■«—* -t j a i %\}t oasette. j —*— ■ '* / fhiljdblphm, e TIV-'RSJAY* EVENING, FEBRUARY 8. t 1 SENATE or PENNSYLVANIA. j! WgcwESDAY.Feb. 7, I 79 8 - The coraici'.tee fdeaed agreeable to law, to n try the matter of the petition complain- " ing of undue election and return of t Senator, for the diftrift composed of the j city and cAwnty of Philadelphia, and 1 county of JDelaware, *nd sworn or affir- c mcd to give a true judgment thereon, j According to the evidence— REPORT « That, agreeable to the duty thus solemn- < ly imposed on them, they proceeded to < take the said petition into oonfideration, 1 and examined the evidence adduaed refpeft- 1 fng the fame ; from which it appears that ' so enquiry was made at to the right of ci tizenship of any person who v«ted at the Northern Liberties and Southwark in the county of Philadelphia, whereby a number of persons were allowed to vote for Sena tor who were not entitled to eleft mem bers of the legislature, and that the number of persons illegally admitted to vote, as aforefaid, wa» greater than the difference in votes between the fitting member and the person next highest in vote, thereby render ing it impraflicable to ascertain who was the peifon duly elefted by the qualified freemen of the said diftrift ; —they do there fore give it as their judgment, that the election and return of Israel Israel, as Senator for the diftrift aforefaid, is illegal and invalid. By order of the Committee. MATTHIAS BARTON, Chairman. Frtm Toosa's Etsjrs en RiroiuruNS. ' ( Concluded from yejlerdafs gazette.) Neither ought it to be forgotten that it u al ways dangerous for the common people to in terfere in matters of this kind. I mean noth :ng di(honorable to the common people. I count it no disgrace that 1 am one of them, or that my father was so before me. But how can it be supposed, that men, wUo have spent their iJves at the plough, at th* tooin» or at the nee dle ; whufe time has been occupied in providing, by the labour of their hands, a subsistence for fbemfelves and their families : and who can fesreeiy, in many iaftances, find leisure their bibfiett, and to think about the weighty concerns of an approaching eternity—that such ttca :>.,uld be qualified to ere£ forms of go vernment or to manage the affairs of a nation ? As soon ftWld 1 t» hea* a roan explain all the phenomeßa of nature who never knew the £rft principle*mathematics. When the mul t'tixle are once roused irto fury, they know not «here to stop, a*d. therefore, after overturn ing the exiling constitution, tliey could fcarce iy fail to introduce such violence,, anarchy and cotifuGoti, as would prove far more intolerable' than the worfl fort of government Our v anctjlors were aware «f this. It was not By forming societies or affcuatibns among the common people, that our revolution was brought about. It was not by holding conven tions in which journeymen tailors, barbers, and flocking tnakers, fat as deputies chofcn by their brethren—called themfrlves friends of the pec pie, rndronfulted together for the good of the Station •• The wjfeft men in the three kingdoms; the men, who by their rank in life, had the la.-ft opportunities of acquir.r.g politifal knowledge, anrl the greatest degree of iufluence in the ceuii try, laid their plans among themfclves, and con certed raeafures without the privity of those in the 'ewer ranks of life. All the above ohfervitions (the whole «t Sir Young's observations "on this head would mike it too lengthy for a newspaper) are folly con firmed and illustrated, by the recent example of our neighbours in France. Their firft national jflembly, in the year 17?9, was convened with Come mealure of agre<ablenefs to their ancient LunJt tuiinas.o hich been fufpen-ied for ages. Many of them were men of rank, of property, of learning, and political koowledge._ Had they been left to the fre<r'exercife of their own judgements, there is no doubt, but that they would have given to their country a constitu tion, whit h night have proved the glory of France, and a pattern to other nations. But un fortunate'.y, there were among them, a party of fadtious and designing men, who formed con nexions with the populace of Versailles and Pa ns. And soon, very soon, those beginnings which had given pleasure to every friend of li- ' Lerty, and of mankind, gave place to the most gloomy and difallerous appearances. At firft the comtvon people took un idlive part, other wise than in choosing their reprefentativee; but no sooner did the events of the 14th of July 1789, (hew that popular f.vour might be the road to power, than the fasts culottes began to think themselves ctpableto manage the affairs of thena'ion. From that time, the exclamations of the galleries declared the refolutious of the affrmbly ; which was then deferred bf its most virtuous member*. The king was carried a pri'nner to Paris, where he remained in the power cf now an organised mob. By this means a conllitutirn was adopted, which, though prof/jfcdly designed to have been a lim ited menirchy, yet aflually gave an opportuni ty to those who courted the populace, and knew how to flatter their pafiions, to become >he des pots of the nation. The second national assem bly was still more under popidir influence ; and the ronventlonjnoft of all. i From the time ot their meeting, all matters were carried by the votes cf the jacobin clob or by the sovereign mob of Paris. Then every thing went into confution Revolutions followed npon the hack cf revolutions,—(and still continue to this day' to follow). Five hundred tyrants flarted op ir.ftead of .one- More blood has been Ihed by thrir democratic despots, in the ftinrt spa e of eighteen months, finer the fatal loth of Aug. 179 a, has been (bed by all their kingjto "■'f ether (if we except the mafTacre of St. Par tholoir.ew, .i"d which was the work of a sac tion m. re than of a king) finre the days of Charles the Great And now libe ty, proper ty, morality 4 and religion, are all annihilated at once ; rnd France is become an exrcratien,and a iijjtng, and a cuff?* all nations ! Frtm the Columbian Centinel. THE CONSTITUTIONAL 1 EST. No, 111. - T'E great principle recognized ia the cos dilution of this (late, and in that of the I Tel testes "to fiparate the lsgiflative, ji jnd executive departments in the Ovemr.:at," it faadioned by' the history of ill free republics ; innumerable fafts to j h; cotinrm this important truth, are exhibited j a in a convincing light in the defence of the ,c. American conftitittions writtenjby the learn- I tl ed and patriotick President ADAMS. In | n these volumes tlie reader may find ample 1 a proof, drawn from the experience of all a- : g ges and in every country,where republics !t! have existed, thtt a free government caii- si not be durable utilefs the judicial depart- it ment is guarded from the encroachments of t the legislative ; that if the legislative branch c is not confined to the department of legif- j 1 lation, it will by degrees invade the judi- | cial and executive departments, whereby ; 1 the checks and balance of powers, will be e loft, and all authority center in the legifla- ( ture. Hereby the all-important fafeguard t of the rights, liberties and property of the f citizens, an appeal to the judicial power for the iaterpretatioa of the laws, and a 1 trial by a jury, is greatly impaired, if not c entirely left. The executive power in a t free government cannot support its conftitu- 1 tional authority, unless the judicial depart. 1 ment retaias all its constitutional powers ; 1 for the legislative being naturally the strong- 1 eft branch of government by reason of < its numbers, the conftitational force of the t other branches is neceflary to keep this 1 within its just limit*. Sueh a " balanced i government," is the only " government of 1 laws, and not of men."—ln such a gov- ] ernment only, are the right 3of the people 1 preserved, a trial by a jury, and an appeal ' to independent judges to interpret the laws. , And such is the government of our country, ' by the conjlitut'irm. But is it so in prali'ue f ' The constitution of thisftate declares, that " the legislative department (hall never cx ercife the judicial powers." Yet have we ' not seen it exercise those powers every fef- 1 fion ?—lt is also declared in the cenftito- ■ tian, that •« in all controversies concerning • property, the parties have a right to a trial by a jury." But, docs not the general court deny tliis right of appeal to a jury, to determine the claims of the citizens up on the govmrawHt ? Are not the dearest rights of the people hereby violated, and in a dire A infraftion of another clanfe of the constitution, which ordains, that " ev ery citizen ought to find a certain remedy', by having recourse to the laws ?" Wc have in a former paper noticed those infractions of the constitution ; but as they are so de flruflire to the right* of the people, they ought to be held up often to their view. It , may be alked, " As all the mejnbers of the . legislature every year take an oath to main -1 tain the constitution, do they not read it I 1 And if they do, how comes it to pass that they do not obey it I" We state thejfadt, aad it is for the peo . pie to look for the cause, and find a remedy. Under the old royal government of theprt- I vine, the general court exercised the dan gerous power of determining all claims of ths fubjefts uponjthe government j the wife | farmers of theprefent constitution, know | ing well from the history of all nations, that the Vrights and liberties of the people i could not be fecufed, uulefs the citizens r had the nght of appeal in all matters of • property, as w«ll as life, to a judicial de : partinent independent of the legislature ; | ,aad knowing also the natural propensity of this tlronge/l department to increase its powers they guarded this most eflejitial right, - " appeal to the judicial power, and trial by 1 a jury," by clear expressions, and repeated paragraphs. . They knew the force of long . cvjlom, and old precedents, and therefore in the constitution they doubled and trebled f the guards round this citadel of liberty, 1 the judicial department, and the right of t the citizens to appeal to it for the interpre ' tation of the laws, and a legal decision up on their claims, -without exception. Had j they intended to except claims upon gov „ ernment, and to invert the legislature with Y the power of determining them, it would - have beeu so exprefled ; but it is not. f The framers of the constitution of the United States, also apprehending the ex- treme danger to the rights of the citizens, . from the interference of the legislative poW , eis in the states, ordained that they should - make no laws to " impair the obligation of 1 contrasts;" and consequently atir such laws * and afts are nullities.—But notwithstanding | all the wisdom displayed by our wisest ftatef y men, in framing the conftitutions,and guard e ing them by requiring an oath of all the le -0 giflators to " maintain them."—Do we not f fee a constant effort in fonie of the legifla » tures to increase their powers (or at least to £ retain what their predeceflors exercised) by a infringing those of the judicial department? e Hence the proposal to alter the constitution 1 of the United States, and take aipaythc right , of the people to appeal to the supreme judi cial power to decide upon their legal demands again (I a state. The adoption of this fatal ? measure will destroy at one stroke the most _ essential rights which were secured to th? ci d tizens by the federal constitution; it takes a it way the great and all important right of « every citizen to a trial by a jury, to afcer n tain his legal title to property when it is iu ° the hands of a state ; instead of demanding r his property, which the laws and a jury p would give him of right, he is reduced to y the situation of a Have under the government if of an absolute monarch, he must put off all ? the dignity of a freeman, and petition, and s * beg, and male interejl at court, and perhaps ' tribe, to obtain the right secured to him by ' a s law; and after all, if destitute of friends at r . court, or wanting in the courtly powers of ir address, he may " dance attendance from d feflion to fefiion, at the door of the legisla ture, prayiug their honours for justice," un til his pockets and his patience are exhausted and hope fails; he returns home to fpetid the reft of his days in'poverty and murmurs— tortured with the idea of fuffying tyranny io a free government! ic But, it may be expeftfd that we (hould ie answer th; obje&ions, to the fnability of a ?, Rate or nation, (as we maintain that the go ie vernment of Ixjth must be fnable, or the y rights of the people cannot be secured) it las been objefted, " that the judgment of j * court and jury against the government, a :annot be carried into, execution ;" " that the fuprcme legiflstare cannot (and ought ] not) be compelled to pay money, or fulhl 1 jny other sontraft or obligation." The le- ' giflature mult have the power to (letermine 1 the time when the government is able to fill- 1 fil its contracts; and this is power enough 1 in conscience. The judicial department is to exercise the powrf of determining, ae- 1 cording to Handing laws, what the legal and just demand of the citizen is. This, we conceive, is the conftituiiwnal line, between the ptowers of these two branch es of government. If this line is-not pre served, fll power finally, runs into the le gislature, whereby an arificcraty is Grit e stablished, and then an nbfolute tyranny. — The corruption and fall of the ancient as well as modern republics originated in this cause. Americans may flatter themselves that they are too wife to fufTer the like fate; but if they now permit the most important right secured to them by the constitution, trial by ajury, to be taken from them, what right have we to expeft the long exiftenee ef freedom?—can any thing be more arbi trary or absurd, than for the legislature to appeal to the judicial power to ascertain its legal demands against the citizens, and at the fame time not permit the citizens to ap peal to the fame power to ascertain their claims? So extreme is the wrong in this ar bitrary mode of proceeding, that the citi zen is liable to befued by the government for one hundred dollars, and thrown into jail for not paying the debt, when at the fame time he holds a note from the government (due many years before the oilier) for three hundred dollars, which is refufed in payment of the one hundred! (according to the fund ing law of 1794.!) If this spawn of ariflo cracy was seen only in Europe, how would our Jlate politicians strain their voices in ex clamations against it; but as it is their own, they nonrifli it in their bosoms. The Colos sus of political error mult be destroyed by the reason of the people, or it will deitroy their freedom. It is a riany headed mon ster in a free country, and poisons ]iberty<at itsfource; it destroys the great principles in our constitution, trial by a jury, " go vernment of laws, and not of men;" and fubjefts the citizens to the fovcrcign will of an interested legislature, five hundred or a thousand miles distant; (fee an aft of Geor gia) it teaches the necessity of adopting the language and manners of Jlaves, to court the influential men in the legislature in order to obtain that justice which the laws of a jury would give as a right• Sons of Massachusetts—do justice to your heads and your hearts, byreducingto prac tice, thcfr.ee principles of the eonftitution. before grey-headed errors are too deeply rooted by * ancient precedents, to admit of reformatio!). Will not all the experience of the living and of the dead nations, be Ef ficient to awaken our attention. Where are all the free governments that once existed in different parts of the world; and what cause produced the universal ruin? It is clearly proved by all hiftery, that the principal cause hasbnen—one branch of go vernment was to© strong for the other de partments, by which means it engrossed all the powers, and degenerated into a corrupt. tyranny. The judicial power is the central rut, ar which supports the temple of freedom ; if it is impaired, liberty fuffers; if removed, the building falls.' CITIZENS. LEGISLATURE «f MASSACHUSETTS SENATE—Jan. 26. Mr. Treasurer Coffin, bv letter, informed that he had discovered a box in his office, containing money and notes of some amount and which <ie had no previous account of. Committed to Hon. T. Dawes of Senate and Messrs. Willis and Devens of the House ; and they were alfodirefted to con sider of an adequate grant to T. Davis," Efq, late Treasurer, for his services since he, ageeable to Constitution, left that office January 27. A Bill for-the purpofc of lessening the danger of the canine madmefs, was read twice. Two dollars tax on each dog, was ordered by the bill. HOUSE—Jan. 29. ConGderable time was occupied in debate upon the Dog ad, various sums were offer ed as the m<sll expedient Tax—but no one was agreed to. It was however voted, that a Tax, should be laid on Dogs. NEW-YORK, February 5. COM MONICA.TION A member of Congress spit in another's face 1 And a " patriot,' too ! An aft of bravery well wortny the knight of the wood en sword ! A heroic son of Mars this ! There is no making a gentleman of a clown .! The lubber is made of too coarse materials ever to be refined up to the stan dard of a well bred man. If a creature is a bead, a real brute, you may (have him, pare his nails, cut off his horns, dress him in good clothes, and even fend him to Con gress, and yet ha will still be a beast—he -will not make bows—he is uneasy in good company—and evpy where (hows anjincon querable inclination to get into the woods. A pretty figure the charafter of the Uni ted States will make in European papers ! The challenges of former sessions of Con gress went far enough towards finking our national reputation ! But the motion to be excused from waiting on the President, and the spit in theface buiinefs, will really attach infamy to our charafter. What ! fay the Europeans, these Americans are such clown ifl» fellows that they eleft into the firft pla ces of government, the indented servants exported from Europe ! And when in pow er, they spit in their faces ! Not a bad (lory this, for the enemies of our government a - broad ! Even the French, tho' they often kick up riots in the councils, and sometimes let a mob in to affaffiuate 1 member or two, yet they never let ihtn.fel.ves down so low c as to spit on one another ! ' Well; our patriots, the friends, of the t people and adherents of Trance, feernto be ] rifwg faft in public estimation ! What with I " precious confeffions," free use of public I money, letters to Mazzei, challenges to . single combat, spittings in the face, prajefts . to engage the Britilh court and the wefteru ' Indians to drive off the Spaniards, and o- i ther figoal and undoubted proofs of patriot ism, we are in a fair way to Roman great ness and dignity of national charaftcr ! ! ! HALIFAX, (N. C.) Jan. 22. PROCLAMATION. Whereas between the hours of nine and ten •'clock la it night, the room i n the State house at. this plc.cc, commonly called the Comptroller's office, was broken into by j three villains, and a trunk said to be the j property of William Tyrrel, containing fun- | dry papers of said Tyrrel aud others, taken J and carried off; which said trunk and pa- j pers had been seized by the direction of the General Assembly, and deposited in said office for their fafe keeping,. *nd for the infpeftion of the* Board of Enquiry; a» the papers are supposed to contain evidence of the frauds and forgeries committed in ob taining military land warrants and grants. — At the fame time was thrown out of the window of the said office into the yard, a large chest o.f fames Glasgow, Esq. filled with papers appertaining to the Secretary of State's office, &c. deposited there for the above purposes; which faidcheft.(an alarm lying given) the villains had not time to bear off ot plunder. A Reward of FIFTY POUNDS cur rency will be given to any person or persons who (hall apprehend and secure in any jail in th's state the perpetrators of the afore faid burglary and robbery, or (hall discover them, and give such information as will en able the magistracy of the state to have them apprehended. GIVEN under my hand and* seal at arms, at Raleigh, the 19th day of January, A. D. 1798. SAMUEE ASHE. By- command, Roger Moore, Priv. Sec',y- N. B—7—days before the above burgla ry was committed, William Tyrrel and ' >■ -Young left Raleigh, and gave out that they were going to the state of Ten nessee;, but it is laid that the morning pre ceding the, robbery, Tyrrel was seen at, or near Hillfborough, and it was very evident from the trails, that two horses went off very precipitately from near the window where the trunk and chest were thrown, out. 7CONG R E S S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WEDNESDAY— FEBRUARY 7. Mr. Giles, from Virginia, appeared for the firft time to day. The Speaker suggested the pl-opriety of fending a message to the Senate, informing them that the Houft of Rreprefentatives had appointed managers to conduft the im peachment agaiuit William Blount. Thequeilion was accordingly put and carried. Mr. D. Foftcf, from the committee of claims, made an unfavouiable report on the petition of James Soyer, which was con -1 curred in by the houie. Mr. Thatcher, from the committee on poft-ofnees and poll roads, to whom was re fitted a resolution of the 12th of January, prApofing that the Attorney General {hould have the privilege of receiving and fending letters and packets, free of postage, moved that that committee have leave to report on this fubjeft by bill or otherwise.—Agreed. The order of the day being called for, Mr. Sitgreaves said, it would be recollect ed that he had yesterday given notice that the managers appointed to eondudt the im peachment against William Blount, would to-day, .at 12 o'clock, exhibit the said arti cles before the Senate. As thawime was near at hand, and as it was usual on all fol emti occasions like this for the house to give fanftion to its managers by an attendance at the time, he thought it would be better that the house fhooldnot resolve itfelf into a committee of the whole, until this business was done. It might be expefted a message would shortly be received from the Senate oa the fubjeft. After some coriverfation on the fubjeft, it was resolved to go on with the order of the day, until the message from the Senate (hould be received. The House accordingly again resolved it felf into a committee of the whole on the report of the committee of privileges, Mr. Dent in the chair; when, Mr. Dana rose and complained that the printers, notwlthftanding the prohibition of the Speaker of yellerday, continued to re port the evidence delivered before the com mittee, before it was correfted by the mem ber* themselves. He said it had been repre feated that he had said, the only cause of heat betwixt him and Mr. Lyon, had been the amendment of the gentleman from Vir ginia 011 the question refpefting Foreign In tercourse; whereas he had Hated there was other conversation which tended to irritate him, though, it was true, he did not fay .what the conversation was. He would now however state some of the particulars. Mr. ■ D. was proceeding, when it was proposed that what the member had to add to his evi dence (hould be delivered to the committee 1 in writing. Immediately after this proposition was ■ made, a message was announced from the Senate, informing the house that the Sen -1 ate would be ready to receive the articles of ■ impeachment agaiaft William Blount, at ' twelve o'clock. That hour being neat at hand, the com -1 mittee rose, and the house adjourned foj 1 half an hour. , The managers of the impeachment, ac compamed by the mem! • of th'fe" house accordingly went lip to tlir Senate for the pnrpofe of exhibiting the articles of itrn peachment against William Blount; whe*, being introduced, Mr. Sitgreavea made known their million by an address to the Prcfident of the Senate; after which, the President having, said the Senate were tezAj to receive the articles of impeachment; and the Serjeant at aims having proclaimed ftN ence, the other managers havingtaken tWeir feats appointed.them, Mr. Sitgreaves pro ceeded to read the article's of impeachment; which having finilhed, the President of the Senate returned for answer, words to the following effeft: " Gentlemen, managers on the part of the house of Representatives, the Senate will take such order on the articles of im peachment which you have exhibited before them, as ftiall seem to them proper, of which due notice will be given to the hotife of Reprtfentati-ves." Upon which_the managers and members retired. The house of Representatives then resum ed their meeting; when Mr.T.Claibornein troduced a motionfor providingtheSenatorfc who should if any tfm9 attend the debates of the house, feat 3 on the right and left of the fj;eaker. After some few observations this motion was postponed till the 3d of March, 1799. The Speaker laid beforethe house a com munication from the Treasury Dtpjrtment, iucloftng a report and sundry flatements of expenditures in the military and naval de partments, in consequence of three refols tionsof 3d of March f 797, which were or dered to be printed ; those which bad rela tion to the naval department were referred to the «ommittecappointed to esquire into the expenditure of money in that depart ment ; and those which related to the mili tary eftaUifhment were referred to the com mittee of varys and means. The house then again resolved itfelf into a committee qf the whole 011 the report of the committee of privileges ;-when Mr. Varnum was called upon to gfve his tefti uiony. To attempt to fpllow the course of this examination would prove an unprofitable la bour ; it would fill our paper to "no good purpose", finee the preceedings upon it were very tedious and irregular, and the evidence itfelf unimportant ; as it went only to prove that Mr. Lyon had told Mr. Varnum soon after the affray happen ed betwixt him and Mr. Grifvvold, that he had been provoked to the aft which he had committed by Mr. Grifwald's having twice . repeated the sarcasm of the IVooden Sword —a circumstance on whigh there seemed to be little or no doubt iu the minds.of any of the committee. The evidence "of Mr. Varnurn being gone through, and Mr- Van Cortlandt havmg been sworn, th< chairman desired to know if any other evidence was intended to be. called ; if it was, it would be well to have . the gentlemen named whilst the Judge of the Diftrift Court was pvefent. Mr. Lyon said, if ai>y gentleman of the 'committee were prtfornt at the conversation which palled betwixt him and the Speaker, he should wish them them to be sworn. 1 He believed Mr. Harper and Mr. Cochran „ were present. Mr. Stanford said he also was present; The oath was in consequence.administer ed to Meflrs. Harper, Cochran and Stan ford. The committee rose and had, leave to fit ag-in. -■' Adjourned. ... By this day's Mail. NEW-YORK, February 7. \ Died, onthe sth inft. Madame Deffour ces, the amiable consort of col. 'Deffources, of St. Domingo. Her lemains, largely at tended, have been deposited in the Roman i Catholic church yard. ; At a meeting of the society fbr the relief of the distressed prlfoners, held at the Dis pensary, on Monday, the sth Feb. The Prcfident reported, that a person • who did Bot wifli to have his name mention ed, has prefeflted him with thirty dollar* for the benefit of the society, and Leonard Bleecker reported that he had receivedfrvin dollars and fifty cents from Jonathan Little iM behalf of funda'y jurors. Jamet Bleeder, Sec. ALBANY, February 2. COMMUNICATIONS. " Under the* Bankrupt Law of England the person ,of a debtor is liberated ou the surrender of his .whole property far the be nefit of his creditors, even without the con sent of the creditor, except in cafe of fraud which is punished as a criminal offence. Even in the mod despotic countries of Eu» rope this maxim is uirivcrfally adopted—" that the creditor has a right to the proper ty of the debtor—the state to his perfurial services." Many are,-and are liable to be, 1 imprisoned for debt 3 doe to British merch ants. Is it not absurd that foreigners uu . dera monarchical government, should eaercife : a power over the personal liberty of tbc people of this which they are preclu ded from doing over that of their fellow ■ fubje'ls, by the laws of theirpwn country i Is it not a reproach to us, as a free people, 1 that the maxims & cdiftsof monarchical and . even despotic governments should, in this in : stance be more favorable to personal liberty (the molt ineflimable of human bieflings) 1 than those of onr boallcd -republican infti : tutions ? How shall monarchical and republi ■ jcan governments, in this pefpeft, stand a f, comparison I" - In Mr. Nicholas's Speeeh in the Nation - al House of Representatives, 00 the bill £ providing the means of foreign iotercourfe, | the reader will observe much doleful declama • I tion about executive patronage, arid ilrt
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