the editor of the New York 2'ribune: Sib : Please correct the statement in your issue ol to oay that I am a delegate to Philadelphia. I declined to take part in that Convention. Edwards Pikrbepomt. FoDghkeopsie, Monday, August 13, 18ti6. The absence of Judge Pierrepont will be a severe blow to the Convention, lor he ia one of the men who carry weight in the affairs of the political world. There will be some compensa tion tor this, however, in the absence ol Fer nando Wood and his brother Ben, who are generally considered as " dead weights" upon everything in general and conventions in par ticular, lie has written the following meek; epistle, the reading of which caused great rejoicing in the select conservative ranks. After Senator Doolittle, to whom it was addressed, had received it, he is said to have rushed Into the rotunda of the Continental, and to have embraced Fernando in the presence ot the won dering crowd. The letter reads thus: rFiLADKLPniA. August 18. To the Hon. Jamea R. Doolittle, Chairman, etc. Dear eiri I am ear nestly desirous lor the entire suocess ot the movement proposed to bo initiated by the Convention to-morrow. It successrul, the results to the country will be of the most satisfactory charaoter, and it cannot be suooesslul if its proceedings shall be disturbed by any cause whatever. I am informed that a serious disagreement is likely to ar'ae In consequence of aa attempt to be made to exclude ome delegates, my self included, because our political record is dis tastolul to the radicals and their sympathisers. Now, although 1 feel confident that such an out rage would not be perpetrated by the Convention, aud though I have nothing to regiet or take back as to my course during the war, and do not admit the right ot any one to raise that qnestioa tn tbo Convention, yet 1 am too much devoted to the high and patriotic objects in view to permit my presenoe there to be a means of disturbing its deliberations, or an excuse lor an assault by its onem es outside. Therefore 1 shall not attend the Convention as a delegate. Faaaanoo Wood. By the time that Fcrnando's withdrawal had become generally known, Henry Clay Dean, of Iowa, had come to the conclusion that the Democratic party had been sold out by tta leader. He therefore sat down and gave vent to his feelings in the following epistle: Hon. Johh M. Elwood, lfuirmanqfth Dtmooratic Jtva State lentral Committee. My Dear Sir Through the kind confidence of the Deni'cratio party 1 have ben honored with the ap pointment of delegate to the Union Conservative. National Convention, for which, to that invincible body ot true men who constitute the Democracy ot Iowa, I return my profound thank. I moat heartily approv of the avowed purpose of the Convention to sustain the President of the United States in his elbrt to restore the supremacy of the Conatitatioa and the laws, and the State to their legitimate au thority and tepretentatlon to the peoples but 1 can not Join with anybody ia elevating any mere man to a saptentacy over the Constitutor Wa must lorta our estimate of the man bv the Constitution, and not at the Constitution by the man, and In so far as the President sustains it, ft it the daty ot all Domo erata to sustain the President with their bvM, for tunes, and saorf d honors. Bat this support Democrats should be allowed to rive in their owa way through their own orraaixa tion In accordance with the pnuoiples and asaea at the great Da moc ratio party, which mad the Union by we Coastitation, made oar history LUuclnoaa, Gvrttrvutf on tVW AM -FiI
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