Barlow's Letten From the CossEcricur Courant. I Messrs. Hudson & Goodwin, The inclosed pamphlet was printed at Matthew Lyon's press in Fairhaven. He entitles it'' Copy of a Letter from an Ameri can Diplomatic Charadter in France to a member of Congress in Philadelphia." Some of the most offenfive parts of this letter were recited in the indidtment of Lyon, the " pub lilhing of which (i. e. the reading the whole letter to large collections of people in a great many towns in his diftridt, drawn together for the purpole) was the fubjedt of the se cond count, and the " printing" it of the third count in the indidtment.—[The fub jedt of the first count was a letter from Lyon to Mr. Spooner, the printer of the Windsor paper.] Lyon told the court that the firft knowledge he had of it was hearing general Mason., a senator from Virginia, read it to a number of gentlemen in Philadelphia last summer ; that he applied to Mr. Baldwin, to whom it was addrefled, for liberty to take a copy it, to which he consented, upon condition that Lyon (hould Ihew it to his frienis in Ver mont, particularly governor Rohinfon and general Bradley, but not to fuffer any co pies of it tobe taken, nor to have it printed, to which Lyon said he solemnly agreed. How he came to print it in fed, however, in vi -lation of his "■ solemn agreement," he did not inform the court. Several gentlemen who have seen it, and who are acquainted with Mr. Bavlow, have expressed their decided opinions that he never wrote it. The public may red allured, how ever, that the thing, infamous as it is, was really written by Joel Barlow, and sent by the Hand of a Mr. Lee to Abraham Baldwin. The most indisputable testimony of the fad can be kid before the public if riSeeffary. Those who recollect what Mr. Barlow once was—those who once re ('petted and loved him for his amiable difpolitions, his talents, and his supposed piety, will exclaim " O! how fallen 1" I hey will discover new evi dence, if possible, of the accursed demoralizing powers ol that modern French philosophy which has made of Europe a charnel house, and which Mr Barlow has been long known to have embraced with rnthufiaftic ardor. But who could have expedted from him such dilplays of hatred to his native country !_ Who coukl expert that Joel Barlow would have become the tlanderer of Washington and Adams 1 The true lover of his coun try will mourn that so many of her children are become her mod unnaturalfoes, and aim with parricidal arm, t'.ie fatal dagger at her bread. I supply the names, " Lee," " Jef ferfon," " Georgia," on the authority of the gentleman who enables me to aflert the ge nuineness of/the letter—they were left blanks in the pamphlet. THE PAMPHLET. COP] of a LEI TER from an American , Diplomatic Character in France to a — --l Jst March, 1798. < MY DEAR FRIF.ND-, \ IT is now a long time, even many years, frnce I have indulged myfelf in communi- 1 eating to you my political opinions, because 1 I have generally thought it uielefs, and at 1 fume moments dangerous to trust them to 1 the ordinary modes of conveyance, but the opportunity of lending this letter into your 1 own hands, and the very serious afpedt our 1 affairs have a {Turned in this country, induce c me to throw off restraint, and to i'peak to ' you with freedom, though far from the hope J that any public benefit will arise from the 1 communication. 1 The misunderstanding between the two a Governments has become extremely alarm- ing—Confidence is completely deftroved. v Mistrusts, Jealousy, and a disposition to a 1 wrong attribution of motives are so appa- 11 rent, as to require the utmost caution in 1 every word and action that are to come 1 from your Executive : I mean if your objedt * i" to avoid hostilities. Had this truth been understood with you before the recal of Muii- roe, before the coming and second coming of b Pinchr.ey ; had it guided the pens that wrote " the bullying speech of your President, and 11 ft up id answer of your Senate, at the opening of Congress in November last, I fliouldpro bably have had no occadon to address you al this letter. « To point out a remedy far the evil at its S' present lieight, if indeed a remedy can be *5 found, it is necessary to call to mind the caai fes that have produced it ; for these causes ' r are many ; and force of the operative ones are generally overlooked by the most atten- tl tive observers on your lide tile cc act of submission to the Britilh government, commcnly called Jay's, treaty, is usually con- tl! fidered A both by its friends and enemies as the iole cause, or at least th? great cause of lt: . the present hostile disposition of the Freach aC republic towards the United States. This opinion is erroneous, other causes, and those of less public difcuflion, have had a much a more decided effedt. It is trne that confid- en ering the circumstances under which the trea- to ty was made, when England was flying, and the coalition crumbling before the armies of a P France, it served to humble us in the eyes ef all Europe. It is true that the manner in P r which it was thrust down the throats of the co people of America, by the man whose mon- ln ' ftrous influence formed an inexplicable con- en traft with the weakness of his political tal ent, has effectually humbled as in our own eye.*, and has taught our citizens to pride '.'.."mlelvej in a renunciation of national dig- 'i T y ;it i, like wife true, that as this treaty Ila •iT.died France, it was a serious and undif- a ' ..led attack upon her interests ; it was gi- *' u t 1 lie to all our profeflions of friend- >ip and fynipathv with her, in her distress- ' er •<: Situation ; it wa? narrowing the freedom commerce, multiplying the articles cf -abapd. and throwing every advantage 0I wc could thrtw, into the hands of her ene — mies ; in all these and many other refpedts the treaty with England has not yet been, nor never will bu-cenfured as much as itde ferves ; it was a measure substantially hostile, and ostentatiously irritating to our belt friends. But it often happens, in public as well as in private affairs, that the greatest at injuries are forgiven or cxcufed, while j e slighter ones, fucli as border on contempt, rj -_ excite the most ungovernable refentmcnt, and a lead to the greatest adts of vengeance ; a ne striking example of this has fallen under my >re observation in the conduct of these two re publics : at the moment when the old gov ,le ernmentof France was shaken to its founda at tion, the new government of the United er States was consolidated and was beginning its operations ander the most favorable aul [je pices. A great revolution in America had jj_ completed its work, it convinced the world Dn t^e of its principles, and held Bp q r to view an unexampled profpeft of public happiness. A njuch greater revolution in jr e France was opening its career. Its authors a and condudtors, though frightened at the er immensity of the undertaking, from the talk r . of solving the frightful problem of reprelen tative democracy, they co.vtemplated that problem as already solved by us; our ener at was P r aised, our wisdom exaggerated, our f _ example quoted by them on all occasions. lc i George Washington, a name at that 0 _ jime dear to liberty, was placed at the head d our admiuiftration, and his eledtion was known to be unanimous ; the French theae ■* fore saw in Washingtok, the people of the id Uwted States ; they counted on his friend- Ihip, they drew consolation from his l'uppof id i f yT l'P« ! ,y, while their principles were ca- lumniated and the natitn threatened with fr war by all the cabinets of Europe. They v _ grew strong from a sense of danger, and is wcre preud of the reproaches of prin ces, because they were confident of the ap- probation of the American people, the elder ions of liberty. _ It is difficult for you to conceive to what :e a degree their feniibility was carried on this j sub jedt, at the beginning of the revolution ; s it was clear that a feniibility of such force, must be the foundation of the most extrava |_ gant affedtion; if properly nouriihed, it would have begot a confidence without bounds ; if flighted, or answered with indif ference, itmuft end in jealousy, uncontrouled n ' by the rules cf justice, and blind to the light ._ of truth. And what was the conduct of [j your President ? Thomas Jefferson was your Ambaflador in France, where his superior j talents, and republican principles, had render h'm exceeding dear to all friends of liber ty. It was well known here, that his inten , tion was to remain at this place during the n revolution. They wiflied it exceedingly, be r cause both he and they werefenfible that he _ would be able to render the most eflentiaJ ; services to both countries, by remaining in Paiis during a crilis of such momentous ex s pedtations ; no one will deny, that the Ac cafion and the place, called for the firft di plomatic talents, and the purest republican virtue that the United States could afford. Jefferson went from Paris on a {Sort leave ' of absence, with a fixed determination to re -1 turn as fiiwm nqUibJo. b-1 Orcierc(l it'otherwife, and the French believ ed it was from a disapprobation of Jefferson's attachment to the cause of liberty in France. , rh,s opinion may be hastily formed, but they were confirmed in it by the President's na- ! . mmg to the fame place, Goveraeur Morris, ; . who for two winters past, had filled Paris , with invectives against every principle of li . bei t y» who was previously detested by all the ] . leaders of the revolution ; who was known 1 . to be the broker, protedtor, and correfpon- 1 dent of the most obnoxious emigrants. It is ' polfible, that Wasbington, in fuflering Jef- ' fersm to return, might have adted from o- 1 ther motives than those of enmity to the J French revolution, though 110 other motives 1 appear ; but his naming Morris, was an in- 1 lult that admits of no palliative ; it is in 1 vain to fay he was ignorant of the charadter ' that this man bore in Paris : he was a wide- 4 mouth bawlerj and had been for two years c the exaggerating £C ho of all the abuse in all * Burke's pamphlets, and the worlt papers in A London. j This scene was continued here, to the a- c ftonifhment of all Europe for three years, his 4 buGnefs was to mislead the President, with ' refpedt to what wa» going on in France, to insult the French ration and as far as poffi- > ble to betray them, for it was universally be- 8 lieved, and I have no doubt of the faft,'that e after the English and Austrian ambalTadors v retired from Paris, Morris adted as secret a- e gent and spy for those two cabinets. A has- * ty word or artion coming from an ambaffa- d dor, though malicious in itfelf, is not always a interpreted to be the language of the govern- ment that sent him ; but a feriesof oftenta- tious abuse continued for three years, be- P comes unequivocal. All Europe leagued a- J 1 gainst liberty, considered America already in °j the coalition ; and France would at that time % have grouped you among h'er enemies, had * it. Nat been for several circumstances wholly » adventitious or foieign to the condudt of your cabinet. A r. Some Americans in Paris, of charadter far more relpeaable than that of Morris, 31 endeavored, and with a momentary futcefs, 01 to convince the leaders here, that his con dudt when known in America, must be dif- ce approved. IV r 2. France was ii» want of the trade and a pro.visions of the United States, both for her of colonies and herfelf, it would therefore be so inconvenient at that time to have them for ci enemies. it 3* condudt of* C. Genet, a fubjedt of so much triumph to your cabinet and that / of St. James s, was one of the causes that saved you. from a war at that time. Genet " had been sent by BrilTot; BrifTot was now f fallen, it was for this reason that the con daft of Genet was disapproved, and that of the Amrrican government pafied over in 13- , lence, though a silence marked with resent- ° ment and contempt. ' ' When after every remonstrance, and a 6 formal demand, froin this government vour ™ executive was pleased to remove- Morris from his oltentiule lituation in Paris, he e migrated, that is,' he went unci joined the e migrants in Germany, and has been ever tince among the enemies of France. But this is not all, a letter fiom Walhington to Morris,* dated in the latter end of the year, 1795, intercepted, and now in the hands of the directory, gives him a commission as a i'ecret agjfcnt to the cabinet of London, to t ran fact hy fine Is so apparently hod lie to the interest of France, that I am allured this let ter has (harpened the edge of resentment her:, more than the whole of Jay's treaty. This and other circumstances have given full credit to the opinion here, that a journey which Morris took from London to Barlin, In the year 1796, .was a million on the part of the Britiffi government to engage the king of Prussia to rejoin the coalition against France. Another fait, though of less con iequence, could not escape the animadversi on of the French government. John Pariih, American consul at Hamburg, was employ ed by the Englilh government as their agent for tranfnjitting'the subsidies and loans, to the Emperor, and the King ol Prussia, for the war against France ; and to freight and fit out vefltls for the tranlporting troops to the Weik-Indies. It may be said that the American government were not answerable fo*a thing of this fort, of which they could have no knowledge ; but this has not pre vented the i.icTt from being recognized among the proofs of an unfriendly difpolition 011 your fide, and certainly great allowance 1 ! ought to be m&de for the jealousy of a na tion goaded by all Europe, tormented by her own traitors, and (landing alofte, in a cause in which (he expected, at least a friendly countenance from ui, if not an active lup port. She looked upon the cause of liberty as our cause ; and though (he did not require us to take arms, (he conGdertd herfelf as fighting our battles in her own. Much has been laid 011 the fubjedl of na tional gratitude, and to ascertain how much, or Whether any was due from us to France, for the part Ihe took in the American war. I will not add to the observations fhat have been-made on this head, but it is clearly my opinion, that Ihe has rendered us more folic! fervioe by eftablilhing the principle of repre sentative government in Europe, than by aiding us in America. I ihall fay very little on the million of Monroe, because I take it for granted, from what I have heard, that he has already told his own (lory in print. I wil| only fay that in the midst of all difficulties created by the madness of hispredeCeffor, thf continued fol ly of your Executive, the unfortunate£on clufion and ratification of the Englilh he conduced himfelf in such a manner a? to form by his single character a counterpoise to all the weight of resentment from this go vernment ; nobody doubts here, but that he would have continued to do so to the end of the war, if your cabinet had let him alone, and confined their blunders to their own continent, What must then have been the aftonilkment of all our friends, and the ex ultation of the court of London, to fee him recalled in the most abrupt and cenlorious manner. ney, because they had little or nothing to do with his being refufed here, a» the fucceflor of Monroe, I will excufc him for writing weak and idle letters, but I will not cxcufe your executive for printing them.f Being re jetted as ambaffedor, he went to spend the : winter in Holland ; and all the world knows how many carriage wheels it cost him, to make theie. journies through this frightful re, ! publican territory ; Nothwithftanding all < these evils, both real and imaginary, there < still remained one more—to the patience of 1 his very impatient government, they knew f that Walhington was in the dotage of his i natural life, and near the close of his polisi- . cal career ; they indulged the hope that when : he should be out of" office, the Americaapeo- t pie would come to their i'enfes, or, at icafl, 1 they saw that the character of the new Pre- « (ident would be a criterion by which the de- f tided friend(hs or enmity of the United c States would be clearly seen„ The candidates f were Adams and Jefferfoa ; the one a' re- 1 puted Rovalift, and enemy to France ; the 1 other an eminent Republican, and a friend to t the cause of liberty in all countries. The I lentiroents of these two men were not yet f known here ; those of the people were not f yet known, becaafe it was supposed that the general idolatry for Walhington had prevent- b t^lem f rom being freely uttered ; these v were the reasons why the Directory determ.n- b :d to take no decided step in consequence of ti Monroe's recal, until the public voice should g e between these two candidates. This f icconhts for the interest, which the French f seemed to take in tie event of that election, n msiiugyou to elect Jefferson, n iroves thai they did not want to quarrel-with ei >ou, and that they still hoped that the people tl <f America were friends to liberty. The ii I'overnment have waited the event. This vas an awful pause in the American affairs n 11 bur °pe ; and ; s a ftoni(hir>g t0 me how n ■cm could fail to view it in that light in n nierica, and to take the measure which the C e most moderate (hare of common sense, v, n the most palpable felf interest, pointed p: ut 4 ti hen the eteftibn of Adams was announ- fc ed here, it produced the order of the id of ai /larch, which was meant to be little (hort of ft declaration of war ; but it was so far (hort ai it as to leave room on your fide to come ! t\ arward with an additional projeft of nego- j ti lation, if you wilhecl to avoid, that calam- < fc * We have never before beard of avy such S; ■iter, and Pel,eve nonesuch ever existed- , ' : is unquestionably one of the million of ja- •' ,""cj>" Rented with des.gn to make our p doted Washington odious to his count™, ten. •> re tWe trust our Executive Iwill try to pet u long wnbout the great Mr. Barlow's excuse. J | We bad the unbroken spirit of Indeuen "nt Americans, and dared to act in confor. 'V <-tty to n, the " diplomatic (kill" of France t, '' The enmity of the oLj PrefiJent towards France, was now conlldered as nationalized in America, and the government here was determined to fleece you of your propeity, to a fufficient degree to bring you to. your feel ing in the only nerve in which it was prefam ed your sensibility lay, which was your pecu niary interest. This uncomplying disposition of the Di rectory induced Mr. Adams to call an extra ordinary meeting of Congrels, and conse quently to make a speech. To a man who had the least pretensions to prudence, there were jjut two courses to be taken ; one was to declare war if he wished to ruin his country ; the other was, if he wiftied tfffave it, to offer to negociate by fend ing some man or men that he knew would be agreeable to France ; or, at least, not to play the bully, by forcing a man back, who had just been driven out of Paris. The true policy would have been, to retrieve the mis take of Walhington, by (ending back Mon roe. You cannot imagine the effect produc ed here by the name only of a known friend to liberty in America. A report prevailed here for a few days, that Madison was nam ed to this lrilffion ; —it almost disarmed the government of all resentment. Had the the news proved true, and Madison arrived, the business would have been fettled in 24 hours. But Adams to attain his obje<fi, whatever it might be, found out a, third course, which difccvers more invention than I supposed him to possess: he formed a commission of •liree to make the people of the United jtatei believe that a negociation was offered on their part, and then filled it up with names from which there could not be the least ex ecration of fiiccefs. The (li ft was a man who had just been refufed, and could not be offered again without an insult : fending him back, was undoubtedly,intended as an infalt, and it was so received : the second was a man whose effigy had been bur"" in Virgi nia, for his violent defence of the British treaty—at least it was so reported and be lieved here : the third was a little make weight man, appointed with the intention that he (hould have no influence : and yet, to prove to you the facility of this govern ment, after all that had paired, I am able to allure you, from the best authority, that if Gerry had been lent alone, and not (hackled with the other two, the dire&ory would have negociated with him, without any difficulty ; at present, the three have been here five months, without being received or rejetted ; and a new law is made, by which an additU onal number ef neutral veflel* will fall into the hands of the French. I (hall hardly gain credit with you were I [ to state on how small a pivot the fate of na tions turns in Pans at this moment. The speech of John Adams, at the open ing ot Congrels in November, was waited for here with as much expedtation as if peace or war depended upon it. It was hoped that after he had lent his commissioners, he would at least avoid the use of insulting lan guage against the nation with whom he was pretending to treat. But when we found him borrowing the language of Edmund Burke, and telling the world that,although ftronnl fntrcmj m treating with the French, there was no dependence to be placed on any of their engagements ; that their re ligion and morality were at an end ; that they had turned pirates and plunderers, and it would be neceflary to be perpetually armed 1 against them, though you were at peace wi wondered that the anfwerofboth houses had not been an order to fend him to a mad house. Instead of this, the Senate h!lVc echoed the speech with more servility than ever George the third experienced from either house of Par!iam?nt. Read over the para graph that, speaks of France ; his bringing is of the word Europe, 'under pretence of \ generalizing it, is io fiimfy a cover for his attack on this nation, that it only adds to ' the abuse, fey attempting to impose on the • und l, r^an^in g 5 certainly could not mean ' the Engliffi, for he brags in the next para- J graph how well they keep their treaty. He could certainly mean nobody but the French ' for no other nation hare overturned religion. ' Had this speech borne a friendly afpett, or 1 had the paragraph in queftionbeen similar to ( the one inserted in the speech of governor , Mifflin, on the fame fubjett, it would have . facilitated the negociation, and probably ' f&ved millions to the United States. In enumerating the causes which have ? brought the two republics to the brink of war, several memorable speeches in yoi.r , houle of reprelentatives, must not be forgot ten. One of your orators calls the French 1 government a five beaded monster another C fays, Barras, when he pronounced his farewell C ipeech to Monroe, must have been drunk or V nad. These gentlemen forget that Barras 3 ■eads their speeches ; and that the five head :d monftcr, when it (hall have devoured 11 e of Europe, may possibly (hark them " n their turn. 11 Another fubjedt of complaint, and that I lot the feaft, is the scurrility of many of your lew-papers, against the republic : among the ? nolt abuhve is the GAZETTE of the UNITEDS'JDfcTES .vhich is con fide red here as an official " >aper, or printed under the eve and pa- r ' ronage of the government. The office of " oreign affairs receives these papers reguh.tly • P nd you cannot suppose that any of these in. ults pass unnoticed. It is remarked h * nd with great truth, that there is more dirl y d,C Frendl *= American g han in the London papers. But it is in vain to amuse ourselves in de- f' -ribmg the nature of the disease, unless there e a remedy withm our reach; In my opi- !! !°n there is one, but I have scarcely any ope that yaur wife men will stumble upon 1 Acknowledge your error in feeding U inrlfney and Mirfhalf to this country -J. U -CM them, and perhaps Gerry with th&L- 0 ameand fend Madison or Monroe to tak- lieirplace, and let the President in.his met J ige to the Senate acknowledging the m>mi- , ation, utter (entiments full of fn'endffiip to ".e re,lch na tion government, and cau4_ f ,7 acknowledge that the principles of b< J erty dear to the two countries lr is j —and deprecate the idea of gratifying tU ■d J tyrants of the world, by is ( great republics, whole exilteDce they ft r ° ■o j in mm to prevent, now tearing out eark 1- others vitals. b eac, > l " « p 1 Frceive that much ft re s3 is laid by vou . 1- resident, and your other leaders, 0 /, l conduft of this Government, i„ 7 c 'veyour ambassador Pinckney. J <- those gentlemen could feme how or otheTh ■- , made acquainted with the following hiftcrr I hope you will not f uppo f e , by in fc" o J here, my intention is to juftify the French No, my objeftwill beS d to serve iny county, and to vindicate the 1 e honor ot all the ardent spirits among yo u « the y fllo » ld Mgleft this opportunity of o-n' C <o ».r for the ,h m b£ o Pinckney's carnage. n> 0 In the year 1796, the Swedish amhflWl e here, the Baron de Stahl, obtained «■ - ablence, and presented his fecreta™„ , f - d'affaires, who had the kino's com - for that purpose. This man was refund d which de Stahl presented a note to the • 0n d iter of foreign relations, defirL h!, Tr . sign the reasons, that th, ki 0 , e >n what he had offended the republic r° W e he had been the firft in Europe t-n I , ledge it, and the molt ardent to defe™™" , friendfhip. The answer to this no! " S an order to the new charge d'-.ffi,; Was ' r the republic, and a recall of the French ° |Uit 1 bafladorfrom Stockholm. 4, r„ i Hers could, pass to Sweden and baekd? C °"~ f ter was accommodated, bv the Kin 1 newing the Baron de Stahl', who ™ 1 ble to the French. how «agreea -3 bout the Ambassador of . Tufcany, while 1* peaceable exercifr si , .unftions, was ordered by the : to quit Paris in 24 hours,' and the r^Tr' 'H 8 W '; h ° Ut any reafo « a%ned C , He obeyed and the Grand Duke very com i plaifantly sent another. ' 1 he ambalTadors ef Portugal and Rome , who were m full credence an J aftivity X* w s ago, are now in prison in Paris, n is true that this was in conference of a rim' ture between this government and each of , theirs. But the fate of agents in such C af c ° used to be to oe sent away, M d not to be impnionea. c The king of Spain lately sent a new ambaf _ fador here, in great pomp, who is refufed, and ordered to qint the country, without reasons publicly assigned. You will remark, that in this light the Spanilh and Swedish are cases in point, for your Pinckney. But their poor Kings had not learned the etiquette of John Adams, to name and fend Lack the fame man who had been refufed. Kings, at this day, have no notion of a rupture with France^ Another event has lately happened to the Baron de Stahl, which makes the Swedifli cafe, taken altogether, different from the A merican. (God grant that the American may never come to it, as long as you have loving couples to fend on these millions.) 1 he wife of Baron Stahl is just sent out of the republic on a suspicion of conspiracy; while the husband occupies his port. What would the Columbian blood lay to this I 1 W- n Mf wicked bachelors remark, that this order was solicited by the husband ; no such reason is assigned. In deed, had the Baron obtained the order, he ought to have obtained leave to clamor a gainst it afterwards ; decency leemed to re quire it, and yet he has not done it. Had it been an American ambassador, and had the American been jne, I fliould have tried hait* to get ray cafe inserted in a speech of John Adams, or a letter of Timothy Pickering. I repeat to yon, that I am not undertaking the hopeless and wfelefs talk of vindicating all the meafurei that the violent convullions of the revolution ha\? induced this people to "3 adopt. But when Mr. Adams shall hear of the lending away of his ambassador, I would advise him, and all those who are concerned in his wounded honor, to club that commo dity with the kings, princes, and states a bove mentioned, and to try to bear their part with a patience becoming a government that has merited this lort ofchaftifement more than all their felfow fufferers put together. I our three commiflioners will doubtless seize this by Mr. Lee, to forward their dispatches. These will probably be of a nature to induce the President to take some deciuve step ; and I am in trembling expec tation ot leeing him give another desperate leap into the regions of njadn< - Without knowing precisely the face that trie commif honerswill put to the business, I will ven ture to affirm, that the answer propre will contribute more than its due fliare to the coloring. A manly and independent style of writi' ppears not to belong to their char acter. $ \\ ere I to write their letters to the exec utive, it should not be in language like this. ■ Ihe French hive many reasons for be ing offended with the American government;, these reasons are exaggerated by their jea oufy, and other other strong passions inle parable from the revolution. This is an un iavorable mwnent, and we are improper lons, to attempt to explain away the imagi nary wrongs on which a great part of their refentißent is founded, Wc advise you to recall us three, and at the fame time to re place us with one or more persons whole cha racters are well knnwn and approved by the trench ; Inch as Madison or Monroe. If you wilh to terminate thele dirputes by lic gociation, you mult be- prepared for cohfid erable facrifice ; such as a loan of money similar to what this nation made to yott laR war ; such as, a modification of the Bri tilh treaty, or at Icaft a new treaty with Iranee, giving her more advantages than that treaty gives to England. It is poffib'e that on conditions of this kind, you may ob tain some indemnification for the fpoilatioas on yourcommcrce ; somewhat in the man ner provided for with the English in Mr. Jay's treaty. " It is fcarceiy necefiary for us toobferve that your commission, considering the' dil tanre between the two countries, mull not be ftraite;:ed in its powers, as in tliis affair so much de.jiends on the manner. The Preft-
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