te si.l*. He was not much acquainted f.th p < 1 nsr erccj he was 3 farmer, but he had t -'ad 1 \ Qftu ifling on that fnbjrct and believed tnat a nmvuirtce was to a certain degree n<?df!T<irT; 1 it been extended too far, but the 1 merchants knew we could not give rhem c i*c -f.ary pr'teiSHon, andconfequently muil ' rill< their vessels and caries. This it is pre- j fumed they will do, while they find it ben- ' efie- it!, and this was evidently the cafe, be- | cau>e* we are now foppofed to be the second eomnercial nationin the world. And it ap peared to him that commerce was the hand maid of agriculture ; and the greater the competition in our market* between the fo reign merchants and our own, the bet ter market, and greater demand for the pro duce of our country. Thus the farmer will obtain a higher price and quicker sale for fc'hat he has to dispose of, but on the other hand, if there was no competition in ottr markets, the farmer must fell at a price our merchants may (in a combination) please to give, or (lore his articles until the (hip own er will please to carry it away. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Ni cholas) had said, that the executive power growing out of the diplomatic department, would cause war, ruin and deftru&iop; this said Mr. W. might happen, if the majori ty of our people (hould become insane, and chufc men to fill offices, whofedetermination it was to ruin the country. The executive could nut do it alone, because the advice and consent of the Senate was required, and the majority of this house must agree to it, be cause it is to be presumed that no greater salaries would be given than were necessary. Beside*, the constitution provides for an impeachment, and at the end of four years the executive returns to the people; there is another provision in the constitution, that is, the people can amend it and take from the executive what power they please, thus we find the state that gentleman comes from sent out two years ago, certain amendments 3nd dt this tin* the measure is renewed.— The people not think prudent to adopt tliem two yeas since ; this (hews, however, the-Legiflature of the state from whence a number of the advocates for these new doc J trines come, ido not think the power con tended for is in this house, or they would not wi(h an amendment to the conftitutios. Mr. W. said, it was prudent for the people to watch the »ifficers of govcrnireut, but not be too jealous so as to destroy the eonfi denee reposed in them. The gert.Vman from Virginia (Mr Ni cholas) said that commerce was partial to Great Britain; if so, 1 id Mr. W. why is liyt something, brought forward to restrain it? or did g> ntlemen suppose it would be proper to restrain them; he believed it would be an improper thing, he had always under fiood it v.-a. berf to let commerce regulate nfe'lf. He would aflc that gentleman what ivuuld his cenftituents in Virginfa have said, if Congress had prevented them , from felling horleo to the Englilh about two yenrs ago, notwithstanding. they were so frenchifi. d,yet they fold the huTes to the English, because they receivf d a greater price for them. A gain, why are those gentlemen dressed with Engiilh.manufactures? what would they fay if they' were prevented from purchasing thena ? Hence, fcid he, the gtntlemen (hould not prevent him from felling the produce of his farm to those who would give the most for it, and like them purchase the Englift manufactures, becaufethey were the belt and cheapest. Gentlemen fay, the constitution provides for the appointment of ministers by the Pre sident; but only gives the power parti ally, because, fay they, their falari«s were to be fixed by Congress. Here said he was the check, the conftitrftional check, (to nvit) this house (hall fay what was a reasona ble compenfatioii for the officers fa appoint ed. When the general convention met to form the present constitution, said Mr. W. no doubt but they had a view to all the differ ent constitutions then extant, many difficul ties arose; at length an agreement was made between the great and small states, that the latter Ihould have an equal representation in the Senate, which conftitiited one branch of the Legislature, and advice and consent were to be given by a quoram of this body to the nomination of all officer; by the Prefide'nt, who by the nature of his office would have the means of information from foteigj) pow erj. Thus the nomination of ministers - where to be sent—and of what grade, was veiled in the President. So in the treaty making pouWr, this body being composed of an equal number, and power, from each (late, in which the small states retained their sovereignty, and notwithstanding this, yet so careful was the convention, of this great power, that two thirds of this body was t© -agree to all treaties before they became the supreme laws of the land. Yet some of the members here, representing small states, are for giving up this sovereignty which was so Itrenuoufly contended for in the convention, and solemnly agreed to; and take the pow er front the Executive and Senate by a new doctrine, which if once obtained it would give a power to the representatives of four states to control at their will and pleasure, the remaining twelve states. This, said he, was evident, because the states of Virginia, j .North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Massachu setts had more members in that house than the other twelve states. Was this power in this house as contended for by some, it would deprive the Executive and Senate of the appointment of diplomatic officers., or mak ing treaties. For instance said he, the gen tleman (Mr. Nicholas) had said he was for doing away all the foreign intercoutfe. Let us take it for granted that this was the cafe, and that we bad no foreign minister, and no one was to be appointed previous to an ap propriation-—Congrtfs adjourn —and a fliort •time thereafter, the Trench dire&ory (hould Kave come to their senses, they fend to our government that they wouM do us justice, j pay for the depredations on our commerce, discharge the debts due to our cititen.'f and • would eutcr into a new treaty with us upon principles of vtcfprocit?. Would not this In l-e a desirable objcft to tre3t with them, tor pi although* by the hw» of nations we are not e> holden to any treaty at this time, becauie, c; when two nations enter into a treaty, and di one breaks a part thereof, the other is not u bound: yet it was a desirable object to be at g peace*ith all nations. In this cafe, how U would the Executive a&? He mull call con- ii grefs together; this would take much time w and be attended with great txpence; yet n this must be done. Wheu Congress comes t. together they are informed of the bufineis, a but fupp«fe a majority are opposed to a trea- a ty being entered into with that nation, and ] will not agree to an appropriation —will not a this prevent a treaty being made? and will [ ft tiot be in the power of four Hates to con- v tr<A the other twelve states? Befidethis, nip pofing the majority fay we will appropriate c but it (hall be provided such a person and 1 such grade. Let the gentlemen have the j power they contend for this day, and they would not agiee among themselves, much < more the whole house, for fays the mover, (Mr. Nicholas) lam for a minister plenipo- t tentiary to France and England, a minister j "resident to Holland, Portugal and Madrid, fays another gentleman (Mr. Claiborne) from Teneffee, the mover will agree for a minister plenipotentiary to Spain (by the by • how in unison those gentleman are) bnt another member, a minister resident will do at Spaiß. So that by the gentlemen's own I declaration, we could not expett any thing to be d«ne, though their system was adopt ed. It would be attended with an infinity j of expences and delay, and in the end wonld. reduce our republican system, by introduc ing an arifiocracy, which would pave the way to absolute tyranny. To prove that the conftitntion would be rendered ina&ive, he would only instance a cafe in the legisla ture of New-York, in 1789. The two branches of the legislature, were o-f differ ent political opinions, the one would resolve to appoint two characters, to reprcfent that state in the Senate of theUoited States, but the other branch would n»t concur, they would resolve to appoint two others of a different political opininn. The confeqtience was, that no appointment took place until after a subsequent ele&ion, at which time both branches were of one political opinion. Hence, if the ®ther states in the union had beeH in a like situation, thp constitution of the United States would not have gone in to operation. The genjleraan f r «m Virginia (Mr. Ni cholas) and others had contended that the different branches of onr government had a chepk on each other, and they had inftane ed a law passed relative to the judiciary, who deemed the law nnconftitutional and did not act thtreon. But by this had they a check on the legislature? No. They did not a£t; and so in the cafe, when the call was made two years ago on the Executive for some pa pers relative to a treaty did not the Exec utive refufe them? why? becaufe'faid he, you have no eonftitutiooal right to them.— Thus w«■ find that each; body moves within its refpeftive orbit So if a is called for we appropriate what is deemed reasonable. The mover of the amendment dwelt much on the dobate, had on the palling the tirft foreign intercourse bill, in the year 1790; fut he did not ftat« both fides of the quef rion. Some of the debates werethe fame as those used oh a late occasion, especially the one by a gentleman from South Caroli na (Mr. W. Smith) all the evidence howe ver, we had on this fuhje& was, that the law was passed, and had continued to be re enafted by every new Congress since, it was . something finguJar that this nevJ discovery had not been made before now. Much had been said relative to a minister being sent to Berlin | the Preiident in his speech at the lad session said, *! It was a nat Viral policy for a nation that studies to be neutral, to consult with other nations, en gaged in the fame ftudiet and pursuits; 'at the fame tiifce that meafuresought to be pur sued with this view, our treatiss with Prus sia aHd Sweden, one of which is expired, and the other near expiring, might be re newed." This, among other fubje&s i»as then referred to a committee, and an appro priation made without debate or division, this, said he, was the time to have made the opposition. But it was said that a minister was not wanted at Berlin. He believed if gentlemen would reflect that minister was not only appointed to Berlin, but also to Sweden. Stockholm was not far dis tant from Berlin. aHd one minister had been sent to renew the treaties with Woth these nations. What had been dene he knew not as there were -no documents before them ; but he thought it bad policy to rccal him, if it was within their province until they were informed the treaties were renewed— Decaufe it would cost them 9000 dollars ►nort as an outfit, in cafe he was recalled be fore the business was done. Beside, Berlin was a place to obtain much commercial and political information, so necessary at this time both for our government, as well as our othtr ministers at foreign courts. He would not have said any thing rela tive to the minister lately near the republic of France, had it not been for two.expressi ons which had fell from a gentleman (Mr. Nicholas) the #ne was that, that minister had been made a facrifice of, and the other, that in that gentleman's opinion, peaee with the French republic might have been secured, but the executive had done all in their power to cast it from us. With ref pe6t to the firft, said Mi . W. if that Mi ■ nitter had been made a facrifice of, it muff have been occasioned by his own conduit, t for said that gentleman, another had been , applied to, but expecting to be himfelf fa. > crificcd would nc* accept. How came this - gentleman to accept, said Mr. W. or had he t not the discernment of him who refufed ; 1 hut as he did accept he ought so to have r conducted, as to have merited the thanks, , not the difplcafure of his country. If it ', was so, he was persuaded it had arifea from d j tranfaftions. . n I The ether exprtffion was—« the execu- J tive r.ad printed a prace"—t"Hls lie sup- j <tr posed mull have been in consequence <jt the j in executive's «ij*pftfing measures which were , thi calculated to disturb the peace and indepen- pel deuce of this country. If we look around pr« us, laid Mr. W. and had time to investi gate this fubjed, it would be easily shewn, pr that tile executive had aded right in not fufFeiing this country to be drawn into a m I war with any nation ; and if we mull have ia I 11 war (which G6d forbid) I hopt it will be , for refuting to depart from this principle ; in and whoever will impartially trace the tranf- I e_ aftions of our government, refpeding the | proceedings of the French nation and their j ec agents will find that it has refpeded and ?-f preftrved a uniform system of friend/hip, ul which jullice to others, left u« free to per- es fcrfln. The, predicament of a neutral nati- ■" ou is peculiir and delicate, and imminently c ' so while it defends itfelf against charges of ' partiality from one of the warring powers, (7< ! leatt it fltould fecm to palliate the raifdoings' of another. Let us view for a moment, said Mr. W. f f the tranfadions of an agent from that Re- c< public, and previous to his being acknow- t) ledg.ed as such—his tranfadions which mud ti be understood the ads of his government. * Were they not caleulatedtoinvolveusin war abroad, aud discord and anarchy at home ? tl And had not his ads and those of hiscon l k federates been counteraded, we must long ft finee been involved in a distressing war.— I ask, said he, what insults have been borne Cl with from sentiments of regard to that na- ai tion ! Because the eftablilhed laws of our f< land would not permit the executive at all ' times to go the full length of what the re- n prcfentatives of the French republic wi(hed, h it was to be etfpeded they would not as- o cribe the omifiiou to any wait of cordiality ri or friendfhip to that nation, but to the fovr- " re'gnty of the'law. Hence because the ex- I ecutive continued ftedfaft, in the principles " of neutrality deeming that the interest of his 1 country, and using his endeavours and pre- t; venting our citizens _frw« embruirg their, y hands in the blood of one nation, tp gratify the hatrel, or serve the interest of another, a This drev forth an appeal from the French f minister t> the people, and heiice we may v date the accumulated difficulties we have k experiencd, are now labouring under, t Notwithtknding all these iufults, the res- f ped and tfteem for that cstion, and to (hew c them how nuch we refpeded their endeavors « for liberty disregarding the insults of their s . agents, bah government and citizens, to r prevent then from starving,' hastened to fop- 1 ply thera with provisions, and anticipated t . the paymejt of all the debts which we con- < i traded witi them during our -evolution. f But the jppeal to the people and other f tranfadion of their agent, created a party i ; against th: executive of ffty times the < ■ strength that the !«» chfTes mentioned by ' (Mr. Nicholas) who hi said were in favor of . executive measures But before he went i , into a refutation of that gentleman's argu- ] . ments let us, said Mr. W. i attend a !i-tle to what this facrificed minis- < • ter has dene, or rather what he has not ' done I j(k, said he, what has been < i for injnries on our commerce under the au- j thorityof the French government, andtheir 1 I agents longbtfore the treaty complaiaed of? 1 Of the spoliations and mal-treatment of our 1 • vtffells by the French ships of war and pri- 1 ■ vateers—a did re (Tod and continued embargo 1 . in 1793 and '94 at Bourdepux—the non- 1 payment of bills, &c. drawn by the colo- 1 nial adminitlrat/ons in the Weft-Indies—the seizures or forced sales of cargoes and ap- ■ ( _plying them to their own use, without ma • kmg fatisfadory compensation—the non- 1 performance of contrads made by their a gents for supplies—the condemnation of our i ve flels and cargoes incompatible with the ' treaties between them and us ? How many ' vefl'els Jhave they saptured, cargoes con demned ! tlo! freight and demurage have been decre<dto be paid by the committee ! of fafety. has any thing been paid ? How many millions value of property have they taken from our citizens without justice and without compcnfation ! What then has 1 this facrificed minister done ? I wish gen tlemen woild inform us what.lervices he , has rendered his employers. Another gen tleman fron Virginia (Mr. Brent) has al ■ ledged that we were indebted to this minis ter for the peace we 7 enjoyed. This -was a kind of peace however by no means agree able: it appeared like a man attacking a nother uuaimed and takipg all from him, but declaring he wished to be in peace, tho' he must have what he wanted, and what'hc could get.' "' It had been observed by a gentleman (Mr. Nicholas) thathe was sorry this min ister had laid- before the public all the offi ■ cial document# which had palled between i him and the two governments. Mr. W. said, he btlfeved that minister and'his friends would indeed regret it before the citiceD3 I had done with it. That minister's book, i and the remarks it had eXcitsd and would excite, would be read and duly considered. The people are the proper tribunal : give - them time for refledion and they will always, : judge right. That gentleman (Mr. Nicho - las) thus changed his ground and fays hi . was sorry that apart of it was"m..de known, r Why not the whole ? It was, said Mr. W. , because of the bftach of trust it discloses. e Would the gentleman have only the fair and n delusive portion of it publidicd, arid the dark n and treacherous parts concealed ? How .- cotild the people judge ? THey could not i- judg? without having both fides. Surely (I that £enllemaa was for* call of the papers jon a similar occasion ; why not give the n ! people every information now ? Full and i- ! fair disclosures to the people will always lead is 1 them to corred and honed opinions. Ie 1 1 hat gentleman (Mr. Nicholas) had been ; preaching to the people day after day for re j lome time ; he began about two years ago, s, j But were Iby my preaching to leflen my it hearerg, I (hould be for changing my doc m trine. That gentleman began with $3 fol lowers, who are now reduced 1045. I hope a- the gentlemjn will continue his public in (IruSlon, f-f it has in these two years past. All IKg * tkr Us of precious time, and a c . 1 I hop, »» ; proportion to his number of hearers. Mr. W. had taken a (hort view of the ha* proceedings of our late minister at Pans, bufi He woulcfa(k the indulgence of the com- ftou mittee, to make a few obfe.vat.ons on what ber ] had been done by our min.fte. at London. ber. Here the profpeft brightens. Eminent IV ' in talents attention and fidelity, the inter | rftsof his country have flounlhed in his hand, had ; When his aid is requested by those concern- the ed in claims, it is instantly, and! effedually pay afforded ; not by the,"cold and distant msdi- .n tl um of formal letters ;he applies to the judg- how es in ptrfon, is heard and justice ts- obtained. ■ He A- recent instance of his. interference, pro- wer< cured f«r a house in this city,' upwards of with 12,000 dollars. His demands and exertions the contributed greatly to procure an ad of the the Br.'tKh parliament, appropriating 800,0001. coiij sterling, for fatisfying the claims of neutrals, < for spoliations on thefr commerce. Our grel country justly exults in Tier employment of n>g this illultrious citizen. A sickening con- con, traft is found in the comparifo*. of him to c with that before alluded to. ! r Again, our minister there, feeing that lein the court of admiralty procrastinated and of . kept adjourning ; by his attention wid eon-, war ftant application to the lords in commission hop for appeals, has obtained an order that the cau court /hould pofiitively fit in November lalt, gen and continue to heai and determiae the cau- the fes at they lay on the docket. The above ; nnf x 2,000 dollars, thongh a clear cafe, had it our not been for the minister, would not have wei been fettled for a long time. This is for wer one house : no doubt but that others have feai received from the fame source ; hence we , the may with propriety fay that our minister at cou London alone, has been the means of fav- wo: ing to the citizens of this country, more reir than all the diplomatic expence ; and altho' ert] this money does not go into the treasury, m:j yet iffeddt wealth to the Union. are For myfeif, said Mr. W. were I a iked a$ fori a farmer refpeding the life t'sere was for ly 1 fereign ministers, I would answer that they ouj were of little use, and the expence might du< be saved } but whea he considered, that ver these regulations would have a tendency to cor promote commerce and thereby create a Th competition in our markets, in the sale of ma our agricultural produdions, and the far- ter mer as w«ll as those concerned in the fi(he- ' ries, -would gain in their prices of what they " had to dispose of, he was led to believe, that commercial regulation*, to a certain t [ a extent, were necessary. But it had been said that consuls would answer all these pur- kn poles; he did not know, nor had he read Re of much refped being paid them in any e <l country, excepting where such country had • fadqries. - we f The Britifli had a fadory at Peter(b«rgh, j ie t in Russia, in Lilkon, at Smyrna and Alep- w< . po, and he believed at Leghorn ; in these op . places, the confnls are considered as men tir . of confeqt?ence, and no British fubjed can r . e t be arretted for a Crime, until he is tried and • , condemned by the consul, who ads as a -j-,-, . judge, and'if found guilty, he is then de- ftj, r livered over to the officers of justice of the Fi ? country. We have no fadories abioad, and w r our cenfuls are chiefly feleded from 3- ed - meng the merchants whose chief aim in ac j cepting the appointmeht is to promote their own interest as ipCTchants. And if th<fe" . men were obliged to dance attendance on ()l f account of business to the different fecreta- te . ries of state in the European courts, they a\ . would lose their time and business, and of E 1 , eourfe must receive salaries. It will be ad _ mitted, that their salaries would not be so r great as that of a minister, but it must be e remarked also, in the foreign coprts of Ell- c j rope, where etiquette is considered as ne- ill . ceffary, ar.d frpm custom, is become essen- cj e tial: what a minister could effed at oneau- " - ' dience withtlie minister, a consul or consul- u " r 1 W ? general, would have to attend ar fend to » the minister fifty times, before he could gain t j » admittance, and complete. Tf said he, no L ,, s minister was kept at a court, and the bufi- ti - ness was to be tranfaded by a merchant as a |!1 e consul, after having travelled some distance . perhaps, he must lose much time merely . in the parade of attending levees of the so vereign, his ministers and different fecreta- p, a ries of state ; asalfo the parties of the dif- t t ferent foreign ministers, in Order to gain the p . countenasces of some of thfin to assist and f facilitate his rntercourfe with :he prime inin ifter of the court at which he resides as con- _ c ful. It was true the British consuls at El- " feneur, at Dantzwi k and Hamburgh were e n of importance, and refpeded, but what Si made the consul at Elfeneur of importance ;i i- was, his superior incami as consul, and the " n high stile he was able tp 4 live in. For the jl gopfular office at Elfencuh from his com- r |« miffiutu on advances of paying the toll fees j 13 of the Baltic, and his consular fignatum t ; to their certificates was considered as an in- (< d caiie of "i 2,0001. fter. per annum—and this f 1. sum was more than our foieign ministers re had, previous to the commissioners feat to rs, France : but as long as the European min- ( 1 .ifters are sent here, the ballance is in our j ie favor ; as they ekpend more in this eoyn- j n. try,' than our ministers are enabled to do a- j J. broad. 8 . Here Mr. W. said, -he would fit down, 1 ,d was it not for some observations which fell ( k from tlie gentleman who moved t v is amend- • | ,w ment (Mr. Nicholas) refpeding the origin ; . ot of party, who, he said, had thrown the 1 ly present existing influence into the hands of rs the executive, and were the means of pur ' he suing it. To prove this, that gei#!eman j nd had adverted to the funding the domestic J t ad debt, which he said, was probably done to , produce a party in States, who j ; en would support the executive. This ad, or I Mr. W. observed, was passed on the 4th ;o, Anguft, 1790, at a when nine tenths ny of the evidences of the domestic debt were >c- in the hands of the fpcculators. But what ol- had the executive to do with it ? If, said,, ipe Mr. W. the executive had intended that i in- funding the dorajftis debt would have eoo- j tributed to IhY influence, an wasfo dif. j-fofed, tlit executive would i~.t have canf ed the debt to be funded, so as to take it ' out of thi hands of the many, to be put l in the hands of a few, as that gentlemaa had said ; but would so have arranged that bufmefs, as that the debt when funded, (hould have remained with the grcateft num ber poflible, b'ccaufs the greater ttie cum ber, the more the?influence. Mr. W. said he was as much opposed to the funding system as that gentleman, nor had he ever any thing to do with it ; but a* the faith of the nation was pledged for the payment we were bound by honor to do it in the bed manner we could. He believed, however, the executive had no hand in it. He was convinced that at that time there • ' were great speculations on all fide*, forte wiftied for the funding system, others for i the Penobfcotfexpedition, and the .building ■ the frigate in S. Carotua, nuthorifed by ! congrels to be paid for by the United States • —some wanted the permanent feat of con - grefs" where it was fixed ; and others agree s iiirr to it to have a temporary rtfidence of . congress here ; but what had the executive i to do in all these matters ? This Mr. W. ! said he knew was done—New-York loft the t ' residence of congress, and in the fettlemenfc 1 of accounts that state was charged with up - wards of two millions unjustly, which he 1 hoped would never again be called for, be e eaufe it was not due. The next class that , gentleman took notice of which added to . the influence of the executive was, thole e unfortunate persons whp wrrt opposed to t our revolution. These people, said Mr. VI . e ! were men of different classes, some of them r were opposed from principle and others frora e fear and to gain favor. But at the elofe of e , the war, they were moftiy driven from our t country, and pcrhnps there was never a - worse policy adopted. If we had let then\ e remain, as they were generally men of P'"P* »' ; erty who were thus ordered away, our debts , might have been much lelfensd, and as they are mostly allowed to come baek, the mu s fortune is that the money they had was near r ly exhausted previous to their return. But y ought those to be arraigned for their con t dust, because they wish to support the go t I vernment under which they live* No— he 0 conceived they were to be commended a Their supporting government in a peaceful if manner was * valuable trait in their charac r- ter. Mr. W. said at those twa classes of men, were „ b r ought into view by that gentleman, as the 1 fupporteri of the executive power, he would bep the indulgence to mention some of those n classes, who have been the oppofers. " When the constitution, said he, was firft made r- known, it of course eßgroffed the public mind, id Reason, prejudice, and paflion, equally prompt iy ed the difcufiion of it —and the citizens were j nearly divided for, and against it. i hn» ft went into operation. In its organization £j 1 * re were numbers of candidates to fill the offices, ' hence many were disappointed* some of which P" we have reason to believe have continued their fe opposition in cenfequence thereof to the present en time. In addition to this, whin the irench an revolution commenced, and because the execu j tive maintained a uniform system ot neutrality # ' and would not fuffer this country to be drawn a from the full udt of prosperity, upon the ' c ~ shadows arad miseries of war, on the part of be France, how many of our citizens were there rid who endeavoured' to leflen the well earn -3u ed confidence c\f the executive, ana render IC ..| his adminift-ation unpopular; our youth fired .* with ambition to enter into the French service, J. r and urged,i-otonly by those of the party,but a If© those who by misfortune or luxurious habits had on outlived their fortune, as well a*others who for in ta- rereft'wereanxioustohavethiscoHntry engaged in ey awar. In additiontothofe,£ow many toadbeenen of by the French agent, and commiffionedto id- go sgainft a nation with whom we were at r peace, as well as those engaged in fitting out *° privateers. Add those who were engaged »« a I lucrative commerce with the inhabitants of St. 'U- Domingo, and who were checked by the Brit ie- ;(h, who would not fuffer the commerce to be carr edonin the manner not permitted by France lU . n a time of peace. And to crown the whole, i what party was created when the proclamation was inued relative to the neutrality ? And altho this was approved of by men of the firft abili un ties, and by those who are 4ooked up to by the no advocates of the amendment, but who are in ifi the opposition to the executive, yet it created 5 a innumerable opponents to the executive, be .ce cause private interest overcaase public good.— i And notwithstanding the executive had done all that was confident for the French nation, keep ing in view our neutrality <*nd to maintain ta- rxaee , yet the minister of that nation appealed lif- to the people—and although the executive was •he pursuing every prudent mcafure.for the good of ind the peopie, and to prevent a war, yet what an in- opposition was formed fifty times as Are tig as the two parties mentioned by Mr. VubohiSy J?" and had it not been that a wife providence who . vev-rule* all things, and human prudence in the executive, we must at that time have been drawn hat into a war. The yeomanry of our country nee ingthefethings,and that the opposition arofefrom t y, e interested views, they, so far as my information t i and knowledge extends, although they were at firft opposed <« the «o»ftitution, fearing anew ,m " revolution, engaged on the Sdeof government. :ecs This alTertion is verified, if we take a view ot ir«S the state of New-York,and the Eastern flatei j in- lot when the constitution took place, three thi, fourths were opposed to it ip the northern and i„ rs wellern parts of New-York, a»d now three ' fourths of them are attached to its support. And . why was thi, change in the great commercial lin - cities ? because the executive prevented that our privateering and illicit commerce which mult V*n- heve involved us in a war abroad and lifc-rd oa- at home i but, for a momentary benefit, num ber, have opposed the executive, and in conle wn quence thereof a great opposition has appeared. An obfervalion, said Mr.,W. was made the ! | other day b* the gentleman from Pennsylvania, ;nd " ].( Mr. Gallatin) and he was sorry to hear it, that 'g'" j although the majoritv here wa, for the exe»u. the tive measures, yet the eopl, said he or,'wthui s of This idea with the feebte minorities. Mr. Wi 3ur. hams laid, had, in hi, opinion- created all our part and prefept difficulties ; and what had lei 'j him to this opinion » »s, that when the ren - a ' c : minister cam. herein i 79.?» hi ' f. 0 "' cto such as though he depended on ftebtc minonW. "bo j and the ptifjt with ut. Who was it, fa>£ ad, ! Mr. W. that told the French P 1 ' 100 ™". 4th things that induced them them to inflrufl t n! {is minister . re noritics and the pecf'.e <w\th us ' H«s P ur , the measures he did, and previous to hi* " ,?, acknowledged bv our government, coahr f,lld him in this ■ pinion ; for, the French m "V that j would not have had those inftrudtions, nor con- j pursued tnofe measures, yniefs the Frenc
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