The Somerset herald and farmers' and mechanics' register. (Somerset, Pa.) 183?-1852, August 18, 1846, Image 1

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TWO DOLLARS PER
HALF-YEARLY IN ADVANCE. 5
AUO FARMERS' AND R1EGHAMGS' REQISTER.
cir not pud within tut: ycar,
$2 30 WILL I)G CIL-lRUBD.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY JONATHAN ROW, SOMERSET, SOMERSET COUNTY, PA.
New Series.
TUESDAY, AUGUST 13, 2346,
Vol. 4. No. 40.
mmm,".wW,!jiiM
Frm l!ic Ilarrisburgh Telegraph.
Sf rOoYft of 2ojc at Ijomr.
The Earth has treasures fair and bright,
Deep buried in her caves,
And Ocean hideth many a gem,
With its blue curling; waves;
Yet net within her bosom dark,
Or'ncalh her dashing foam,
Live's there a treasure equalling
A world of love at home.
True sterling happiness and joy
Arc not with gold allied
Nor tv.n it yield a pleasure like
A . merry fireside.
I envy not the man who dwells
In stately home or dome,
If, with his splendor, he hath not
A world of Love at home.
The friends whom time has proved sincere
'Tis thev alone can bring
A sure relief to hearts that droop
'Neath sorrow's heaw win?.
Though care and trouble may be mine,
As down life's path I roam,
I'll heed (hem not while still I have
A world of Love at home.
EXTRACTS FROM THE
HON. L STEWART.
Delivered in Hie House or Rep
resentatives, 31 ay 27, 18-1 G.
A CHAPTER FOR" WORKING MEN
TO READ.
Mr. Stewart's system was this: Select the
articles you can manufacture to the full
extent of our own wants, then, in the lan
guage of Thomas Jefferson, "impose on
them duties lighter at first, and afterwards
heavier and heavier as the channels of
supply were opened." This was Jeffer
son's plan; the reverse of democraticufree
trade." Next Mr. S. went for levying
the highest rates of duty on the luxuries
of the rich, and not on the necessaries of
the poor. Encourage American manu
factures, and while on the one hand the
poor man found plenty of employment,
on the other he got his goods cheap. lie
could clothe himself decently for a mere
trifle. He wanted no foreign commodi
ties but his tea and his coffee, and they
were free, and should remain free. The
poor man could now buy cloth (or a full
suit from head to foot for less than one
pollar of substantial American manufac
ture, lie had himself worn in this hall a
garment of this same goods, at 10 cents a
per yard, and it was so much admired that
more than a dozen members had applied
for similar garments, and they had been
supplied to Sanators and others; yet we
are told the tariff taxes and oppresses the
poor. Put high revenue duties on wines,
on brandies, on siks,on laces, on jewelry,
on all that which the rich alone consum
ed and which the poor man did not want.
Take off the duties from the poor man's
necessaries and, give him high wages for
his work. That was the way to diffuse
happiness and prosperity among the great
body of the people: That was good
found democratic policy. He was for
lifting up the poor. lie was for "levelling
upward;" for increasing the domestic
comfort of our own laboring population
the true dem oc racy of the country.
The rich could pay, and ought to be made
to pay, and they should pay: the poor
man could not, and should not, with his
consent. Mr. S. went for the system
which elevated the poor man in the scale
of society; that promoted equality, that es
sential element in all free Governments,
not by pulling down the higher, but by
lifting up the lower classes to their level.
The gentleman from Alabama and his
friends advocated a policy which would
have precisely the opposite effect. Their
system would truly make the "rich richer
and the poor poorer." The gentleman
advocated a system whose direct and un
deniable tendency was to destroy compe
tition, and thereby ffivc a monopoly to the
heavy capitalists. He would benefit those
very "millionaires" of whose presence
here he complained to loudly. Free trade
would inevitably degrade the wages of la
bor in every department of industry, whe
ther employed in the fields or in the
workshops, to the level of wages in Eu
rope; this was as certain as the ebbing and
flowing o.f the tides. What could be
plainer! Take two coterminous States
Kentucky and Ohio. Suppose in Ken
tucky, as in Europe, wages was 2 cts.
per day, and in Ohio, as in the U. S., 75
cents per day. Now was it not perfectly
clear that, unless Ohio protected her pros
perous labor, the productions of the low
price labor of Kentucky, boots, shoes,
hres, every thing would come in, and
compel the mechanics and laborers of
Ohio lo come down to 12i cents a day, or
give up their markets quit work, buy ev
ery thing, sell nothing and get rich!
And he submitted, would not this be the
effect of "free trade" with Europe? The
only difference was the cost of transport
ation across the Ohio and across the At-
Untie; p.nd with the modern facilities of , The American market consumed annual
etcarq, a top of iron could be brought from y nearly a thousand millions of American
Europe to this country for less than $4;
less than it would cost to cart it 20 miles
on common roads. Such would be the
manifest and ruinoes effects of "free
trade," on the wages of labor in every
department of the national industry; and
any reduction of protection would be a
reduction of the same extent to the wages
of labor. .
It would degrade the free labor of this
country to the miserable condition of the
i sen tabor oi lorein lands, wnere men
were slaves without the means of edu
cating their childrenworking from the
cradle to the grave, and never aspiring to
any tiling beyond a scanty and miserable
subsistence; and such was the condition to
which' "free trade" must inevitably bring
the now protected and prosperous labor of
this great country. Pull down the walls
built up by the tariff of '42 to protect
and defend American labor let the cheap
productions of the low priced labor of
Europe flow freely into your markets,
and you must sooner or later come down
to their degraded condition morul and
political. He, therefore, earnestly ap
pealed to the laboring people of this coun
try the sovereigns of the land who
"made all and paid all," to come quickly
to the rescue, to save themselves from
the degrading and disastrous effects of
"free trade." The power was in their
own hands they could protect them
selves at the ballot-box and, if they did
not, they would deserve the degradation
to which they would be doomed. To ev
ery candidate for office propound this
question: "are you in favor of protect
in g American against foreign labor by
a Protective Tariff! And let his answer
be conclusive. This is the remedy the
only remedy. Let it be adopted, and all
will be well. He stood there the firm
friend and humble ad vocate of the labor
ing man. He had been a laboring man
himself; he knew their privations and
had participated in their toils; and to de
serve and receive the approbation of the
laboring poor, of the mechanics and log
cabin men of this country, would be more
grateful to his heart than all the praises ot
all the presses of the land. It would be
the crowning and cherished reward of all
his efforts the only reward to which he
aspired.
Labor, productive labor, was the great
source of national wealth. Its import
ance was incalculable. Compared with
this all other interests dwindled into per
fect insignificance. What is all other
capital combined compared to the capital
of labor hard-handed, honest labor the
toiling millions the great fountain of our
national prosperity look at it. Suppose
we have but two millions of working men
in the United States, whose wages aver
age $180 per year this is equal to the
interest of $3,000 at six per cent. Each
laborer's capital, then, is equal to $3,000
at interest. Multiply this by two mil
lions, the number of laborers, and it gives
you a capital amounting to the enormous
sum of six thousand millions of dollars,
producing, at six per cent., three hundred
and sixty millions of dollars a year.
This was the "labor copiluC he wished
to sustain and . uphold. This was the
great national industry he wished to pro
tect and defend against the ruinous and de
grading effects of a free and unrestricted
competition with the pauper labor of for
eign lands. He went to secure the Amer
ican market for American labor. In the
rreat stru;Me for the American market he
took the American side. On the other
hand, the gentleman from Alabama and
his friends went for the British, for for
eigners; for "free trade;" for opening our
ports to the manufacturers of all the world;
for bringing in freely the pauper produc
tions of Great Britain, to overwhelm the
rising prosperity of our own poor but in
dustrious citizens. They went for crush
ing American enterprse; grinding down
American labor, and putting their coun
trymen on a footing with the very sweep
ings of the poor houses of Europe: and
would, in the end, bring them down to
their political, as well as their pecuniary
moral condition. Mr. S. M as for cher
ishing American labor; for giving it high
wages; for surrounding it with all the
substantial comforts of life. Which was
the true friend of the People? And yet
these "free trade" advocates, from the
Secretary down, professed to be the ex
clusive friends of the "poor man," and we
are denounced as the friends of "millionai
res and monopolists." We now import
ed "fifty millions worth of British goods
annually, and therein we imported twenty-five
millions worth of British agricul
tural products of English wool, English
grain, English beef and mutton, English
flax, English agricultural productions of
every kind. And yet gentlemen would
rise here and talk of a British market for
our breadstuffs. Why, how much of
this did England take? Not a quarter of a
million, in all its forms!
Here was a beautiful reciprocity. Here
were the beauties of free trade. Here
was our equality of benefits. Wc took
fifty millions in British goods, one-half of
it agricultural produce, while she took
one-quarter of a million of our breadstuffs.
I his was our boasted British maiket
What was this British market to us?
grain; the British market one quarter of facts. I challenge gentlemen to the scru
one million. Great Britain took of our tiny. Take down all the articles in a j
flour not a twentieth part as much as 'store, one after another estimate the!
Massachusetts, not a tenth part of the a- j value of the raw material, the bread and j
mount taken by the East and West In- , meat, and other agricultural products, ;
dies; not a third part as much as Brazil; j
not as much as the little Island of Cuba; !
and not much more than half as much as
Hayti. Poor, miserable, negro Hayti,
took last year 53,144 barrels of our flour,
while England, Scotland, and Ireland to
gether, took but 35,355 barrels of flour
and one barrel of corn meal. Yet we
are told, in the face of these official facts,
by the Secretary of the Treasury, that we
must take more British goods, otherwise
she will have to pay us "cash for our
bread stuffs, and, not having it to spare
she will not buy as much of our cotton."
What an insult to American farmers is
this. As an honorable man, must he not
blush for his reputation when he looks
upon these facts? But what better could
we expect from this American Secretary,
who, over and over, in his report, denoun
ces the substitution of American manu
factures for foreign goods, and declares
that direct taxation is more equitable and
just than duties on foreign goods, especial
ly m its operations on the poor! Better
levy taxes on our productions than on
those of foreigners! Such are the doc
trines openly avowedby this Secretary to
favor his miserable system of 'free trade.'
Away with such British doctrines as
these! They could never find favor with
the American people while a spark of pa
triotism animates their hearts, or a drop
of Revolutionary blood runs in their veins.
The gentleman from Alabama will no
doubt discover another terrible absurdity
when Mr. S. stated that Great Britain ex
ported and sold more agricultural produce
than any other country in the world Yet
it is strictly and undeniably true. Export
ed, not in its original form, but worked
up and converted into goods, iron, cloths,
&c, consisting of raw materials and
breadstuffs. Great Britain exported, on
an average, more than two hundred and
fifty millions of dollars worth of manu
factures, one-half of the whole value of
which consisted of the produce of the soil.
The United States took about one-fifth
part of alHhe exports of Great Britain
being more than all Europe put together.
In a report of a committee in the British
Parliament, and some years ago, it ap
peared that the British goods consumed
by the people of the different countries of
Europe, France, Russia, Prussia, Austria,
Spain Belgium, &c., amounted to four
teen cents' worth per head, while the
people of the United States at the same
time consumed three hundred and Jiffy
four cents1 worth per head! This show
ed the immense importance of the Ameri
can market to Great Britain, and account
ed for her great solicitude to retain it.
It also showed the superior wisdom of
the European Governments in excluding
British goods by high and prohibitory tar
iffs; thus developing and relying upon
their own resources, encouraging and sus
taining their own national industry, pro
moting their own prosperity, and thus es
tablishing (as we should do) their own
national independence on the most solid
and lasting foundations.
Mr. S. invited scrutiny into the facts he
had stated; he challenged contradiction.
He put them before gentlemen, and beg
ged them to examine and disprove them
if they could. He invited them to reflect
upon them in a spirit of candor. To dis
miss from their minds all party bias; to
rise for once superior to the low grovel
ling prejudices of party to wake up to the
great interest, and feel for the real strength
and true glory and independence of their
native land.
BENEFITS OF THE TARIFF TO
FARMERS.
Gentlemen dwelt entirely on the bene
fits ot foreign trade. They went atogeth
er in favor of importing foreign goods,and
creating a market for the benefit of for
eigners. Would our own agriculture be
benefitted by a process like this? Noth
ing could more effectually divert the ben
efit from our own nennlp and nour it in a
constant stream upon foreign labor. No j vegetables of every kind for the other.
American interest was so much benefited j. These agricultural produces were pur
by a protective system as that of agricnl- chased and consumed, and this made up
lure. The foreign market was nothing, ' nearly the whole price of the iron which
the home market was every thingto them;
is was as one hundred to one. The Tar
iff gave us the great home market, while
the gentleman's scheme was to secure us,
at best, but the chance of a market abroad,
while it effectually destroyed our secure
and invaluable market at home. Gentle
men were very anxious to compete with J
the pauper labor of Europe. I will tell
them one fact: Writh all the protection we
now enjoy, Great Britain ?ends into this
country eight dollars' worth of her agri
cultural productions to one dollar's worth
of all our agricultural productions (save
cotton and tobacco) that she takes from
us. . .. .
This I will prove by the returns fur
nished by Mr. Walker himself in support
of the bill which he has laid before the
Committee of .Ways and Means. Now,
I assert, and can prove, that more than
half the value of all the British merchan
dise imported into this country consist of
agricultural products, changed . in - form,
converted and manufactured in goods.
And I invite a thorough analysis of the
which have entered into their fabrication,
an
and it will be found that one-halt and ,
more of their value consists of the pro- '
ductions of the soil agricultural produce '
in its strictest sense. j
Now, by referrence to Mr. Walker's
report, it will be seen that, for twelve 1
years back, we have imported from Great
Britain and her dependencies annually '
521 millions of dollars worth of goods,
but call it 50 millions, while she took of
all our agricultural products save cotton 1
and tobacco, Jess than two and a half mil- '
lions of dollars worth. Thus, then, as-;
suming one-half the value of her goods to
be agricultural, it gives us 25 millions of
her agricultural produce to 2 millions of
ours taken by her, which is just ten to
one; to avoid cavil, I put it eight to one.
To test the truth of his position, he was
prepared, if lime jrcnnitkd, ' to refer to (
numerous facts. But for information of '
gentlemen who are such great friends to
the poor and opppressed farmers, I will
tell them that we have imported yearly,
for twenty-six years, (so says Mr. Walk-1
er's report,) more than ten millions of ,
dollars worth of woollen goods. Last
year we imported $10,666,170 worth. 1
Now, one-half and more of he value off
this cloth was made up of wool, the sub
sistence of labor and other agricultural
productions. The general estimate is,
that the wool alone is half. The univer
sal custom among farmers, when they
had their wool manufactured on the shares
was to give the manufacturer half the
cloth. Thus we import, and our farmers
have to pay, for five millions of dollars
worth of foreign wool every year in the
form of cloth, mostly the production of
sheep feeding cn the grass and grain of
Great Britain, while our own wool is
worthless for want of a maiket; and this
is the policy gentlemen recommend to A
mcrican farmers. - Yes, sir; and not satis
fied with live millions, they wish to in
crease it to ten millions-a year for foreign
wool. Will gentlemen deny this? They
dare not. They supported Mr. Walker's
bill, reducing the duties on woollens near
ly one-half, with a view to increase the
revenue; of course, the imports must be
doubled, making the import of cloth
twenty millions instead of ten, and of
wool ten instead of five millions of dollars
per annum.
This was the plan to favor the farmers
British farmers, by giving Uiem Ameri
can market. Their plan was to buy
everything, sell nothing, and get rich.
(A laugh.) What was true as to cloth,
was equally true as to everything else.
Take a hat, a , pair of shoes, a yard of
silk or lace, analyze it, resolve it into its
constituent elements, and you will find
that the raw' material, and the substance
of labor, and other agricultural products,
constituted more than one-half its entire
value. The pauper labor of Europe em
ployed in manufacturing silk and lace got
what it eat, no more; and this is what you
pay for when you purchase their goods.
Break up your home "manufacturers and
home markets, import everything you
eat and drink and wear, for the benejil of
the farmers. Oh, what friends these
gentlemen are to the farmers and mechan
ics and laborers of this country no, sir,
I am wrong, of Great Britain.
As a still stronger illustration of his
argument, Mr. S. referred to the article
of iron. Last year, according to Mr.
Walker's Report, we imported $9,043,
398 worth of foreign iron, and its manu
factures, mostly from Great Britain, four
fifths of the value of which, as every parc
tical man knew, consisted of agricultural
produce nothing else. Iron is made of
ore and coal; and what arc the ore and coal
buried in your mountains worth? Noth
ing nothing at all, unused. What gives
its value? The labor ot horses, oxen,
mules and men. And what sustained
this labor but corn and oats, hay and
straw for the one, and bread and meat and
! the manufacturer received and paid over
to the farmers again and again, as often as
the process was repeated. V ell, is not
iron made in England of the same mate
rials that it is made here? Certainly;
then is not four-fifths of the value of Bri
tish iron made up of British agricultural
produce? And if we purchase nine mil
lions of dollars worth of British iron a
year, do we not pay six or seven millions
of this sum for the produce of British
farmers grain, hay, grass, bread, meat,
and other provisions for man and beast
sent here for sale in the form of iron?
He put it to the gentleman from Virginia
(Mr. Bayly) to say if this was not true
to the letter. He challenged him to de
ny it, or disprove it if he could. The
gentleman's plan was to break down these
great and growing markets for our own
farmers, and give our markets to the Bri
tish; and yet he professed to be a friend
to American farmers ! ! "From such
friends good Lord deliver them !" . One
I It mm txivil vui lino . tJVVIKIdlJ
Walker informs us that the present duty
on iron is 75 per cent., which he propo
ses to reduce to 30 per cent., to increase
the revenue. To do this, must he not
then double the imports of iron? Clear
ly he must. Then wc must add ten or
twelve millions per year to our present
import? of iron,and of course destroy that
amount of our domestic supply to make
room for it. 'Thus, at a blow, in the sin
gle article of iron, this bill is intended to
destroy the American markets for at least
eight millions of dollars worth of domes
tic agricnltural produce to be supplied
from abroad; and this is the American
no! thp British system of policy which
is now attempted to be imposed upon this
country by this British-hating Admin
istration ! Let them do it, and in less
than two years there will not be a specie
paying bank in the country. The peo
ple &the Treasury will be again bankrupt,
and the scenes and suffering of 1810 will
return; and with it, as a necessary conse
quence, the political revolutions of that
period.
The Consequence of Annexation.
Pennsylvania gave her vote m favor of
the Annexation of Texas, which added
two Free Trade Senators to the U. States
Senate, by whose votes the Tariff of 1S42
has been repealed, and this Free Trade
system been introduced, prostrating her
energy, destroying her manufactures, and
her iron and coal interests. She built
the gallows to hang herself, and her neck
is now in the noosa. The consequence of
her own folly and her own wilful course.
The annexation of Texas has not only
involved the Nation in a war that may
cost hundred of Millions and require a
direct tax upon the people to sustain, but
has taken from us the means of paying it.
and placed us unshorn into the hands of
the Philistines. We are hereafter to be
come the servant-? and subjects of Queen
Victoria. Not only our manufactures but
our banking institutions will all be des
troyed or rendered useless, so far as it re
gards their aid in developing the resour
ces and spurring the enterpnze of the
country is concerned. James K. Polk,
the Grand Son of a British Tory, in the
Revolution, George M. Dallas. -and their
coadjutors have sold and delivered 113 over
to Great Britain. But whether the peo
ple will ratify the sale, or tamely submit
to be bartered Tike oxen in the shambles,
remains to be seen. We opine not.
We think tint hereafter in Pennsylvania
and in the north, there will be but two
parties the knaves and traitors will form
one; the honest and patriotic the other;
and we shall expect to see every honest
man and every friend of Pennsylvania, u
nitcd firmly and cordially with the deter
mination of rectifying the wrong that has
been committed, and of placing our State
and her interests where she ought to be,
in the lead of all others. Pa. Tel.
The Sab-Treasury Bill.
This measure, an innovation and nov
elty in our administration system once
already tried and deliberately and signal
ly condemned and renounced by the peo
ple this offering of abstractionism has
passed the Senate, and is again to vex and
annoy the country. If ever a measure
was demonstrated to be unnecessary and
unwise, this sub-treasury scheme was
shown to be so by the debate which has
taken place on it. In the Senate, as well
as previously in the House, the argu
ments against it were so unanswerable
that in the former body, the able gentle
men who favored the bill did not attempt
to answer them. But the "Baltimore
Convention"had willed it, and reason and
experience and the public convenience
must yield. So the Government must
set about building vaults and iron safes in
which to keep secure, and free from bank
contamination and rirk, the treasure of
the Government, its Treasury Notes.
It is about as wise a step as if a man hav
ing a peck of corn to grind, should set a
bout buiding a mill for his own use.
Pitts. Gazette.
.Western Produce.
The St. Louis New Era of the lith
ult., says;
4 Several boats have left here recently
for the Ohio river with heavy cargoes of
produce. The steamers Schuylkill,
Tonnalouka nrd J.-!;n J. Crittenden were
the three last, all of which carried around
fine freights and a goodly number of pas
sengers. The steamer Roscoe left yes
terday. She had on board 2000 pigs
lead and about 800 dry hides for Pittsburg
to be shipped from there to the Eastern
cities; 5,000 bushels of corn for New
Richmond, a short distance above Cin
cinnati; 360 bales of b?:np, nnl 27 hhds.
of tobacco for Covington, besides various
and sendrv smaller lots for different points
along the 'river. This seems like 'con
firming the prediction long since made
that Missouri would furnish tobacco
enough for all the chewers and snuffers,
and hemp sufficient for the uc of ail the
rogues in the warld."
The Tariff Our Duty Home
Leagues.
To the Editor of the Daily Chrom
cfc. The glorious Tariff of 1812 is no
more! The bill of abominations, the
black TarifTof 1846, is now the. law of
the land and poor Pennsylvania will
soon mourn in dust and ashes the practi
cal working of a bill concocted by one of
her own sons ! No less humiliating will
be the recollection, that others 'men of
mark' betrayed her into the hands of
the Philistines in 1844 and that in the)
hour of trial, another, upon whom she'
had lavished her highest honors, struck
the parricidal blow ! Myriads of those
who shouted "Polk, Dallas and the Tar
iff of '42," will soon be deprived of bread
under the suicidal misrule of these "bet
ter friends of the Tariff," while the Pla
queminc President will lavish untold
millions upon his war with Mexico, sub
jugate the freemen of the North to the
dictation of the South, and reduce them at
her nod, to that level which Mr. Sevier
assigns to all who labor. Thus, by the
treason of Pennsylvania politicians, and
at the behest of the Baltimore Convention
a power unknown to the Constitution
or laws of our outraged country our
forge and furnace fires are to extinguished
our coal mines deserted our . looms
stand idle and our commerce, flourish
ing under the beningn provisions of the
tariff of 1842, ruthlessly sacrificed in ex
change for a barren and worthless moiety
of Oregon. Nor is this all our artisans are
coolly told that an additional fifty millions
of foreign merchandise must be annually
imported to supplant these in the home
marke. As we now find it needful to
export all the staples we can raise, to pay
for our present import?, (to say nothing
of a foreign debt of nearly two hundred
millions,) the stock of specie accumulated
under Wrhig legislation, must soon be ex
hausted, and scenes of destitution in aland
of plenty, and private ruin and State re
pudiation be again enacted !
With such consequences of Democrat
ic policy staring us in the face, what is
the course of duty ? Happily, the pa
triots of the Revolution have left us the
legacy of their bright example. Wrhen
Britain passed her stamp act in 1765, up
wards of 400 of the first citizens of Phila
delphia signed a solemn pledge not to im
port or consnme British goods until . the
obnoxious bill was repealed. In 1773
they threw her tea into the ocean, and du
ring the fearful struggle, our noble mat
rons clothed themselves and their families
in the fabrics manufactured by their own
native skill and industry. Let their ex
ample be hallowed Ln the eyes of every
good friend of the Tariff of '42; and
while we cheer our ingenious artizans by
the assurance that we will exclusively
patronise home industry, we shall at least
check the drain of precious metals, and
aid in preventing the derangement of our
currency. Let us lose no time in forming
Home Leagues, pledged to abstain, as
fnr as possible, from all foreign articles,
and to clothe ourselves entirely la Ameri
can fabrics, until our corrupt rulers cease
to make war upon the dearest right of the
poor man the right to labor and to live.
He permitted himself to be deluded and
betrayed in 1844 by the most stupendous
frauds, and by the most unblushing false
hoods. Let him now be able to recog
nise his true friends by their American
uniform, and he will be less likely to bo
cheated again. This policy I strongly
recommended a few years since. Had it
then been generally adopted, our beloved
country would probahly have escaped the
ruin and disgrace brought upon us by the
spoils party.
In such a holy struggle for our altars
and firesides, we shall find a warm re
sponse in the most influential quarter. In
such a patriotic effort to save the Union
from a recurrence cf the sad spectacles
yet fresh in the remembrance of us all,
we may fearlessly appeal to the women
oj America. They will not dishonor the
noble matrons of the Revolution. Thou
sands will cheerfully forego the cse of
foreign fabries; and by rendering those of
our own native industry dear in the eyes
of their sons and brothers, foil the base
compact by which the honor and happi
ness of a now prosperous country are to
bartered away for the spoils of office, and
the Unian deluged with the pauper labor
of Europe sent hitherto enrich the mil
lionaire Peels, Cobdcns and Crawshays
of Britain beggar America and to bring
into disgrace that republicanism which the
crowned heas of Europe have so lonj
sought to destroy or dishonor. E. C
LAMB vs SHEEP.
A lady, whose maiden name was Laobt
but who recently got married, met r,n ac
quaintance the other day, and thus addres
sed her:
"Ah, Sarah, so you have got Tnam'ed
and changed your name I nd.'
"Yes, indeed." repl;ed she, "and in
getting married, instead ci'being a I.amb.
I find that I . have made a Sheep of my
self." "Tommy, my son, what is longituueT
"A clothe? line, dnddv."
"Trove ir, mv ?fji.
i "JJ
-cause, ji i,t
'i. uc-
iOM pO.'
lo uole.
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