i. , FfTl CD' H A J O lIIILDIULlIIIA., .MONDAY, FEBXITT-AJRY 12, 18GG. DOUBLE SlIEET-TIIIiEE CENTS. VOL. V.-No. 37. (S- t. : SIS,; jj'r. ,TF,rr.i.-:,y'r!T.J',' .".li i.-L..lV-f.,, IN MEMORIAL! OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN The Martjr-FresiderU of the United States. "He Lives in the Hearts of the People." MEMORIAL CELEBRATION AT WASHINGTON. Heads of the Nation Do Honor to His Memory. ORATION BY HON. GEORGE BANCROFT. AN ELOQUENT AND IMPRES SIVE EULOGIUM. The Eminent Historian Places the Heart Tribute of the People on the Great American . Martyr's Tomb. APPEARANCE OF THE AUDITORIUM Scenes and Incidents of the Occasion. EtCi 33tO. Etr.i StO. Etc. Special Telegraphic Correspondence of the Evening Telcyraph. Washington, February 12. The city is crowded imusually to-day. A great many persons from a distance have arrived during the past twenty-four hoars, in the hope of obtaining admission to the celebration; but as each Congressman and Senator has but two tickets, only the favored few can be present, The Capitol grounds have been filled with people all the morning. These will be regaled this af ternoon with music from the. rotunda by the Marine Band. The floor of the House of Representatives is reserved especially for the President, Cabinet, and members of Congress, and it will have to contain nearly two thousand persons. The gulleries will accommodate about fifteen hundred persons, and only that number of tic kets will be issued. The Hon. George Bancroft, orator of the occa sion, has been and is the guest of President Johnson. He has been unable to receive visi tors, bo busy has he been in preparing this tulogium. Those who Lave seen it pronounce it the ablest effort of the great historian's life; and none doubt that it will be a tribute to the memory of Mr. Lincoln worthy of, and acceptable, to the American people. Mr. Bancroft has labored incessantly for seve ral weeks in the composition of the oration, which embraces a succinct account ot the mar tyr's life and public services, observations on the great acts and ideas leading to the develop ment of his wonderful genius, his eminent social qualities, his religious convictions and hopes, and ending with a panegyrical peroration of great beauty of diction, classical construe tion, and patriotic nnpres3iveness. It will be telegraphed in full as it falls from the Hps of the orator, the Congressional wires being used from the Capitol lor that purpose. The following order is being carried out In full, and there is but little trouble experienced. Order of Armngements. The Capitol will be closed on the morning of the 12th to all except the members of Congress, At 10 o'clock the doors leading to the rotunda will be opened to those to whom invitations have been extended, under the Joint resolution of Congress, by the presiding officers of the two Houses, and to those hold'.ng ticket of admis sion to the galleries issued by the chairman of the foint committee of arrangements. The door keepers will have imperative orders to admit no nnp hpfnre 10 o'clock, except members of Con- cress, and no one alter tbat hour who does not exhibit either a letter of .Invitation or a ticket of admission. The Hall of the House of Representatives will De opened lor the aamissiou 01 lurpreseniaiives and those to whom invitations nave been ex tended, who will be conducted to the seats as signed to them, as follow; The President of the United States will be seated in front of tne Speaker's table. The Chief Justice and Associate Justices of the Bupreme Court will occupy seats next to tne President on the right of the Speaker's table. The Diplomatic Corps will occupy seat uext to the Supreme, Coujt. on, tke. rlk'Ut of tie Thi heads of department will occunv seats next to the Pre ident, on the left of the Breaker's table. ... . . . Officers ot tne army ana navy, wno, Dy name. have received the thanks of Congress, will oocupv seats next to tne neaas 01 departments on the left o" the Speaker's table. Assistant beads ot departments, uovernors ot States and Territories, and the Mayors of Wash ington and Georgetown, will occupy seats di- rertiy in tne rear ot tne neaas 01 aepariments. The LDict Justice ana judges 01 inouourtot Claims, and the Chief Justice and Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the District ol Columbia, will occupy scats directly ij the rear of the Supreme Court. The heads ot bureaus in the departments will occupy seats directly in tho rear of tne officers ot tne army and navy. Representatives will occupy scats on either tide of the hall, in the rear ot those invited, and reserving lour rows ot seats on citner side ot tne main aisle for Senators. The diplomatic gallery will be reserved ex clusively lor the families of the members of the Diplomatic Corps, wno will do provided with ticKcts ol admission to thp.t gallery. The gnliencs on citner side ot the nail will be reserved for ladies and gentlemen accompanying them, provided with tickets, until half-past elevt n o'clock. The front gallery at ton o'clock, and the ladies' galleries alter naif-past eleven o'cl' will be open to all holders of tickets. Th ?Jorkeepers will be instructed not to admit anf person unprovided with a ticket, and to col lect the tickets lrom those who enter tne gal leries. The reporteis' eallcrv will bo reserved strictly for those reporters entitled to admission into the reporters' galWies of the Senate and of the House, who will be furnished . with tickets of admission. The reportois lor the Cunqressional Globe in the Senate and in the House will occupy the reporters' desk in front ol the Clerk's taoie. The House of Representatives will be called to order bv the Speaker at 12 o'clock. The Marine I3aud, stationed in tne upper vesti bule, will perform appropriate music, ceasing wnen tne exercises are to be commenced. The Senate will assemble at 12 o'clock, and niter praer and the reading ot the lonrnai, will proceed to the Hall ot the House of Repre sentatives, following their President pro tempore and their Secretary, and preceded by their Ser- geant-at-Arms. On reaching the Hall of the .House or Itepresentatives, tne senators win take the seats reserved for them on the right and lett of the mam aisle. Tho President pro tempore will occupy the Speaker's chair. The Sneaker of the House will occupy a seat at his lett. The chaplains ot the Senate and ol the House will occupy seats on the rieht and lett of the presiding officers of their respective nouses. The orator of the dav, Hon. Georga Bancroft, will occupy a seat at tho taole of the Clerk of the House. The chaiimen ot the joint committee ot arrangements will occupy scats at the right and left, of the orator, ana next to them will bo seated the Secretary of the Senate and tho Clerk oi rue juousc. The other officers of the Senate and of the House will occupy scats on the floor at the right and tne lett of the Speaker s platform. All being in readiness, the Hon. Lafayette S. Foster, President of the Senate pro tempore, will call tne two Houses ol Congress to order. Prayer will be offered by the Rev. Dr. Bo.vnton, Chaplain of tho House of Representa tives. The presiding officer will then introduce to the audience the Hon. George Bancroft, of New York, who will deliver the memorial address. Ibo benediction will be pronounced by tne Rev. Dr. Gray. Chaplain of the Senate. On tho conclusion of the benediction, the Senators, following their President pro tempore ana tne becrotai v, and preceded by tueir Ser- econt-al-Arms, will return to the Senate Cham ber: and tne President ot the United States, the orator ot tne oay, ana those present by invita tion on the floor of the House, will withdraw. The jUancc Hand, stationed in the rotunda. will, alter the Senate shall have returned lo the Senato Chamber, perform national airs. The Capitol will then be open to the public. The Commissioner of Public Buildings Ser- n-ninla.nt. A nti a r f ttiA Qnnnta nnsl rf fVta I X r nan and the Doorkeeper of the House, are charged with the execution ol these arrangements. Solomon Foot, Chairman on the part of the Senate. E. B. Washburne, Chairman on the part of the House. ORATION OF THE HON. GEORGE BANCROFT, THE HISTORIAN, BY REQUEST OF BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, IN THE Hall of the House of Representatives of ' the United States, ON Monday, February 12, 186G. After the confusion of entering had been quieted, and the assemblage called to order by the Hon. Solomon Foot, the Hon. George Ban- volt proceeded to deliver the following oration: Senators, Eepresentatives, of America: COD IN BISTORT. Tnat God rules in tne an airs of men is as cer tain as any truth of physical science. On tho great moving power which is from the beginning hangs the world of the senses and the world of thought and action. Eternal wisdom marshals the great procession of the nations, working in patient continuity through the ages, never bait ing and never abrupt, encompassing all events in its oversight, and ever effecting its will, though mortals may slumber In apathy or oppose with madness. Klnca are lifted up or thrown down, nations come and go, republics flourish and wither, dynasties pass away like a tale that is told; but nothing is by chance, though men in their ignorance of causes may think so. The deeds ot time are governed, as well as judged, by the decrees ol eternity. Tho caprice of fleeting existences bends to the immovable omnipotence which plants its foot on all the centuries, and has neither change of purpose nor repose. Sometimes, like a messenger through tho thick darkness of night, it steps along mysterious ways; but whon the hour strikes for a people, or for mankind, to pass into a new form of being, unseen hands draw the bolta from the gates of futurity; an all-subduing Influence prepares the minds of men for the coming revolution; those whose plan resistance find themselves In conflict with the will of Providence, rather than with human devices; and all hearts and all understandings, most of all the opinions and influences of the unwilling, are wonderfully attracted and compelled to bear forward the change which becomes more an obedience to the law of universal nature than submission to the arbitrupjcut of man, GROWTH OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC. In the fulness of time a republic rose up in tt wilderness of America. Thousands of years had passed away before this child of the age could bo born. From whatever there was of good in the systems ot former centuries she drew her nourishment; tho wrecks of the past were her warnings. With tho deepest senti ment of taith fixed in her inmost nature eh) disenthralled religion from bondage to temporal power, that bciv,-orship might be worship only In spirit and In truth. Tho wisdom which had passed from India through Greece, with what Greece had added of her own; the Jurispru dence of Rome; tho mediiuval municipalities, the Teutonic method of representation; the political experience of England; tho benignant wisaom oi tne expositors or mo law ot nature and of nations in t rance and Holland, all she I on her tbeir selecteet influence. She washed tho cold of political wisdom from tho sands wherever it was lound; she cleft it lrom tho rocks; she gleaned it among ruins. Out of all in e discoveries ( I statesmen ana sages, out ot all the experience of past human Hie, she com piled a perennial political philosophy, the prl moidinal principles ol national ethics.' The wise men of Europe sought the best government in a mixture of monarchy, arisfocracy, and demo cracy; and America went behind these names to extract lrom them the vital elements of social forms, and blend them harmoniously in tho free commonwealth which comes nearest to the illustration ot the natural caualitv of all men. She entrusted tne guardianship of established rights to law, the movements of reform ti the spirit ot the people, and drew her force from the happy reconciliation of both. TERRITORIAL EXTENT OF TUE REPUBLIC. Republics had heretofore been limited to small cau tons or cities and their dependencies; Ame rica, doing that ol which the like had not before been known upon the earth, or believed by kings and statesmen to be possible, extended her re public across a continent. Under her auspices the vine ot liberty took deep root and tilled the land; the hills were covered with its shadow; its boughs were like the goodly cedars, and reached unto both oceans. The fame of this onlv daugh ter of freedom went out into all the lands ot the earth; from her the human race drew hope. rnoruECiES on the consequences of slavery. Neither hereditary monarchy nor hereditary aristocracy planted itself on our soil: the onlv hereditary toncition that fastened itself upon us was servitude. .Nature works lu sincerity, and is ever true to its law. The bee hives honey, i ho viper distils poison; the vine stores its luices and so do the poppy and the upas. In like manner, every thought and every action ripens its seed, each in its kind. In the indi vidual man, ana still more in a nation, a just idea gives life, and progress, and glory: a false conception portends . disaster, shame, and death. A hundred ana twenty years ago, a West Jersey Quaker wrote: "This trade of im porting slaves is a dark gloominess hanging over the land; tho connequeuces will be grievous to posterity." At the North the growth of slavery was arrestea by natural causes; in tne region nearest the tropics it throve rankly, and worked itself into the organism of the rising States. Virginia stood between tho two; with soil, and climate, and resources demanding free labor, and yet capable of the profitable employment of the slave. She was the land of great statesmen; and they saw the danger ot her being whelmed under the rising flood in time to struggle against the delusions ot avarice and prido. .Ninety-four years ago, tue Legislature ot Virginia addressed the British King, saving that the trade in slaves was "of great luhunianitv," was opposed to the "security and happiness" ot their constituents, "would in time have the most de structive influence," and endanger their very existence." And the King answered them, that "upon pain of his highest, displeasure, the importation of slaves should not oe - in any respect ODstructeo." "fnansaicai Britain." wrote Franklin in behalf of Virginia, "to pride thy self in Retting tree a single slave that happened to land on thy coasts, while thy laws continue a traffic whereby so many bun- drtds of thousands are dragged into a slavery that is entailed on their posterity." "A serious view of this subject," said Patrick Henry in 177!!, "gives a gloomy prospect to future times." in tne same year ueorge Mason wrote to the Legislature ot V irginia: "The laws of Impartial Providence may avenge our Injustice upon our pobteritv." in Virginia, and In tne Continental conaress. jctterson, witn the approval of Edmuud Pendleton, branded the slave-trade as piracy; and he fixed in the Declaration ot Independence, as the corner-stone of America "All men are created enual. with an inalienable right to liberty." On the first organization of temporary governments lor tne continental domain, Jeticrson,but lor the ueiauit ot Jew jersey, would, in 1784, nave con secrated every part of that territory to freedom. in tne formation ot tne national constitution Virginia, opposed by a part ot New England. vainly struggled to abolish the slave-trade at once ana lorever; ana wnen tne ordinance ot 1787 was introduced by Nathan Dane, without the clause prohibiting slavery, it was through the favorable disposition of Virginia and the South that the clause ot jenerson was restored, and the whole Northwestern Territory all tho territory that then belonged to the nation was reserved for the labor of freemen. : DE6FAIB OF THE MEN OF TUB REVOLUTION. The hope prevailed in Virginia that the abo lition ot tne slave-trade would bring with it the gradual abolition ot slavery; but tue expecta tion was doomed to disappointment, in sun porting Incipient measures for emancipation, Jefferson encountered difficulties greater than he could overcome; and alter vain wrestlings, the words that broke from ntm, "i tremble lor my country, when I reflect that God is just, that His justice cannot steep lorever," were words of despair. It was the desire of Wash ington's heart that Virginia snoutd remove slavery by a public act; and as the prospects of a general emancipation grew more and more dim, he, fn utter hopelessness of the action of the State, did all that he could by bequeathing freedom to his own slaves. Good and true men hud. from tho days of 1776, thought of colo nizing the negro in the home of his ancestors. But the Idea of colonization was thought to increase the difficulty of emancipation; and in suite ot strong support, while it accomplished much good for Africa, It proved Impracticable as a remedy at home. Madison, who In early lite disliked slavery so mucn mat ne wished "to depend hs Utile ns possible on the labor ot slaves;" Madison, who held that where slavery exists "the republican theory becomes falla cious;" Madison, who in the last years of his life would not consent to the annexation of Texas, lest his countrymen Bhould fill it with slaves; Madison, who said "slavery Is the greatest evil under which the nulion labors a portentous evil an evil, moral, political, and economical a sad blot on our tree country," went mourn lullv Into old age with tho cheerless words: "No satisfactory plan has yet been devised for taking out tne stain." NEW VI! WS OF SLAVERY. The men of the Revolution passed away. A new generation sprang up, impatient that an in stitution to which they clung should be con demned as Inhuman, unwise, and uuust; in the throes of discontent at the self-reproach of their fathers, and blinded by the lustre of wealth to be acuuired bv tho culturo of a new staple. they devised the theory that Blavery, wnlch they would not abolish, wss not evil, but good. Tbey turned on the friends of colonization, and confidently demanded, "Why take black men from a civilized and Christian country, where their Jubor. 1 source of immense guia end a power to control the markets of the world, and send tnem to a inna oi iuorance, wuiairt, and indolence, which was the homo ot their tore fatheis. but not theirs f Slavery is a blessing. Were thev not in their ancestral land naked. scarcely lifted above brutes, Ignorant of the course of the sun, controlled by nature f And in their new abode, have they not been tsugbt to know the difference Of the sea sons, to plough, Bni plant, and reap, to drive oen, to tame the horse, to exchange their scant v dialect for the richest of ail tho landmen nmong men, ana tne srupia adoration oi mines lor the purest religion? And eince slavery is pood tor the blacks, it Is roo 1 for (heir masters, bringing opulence and the opportunity ot edu cating a race. The slavery of the black Is good in itself; he 6linll serve the white man forever." And Nature, which better understood tn quality of fleetine Interest Hnd passion, laughed, as it caught the echo: "man" and "forever!" SLAVERY AT HOME. A regular development of pretensions followed the new declaration with logical consistency. Under the old declaration every one ot the Htaics had retained, each for itself, tho rihl of niHiiu- mitttng all slaves by an ordinary act ot legisla tion; now, the power of the people over servi tude through their legislatures was curtailed, and the privileged class was swill in imposing legal and coi stitutional obstructions on the people themselves, iho power ot emancipation was narrowed or taken away. The slave might not be disquieted by education. There remained an nnconiessed consciousness tnat the system ot b.indago was wrong, and a restless memory that it was at variance with the true American tradi tion; its safety wss therefore to be secured by political: organization, me generation that made the Constitution took care tor tho predomi nance of freedom in Congress, by the ordinance of Jefferson; tho new school aspired to seoure for slavery an equality ot votes in the Senate: and while it hinted at an organic act that should concede to the collective South a veto power on national legislation, it assumed that each State separately had tho ricbt to revise and nullity laws of the United State?, according to the dis cretion ot its judgment. SLAVERY AND FOREIGN RELATIONS. The new theory hung as a bits on tho foreign relations of the country; there could be no re cognition of Havti, nor even of the American colony of Libctta; and the world was given to understand that the establishment ot tree labor in Cuba would be a reason for wresting that island lrom Spain. Territories were -annexed: Louisiana, Florida, Texas, half of Mexico: sla very mtiHt have its share in them all, and it accepted for a time a dividing lino between the unquestionea domain ot lreo labor and that in which involuntary labor was to be tolerate!. A lew years passed away, and tho new school, strong and arrogant, demanded and received an apology lor applying the Jefferson proviso to Oregon. SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY. The applicat'on of that proviso was interrupted for three administrations; but iusticc moved steadily onward. In the news that the men of California had chosen freedom, Calhoun heard the knell of parting slavery; and on his death bed he counseled secession. Washington, and Jefferson, and Madison had died despairing of the abolition ot slavery; Calhoun died in despair at the growth of freedom. His system rushed irresistibly to its natural development. The death struggle for California was followed by a short truce; but the new school of politicians who said slavery was not evil, but good, soon sought to recover the ground they had lost; and cuuuuuui oi securing icxas, tuey aemanuen that the established line in the Territories be tween freedom and slavery should be blotted out. The country, believing in, the strength and enterprise and expansive energy of freedom, made answer, though reluctantly: "Bo it so; let there be no strife between brethren: let free dom and slavery compete for the Territories on equal terms, in a fair field, under an impartial administration; ' and onthistheorv.it on anv. the contest might have been h?lt to the decision Ul L 1111 V. PREP SCOIT DECISION. The South started back in nppallmcnt from its victory ; tor it knew that a lair competition fore boded its defeat. But where could it now find an ally to save it from its own mistake ? What I have next to say is spoken with no emotion but regret. Our meeting to-day is, as it were, at the grave, in the presence ot Eternity, nnd the truth must be uttered in soberness and sincerity. In a great republic, as was observed metre than two thousand years ago, any attempt to overturn the State owes its strength to aid lrom some branch of the Government. The Chief Justice of tho United States, without any necessity or occasion. volunteered to come to tho rescue of the theory of slavery. And from his court there lay no ap peal but to the bar ot humanity ana history. Against the Constitution, against iho memory of the nation, against a previous decision, against a series of enactments, he decided that the slave is property ; that slave property is entitled to no less protection man any otner property, tnat the Constitution upholds it in every Territory against any act of a local legislature, and even against Congress Itself : or, as the President tersely irornulgated the saying: "Kansas is as much a slave State as South Carolina or Georgia; slavery, by virtue of the Constitution, exiits in every Territory." The municipal character of slavery being thus taken away, and slave pro perty decreed to bo "sacred," the authority of the courts was invoked to introduce it by the comity of law into States where slavery had been abolished; and in one of the courts of the United States a judge pronounced tbo African slave-trade legitimate, and numerous and power ful advocates demanded its restoration. TANEY AND SLAVS RACES. Moreover, the Chief Justice, in his elaborate opinion, announced what had never bdeu heard from any magistrate ot Greece or Rome what was unknown to civil law, and canon law, and feudal law, and commou law, and constitutional law; unknown to Jay, to Rutlodge, Ellsworth, and Marshall that there are "slave races." The epivit of evil is intensely logical. Having the authority of this decision, hve States swiftly followed the earlier example ot a sixth, and opened the way for reduciug tho free negro to bondage; the migrating free negro became a slave it he but touched the sod of a seventh; and an eighth, from its extent and soil and mineral resources, destined to incalculable greatness, closed its eyes on its coming prosperity, and en acted as by Taney's decision it had the right to do that every tree black man who would live within Its limits must accept the condition of elavery for hitnselt andiiis posterity. SECESSION RESOLVED ON. ' Onlv one step more remained to bo taken. Jefferson and the leading statesmen of his day held fast to the idea that the enslavement of the African was 83cially, morally, and politically wrong. The new school was founded exactly upon the opposite idea; and they resolved first to distruct the Democratic partv, for which the Supreme Court had now furnished the means, awl then to establish a new Government, with m gro slavery for iU corner-stone, as socially, m i ally, and politically right. THE ELECTION. As the Presidential election drew on, one of the old traditional parties did not make its ap pearance; the other reeled as it sought to pro serve its old position; and the candidate who most nearly repeesented its best opinion, driven by patriotic zeal, roamed the country from end to end to speak for union, eager at loast to con front its eueinies, yet not having hope that it would find its deliverance through him. The storm rose to a whirlwind; who should allay its wrath f The niott experienced statesmen or the conntry had failed ; there was no hope from those who were great after the flesh; could relief come from one whose Wisdom, was like tlie wisdom, of JitUo children J J BARLY LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. The choice f America fell on a man born west of the Alleghanies in tho cabin of poor eople of Hardin county, Kentucky Abraham lincoln. His mother could read, but not write; his father could do neither: but his parents sent hi in, with an old spcllina-book, to school, and he learned in bis childhood lo do both. When elehl years old he floated down the Ohio with bis father on a raft which boro tho family nnd all their possessions to the shore of Indiai a: and, child as he was, he gave help as they roiled through dense forests to the Interior of Spencer county. There in the land of free labor he grew up in a log-cabin, with the solemn solitude for his facher in meditative hours. Of Astatic literature he knew only tho Bible; of Greek, Latin, and mcdiirvnl, no more than the transla tion of "iEsop's Fables;" of Enelish, John Bun yen's "Pilerlm's Progress." The traditions of George "ox and William Pcnn passed to him dimly Blong the lines of two centuries through his ancestors, who were Quakers. HI9 EDUCATION. Othr rwiso his education was altogether Ameri can. The Declaration of Independence was his compendium of political wisdom, tho Life ct Washington his constant study, and something of Jefferson and Madison reached him through Henry Clay, whom he honored from boyhood. For the rest, from day to day, he lived the life of the American people; walked in its light; rea soned with Its reason; thought with its power of thought; felt the beatincsot its mighty heart; and so was in every way a child of nature a child of the West a child of America. HIS PROGRESS IN LIFE. At nineteen, feeling Impulses of ambition to pet on in the world, ne engaged himself to go down the Mississippi in a tlat-boat, receiving ten dollars a month lor bis wages, and aiterwards ho made the trip once more. At twenty-one he drove his father's cattle as the family migrated to Illinois, and split rails to fence in the now homestead in the wild. At twenty-three he was a captain of volunteers in the Black Hawk war. He kept a shop; be learned something of sur veying; but ot English literature be added to Bunvau nothing but Shakespeare's plavs. At twenty-five he was elected to the Legislature of Illinois, where he served eieht years. At twenty- seven he was admitted to the bar. in Mil uechoso Lis home at Spring tie Id, the beautiful centre oft he richest land in the State. In lh47 he wa a member of the National Congress, where he voted about forty times in favor of the principle ot tho Jetlerson proviso. In 1854 ho gave his Influence to elect from Illinois to the American Senate a Democrat who would certainly do jus tice to Kansas. In 1858, as the rival ot Dougias. he went before the people of the mighty Prairie State saying: -This Union cannot permanently endure halt slave and half free; tho Union will not be dissolved, but the house will cease to be divided;" and now, in 1801, with no experience whatever as an executive officer, while States were madly riving lrom thoir orbit, and wise men knew not where to hnd counsel, this descendant of Quakers, this pupil of Bunyan, this child of the great West, was elected Presi dent of America. He measured the difficulty of the duty that devolved on him, and was resolved to tuitil it. BB GOES TO WASHINGTON. As on the eleventh of February, 18C1, he left Springfield, which lor a quarter ol a century had been his happy home, to the crowd of his friends and neighbors whom ho was never more to meet, he spoke a solemn farewell: "I know not how soon I shall see you again. A duty has devolved upon mo, greater than tha; which has devolved upon any other man since Washington. He never would have succeeded. except lor tho aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at all times relied. On tho same Almighty Being I place my reliance. Pray that 1 may receive that Divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but with which suc cess is certain." To the men of Indiana he said: "I am but an accidental, temporary In strument; it is your business to rise up and pre serve the Union and liberty." At the capital of Ohio he said: "Without a name, without a reason wby I should have a name, there has fallen upon me a task such as aid not rest even upon the r uther ot his Country," At various places in New York, especially at Albany be- tore the legislature, which tendered him the united support of the great Empire State, ho said: "While I hold myself the humblest of all the individuals who have ever been elevated to the Presidency, I have a more difficult task to perform than any of them. I bring a true heart to the work. 1 must rely upon the people of the whole country tor support; and witn their sus taining aid even I. humble as I am. cannot fail to carry the ship of state safely through the storm." to tne Assembly oi New jersey at rren tcn he explained: "I shall take the ground 1 deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the South, and tne whole country in good temper, certainly with no malice to any sectiou. I am devoted to peace; but it may be necessary to put tne toot uown nrmiv." in the old inoe pendence Hall ot Phtluaelphia ho said "I have never hud a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in tho Declaration of Independence, which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country.but to the world In all future time. If the country cannot be saved w ithout giving up that principle, I would rather be assassinated on the spot than surrender it. I have said nothing but what I am willing to live and die by." IN WHAT STATE OE FOUND THE COUNTRY. Travelling in the dead of night to escape assas sination, Lincoln arrived at Washington nine days before his inauguration. The outgoing resident, at tne opening ot tne session ot uon cress, had (still kept as the majority of his ad visers men engaged in treason; had declared that in case ot even an "imaginary" apprehension ot danger from notions ot freedom among the slaves, "disunion would become Inevitable." Lincoln and others had questioned the opinion of Taney; such Impugning he ascribed to the "factious temper ot the times." Tho favorite doctrine of a muiority of the Democratic party on the power ol a territorial legislature over slavery he condemned as an attack on "the sacred lights of property." The State Legislatures, he insisted, must repeal what he called "their un constitutional end obnoxious enactments," and which, if such, were "null and void," or "it would be impossible for any human power to save the Union." Nay I it these unimportant acts were not repealed, "the injured Statos would be justified in revolutionary resistance to the Government of the Union." lie maintained that no State might secede at its sovereign will and pleasure; that the Union was meant lor perpetuity; and that Congress might attempt to preserve, out only by conciliation; vuut - tne 6word was not placed In their hands to preserve it by force;" that "the last desperate remedy of a despairing people'' would be an explana tory amendment recognizing the decision of the Supreme Court ot the United States." The American Union he called "a confederacy" of States, and he thought it a duty to make the appeal for the amendment "before any of these States should separate themselves from the Union." The views of the Lieutenant-General, containing some patriotic advice, "conceded the right of secession," pronounced quadruple rupture of the Union "a smaller evil than the reuniting ol the fragments by the sword," and "eschewed the Idea of invading a seceded State." After changes in the Cabinet, the Presi dent Informed Congress that "matters were still worse;" that "the South suffered serious grie vances," which should betredressed "in peace." The day after this messago the flag of the Union was fired upon from Fort Moultrie, and the insult was not revenged or noticed. Sena tors in Congress telegraphed to their constituents to seize the national forts, and they were not wrested, Tuq finances of the country were grievously embarrassed. Its little army was not within leach tho part of it lu Texas, with an us stores, was made over Dy its commander to the seceding insurgents. One State alter- another voted In Convention to go out of the., Union. A peace congress, so-called, met at tho'. request of Virginia, to concert the terms of ' cnptiu'.ation tor the continuance ot the, Union, tjoneress in both branches sought to devise conciliatory expedients; tho Territories, of the country wero organized in a manner ' not to conflict with any pretensions of the Bou th, or any decision ot the Supreme Court:' ana, nevenneicss, tiiu seceding States lormoa ab Montgomery a provisional government, and pur-. sued their relentless purpose with such success ' that the Lieutenant-General feared tho city of, Washington might find itelt "included in a foreign country," and proposed, among the op tions tor the consideration os Lincoln, to bid the . seceded States "depart in peace." Tho great. Republic seemed to have its emblem in tho vast ' unfinished Capitol, at that moment surrounded oy masses ot stone and prostrate columns never . yet lilted into their places; seemingly the monu--mcnt of high but delusive aspirations, the con-, tueed wreck ot inchoate nianiticenco, sadder r than any ruin of Egyptian Thebes or Athens. BIS INAUGURATION. The fourth ot March came. With Instinctive wisdom, the new President, sp -aking to the people on taking the oath of office, put aside every question that diviaed the country, and gained a right to ut iversal support, by pluntiog ' mmsclf on the single idea of Union. Tnat Union lie declared to be unbroken and perpetual; and ' he announced his determination to fulfil "tho ' simple duty of taking care that tho laws bo laithlully executed in all tho States. Seven days later, the Convention of Con-' ledernte States uuanimouely adopted a Con- stitution ot their o-n; and tlie new Government was authoritatively announced to bo lounded on the idea that slavery is the natural and normal 1 condition ol the negro race. The issue was made ' up whether the greut republic was to maintain' its providential place in tho history of mankind, or a rebellion lounded on negro slavery gain a-' recognition of its principlo throughout the civilized world. To the disaffected Lincoln had saio: "You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors." To tire the passions of the Southern portion of the people, tho Con- federate Government chose to become aggres sors; and on the morning ot the 12th of April tf nan thek hnm h( rtimnnt rtt t'fil-t. Kfimtni- linfl compelled its evacuation. UPRISING OF THE PE0TLE. '. it is tno giory oi me lute i resiueui mat ne nuu perfect faith in the perpetuity ot the Union. Su ported in advance by Douglas, who spoke as with the voice of a million, he instantly callod a meeting of Congress, and summoned the people to come up and repossess the torts, places, and property which bad been seized lrom the Union. Tho men of the North were trained in schools; industrious and frugal; many of them delicately bred, their minds teeming with 1 teas and fertile in plans of enterprise; given to the culture of the arts; caper In the pursuit of wealth, yet em ploying wealth less for ostentation than for deve loping tho resources of their country: seeking happiness in the calm of domestic life; and such lovers of peace that for generations they had been reputed unwarlike. Now, at the cry of their country in its aistress, they rose up with unappeasable patriotism; not hirelings the purest nnd of the best blood In the laud; sous of a pious ancestry, with a clear perception ot duty, unclouded faith, and fixed resolve to succeed, they thronged round the President to support the wronged, the beautiful flag of tho nation. Tho halls of theologicsl seminaries sent forth their young men, whose lips were touched with eloquence, whoe hearts kindled with devotion to servo in the ranks, and make their way to command only as they learned tho art of war. Striplings In the colleges, as well as the ni'ist gentle and the most studious; thoso of sweetest temper and loveliest character and brightest genius, passed from their classes to the (jam p. Tho lumbermen sprang forward roin the forests, the nicchauics from their benches, where they bud been trained by tho ex ercise of political lights to share the life and hope of the Republic, to foel their responsibiliiy to their forefathers, their posterity, and mankind, went forth resolved tnat their dignity as a constituent part of this Republic should not bo impaired. Farmers and sons of fanners left the land but half ploughed, the grain but halt planted, and, taking up the mus ket, learned to lace without fear the presence of peril and the coming of death in tho shocks of war, while their hearts were still attracted to the charms of tueir rural lile and all the tender affections of home. Whatever there was of truth and faith and public love in the common heart broke out with one expression. The mighty winds blew from every quarter to fan the flame of the sacred and unquenchable fire. THE WAR A W0RLD-WID13 WAR. For a time the war was thought to be confined to our own domestic affairs; but it was soon seen that it-involved the destinies of mankind, and its principles and causes shook the politics of Europe to the centre, and from Lisbon to Pekin divided the governments of the world. GREAT BRITAIN. There was a kingdom whoso people had in an eminent degree attained to freedom of industry and the security of person and property. Its middle class rose to greatness. Out of that class sprung the noblest poets and philosophers,whose words built up the intellect of Its people: skill ful navigators, to find out the many paths of the oceans; aiscoverers in natural science, whose inventions gutded its industry to wealth, till it equalled any nation of the world in letters, and excelled all in trade and commerce. But its Government was become a government of land, and not of men; every blade of grass was reoresented, but only a small minority of the people. In the transition lrom the feudal forms, the heads of the social organization freed themselves from the military services which were the conditions of their tenure, and, throwing the burden on the industrial classes, kept all the soil to themselves. Vast estates that had been managed by monas teries as endowments lor religion and charity were impropriated to swell the wealth of cour tiers and favorites; and the commons, where the poor man once had his right of pasture, were taken away, and, under forms of law, en closed distributively within their own domains. Although no law forbade any inhabitant from purchasing land, the costliness ot the transfer constituted a prohibition; so that it was the rule ot that country that the plough should not be in the hands ot its owner. The Church was rested on a contradiction, claiming to bo an embodi ment ot absolute truth, and yet was a creature of the statute-book. HER SENTIMENTS. The progress of time increased the terrible contrast between wealth aua poverty; In their years of strength, the laboiing people, cut off from all share In governing tho State, derived a scanty support from the severest toil, and had no hope lor old age but in public charity or death. A grasping ambition had dotted the world with military posts, kept watch over our borders on the northeast, at the Bermudas, in tne vvesi muics, neia toe gates oi tne racinc, of the Southern and of the Indian Ocean, hovered on our northwest at Vancouver, held the whole of the newest continent, and the entrances to the old Mediterranean and Red Sea; and garrisoned forts all the way from Madras to China. That aris tocracy had gazed with terror on the growth of a commonwealth where freeholds existed by the million, and religion was not in bondage to the State; and now they could'not repress their joy at its perils. Tbey had not one word of sym pathy for the kind-hearted poor man's sou who' Continued m the Eighth Pt-
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