%i)t . PHIL A DE^PHIAi ftmmSDAY E'/ENInO, September -;. tINIFCRM for the Navy if the UtilftD S-tATfcS of Am*RICAi CAPTAInKs VNIFORM. fctJLL £)RjESSED C OAT. Mue cloth,with long buff larp Is, and a fta»din , collar, and lin in<?."of buff-«-tp be m?4e knd triihmed ful with a tfdld epaulet on *ach fhotilder. The tuffs Miff, with four buttons, and four bu> ' tons at the pcckets Lappel* to have nine buttohs,aud o e to the Itiin ifig Collar. But tons, yellow metal, and to have the foiil an chor and Am<lic>n l* agl<t pn the fame. VEST and BREECHIi.v Buff. with iJap.s and fbur buttonstcr th*> pockets <>f the vcfts, (n as to corrsfpofid avd he in uniform vshh tbft coat. Buttons the fame kind as the coat, 011- , ly proportionably smaller. LIEUTENANTS. GOAT. Lohg, blue, with half laj?'peij, landing col'ar, and lining of buff. The lappels to have fix cuttoi>3, and one to the collar ; be low the lappel, fide, three button*, l£ft fide, three close Worked button holes. Three buttons to the pocket flaps, aftd three \o a slash lleeve, with a buff cuff. One gold epau ict on the right flioulder. Trin mings, pftgfci i twist. VESI and BRHECHESI * Buff—The former to be made withfkirts, and pocket flaps, but to have no buttons to the pocketsi The buttons for the veil and breeches, and coat, the fame as-lor the captain's uniform. UEWrr N ixts OF MARINES. CCAi'. Lcnjf, blue, with long lappe)sof red; ftardirc collar and lining, red. The Jappcls to have nine buttons, and one to th.' stand ing collar. Three buttons to th« pocket and thrss to a flifh sleeve, a r«d cliff. One gold epaulet on the right (houlder, for the senior. lieutenant, whore there are two lieutenants for the fame Ihip, and one on the left (houldfr for the fecord officer. Where i# only one lieuteqart, he is also to wear the epaulet on the right flioulder. J'rimming • plain. VEST and BREECHES. The former, red with fkfrtsand pocket Caps, hut to have.no buttons to the pockets.—The latter blue—Buttons, for the suit, the fame as the captains and lieu tenants. surgeons: " COVr. Long, dark green, with black velvet hppels, arfd Handing collar —Lappelsto have buttons, and one to the (landing cAllar—No linings, other than being fated with the fame tloth as the coat. Slalh sleeves,' the cuff the sam- as the facing, with three buttons. Pocket Saps, plain. VEST and ftRKECHESi The former, red, dou b e breasted The litter, green, fame as the coat. Buttons, the fame as the officers. surgeon's mates: Tha fame a« the surgeons, with only this difference in the coa*. to wit-—Half lappel*, with fix buttons, and one to the collar ; below the lappel, right fide, three buttons ; left fide three dole worked button holes. SAILING MASTER. COAT. Ecng, bine with facings and (landing collarrf the fame,edgsd with buff—nine but t»ns to the one te the Handing col lar. Lining blue, or faced with the fane as the coat—S alh flceves, with three buttons.— Pockets pluin. VEST and BREECHES. Plain buff veil—and blue, breeches. Buttons (for the suit) the fame as for the officers. ♦ PURSER. COAT. Plain frock blue c»at, with the proper naval buttons—N* lappels. VEST and BREECHES. Buff, and plain. MIDSHIPMEN. COAT. Plain frock coat of blue, lined and edg ed with buff, withsut lappels, a (landing col lar of buff, and }>lain buff cuffs, ojen under neath with three buttons VEST and BREECHES. Buff—former to be made round and plain—Buttons (for thefnit) the fame as before described. MARINES. Wain .*bon coats of blu«, with a red belt, edged with red, and turned up with the fame, with : common small naval buttons, with blue pan- i talsons edged with red, and rsd veil 9. ] Csrtains, lieutenants and marine officers, to wear , when full (Jreffud, cocked hats, with black cockades,and small swords (yellow"monnted) ' and when undressed, such swords as may be < hereafterfixed uponorordered.whichfaid fwerds 1 are to be worn at all times by the midshipmen, , who are to wear cocked hat«, Sic. when full j dressed only.— surgeons mates, failing mat ters, and pursers, cocked hats and black cock- ' ades. 1 JAMES M'HENRY, t Secretary of War. 1 War-Office, August 14, < N.B. SUMMSP DRESS.—Vest and breeches , (excepting fer marine foldlers) to be white, . or nankeen, as may correspond with the uni- ' form, &c. ice. Marines, wliite linen overalls. s •« We understand, (fays the Majfachufetts 1 Mercury,) that Citizen Barney's conduft is j 1 cenSsred by the French Government. It j t is Said he has uSed his Squadron for his own ' 1 emolument, rather than the good of his Di- reftors: and that the most enormqus allow- 2 ances for his convenience and entertainment, have been made by the St. Domingo Com\ ' miffioners, without the knowledge or con- ' sent of the republic." a Upon a thorough invelligation, it is pro- bable that the French Government will find that " enormous*-allowances have been made for the convenience and entertainment of othier " patrotic" Gallo-Americans, besides Citi %en Barney. It is well known, that during the more turbulent periods of the revolution, £ ■when one party held the reins of power no longer than till another gained fufficient , strength to drag the leaders to the Scaffold, thpt some who left America, bankrupts in v point of property, and went to France, ob tained employments under the feecefiive fadtions which deluged that country in 1| crimes and blood,, by which, from the " en- t , ormous allowances made for the convenience : and entertainment," as well as to Requite their y ferv'ues, they have amafTed immense for- |, tunes. Some have been uncharitable enough to foggeft that, in the consequent confuGon eoucamitant «u continual change; in the controlling councils of France, the ,eviden ce; of property entnifted to the diipofal of agents in behalf of the French nation, were put out ofjighi, and that no documents could afterwards be found toeffeft a Settlement: others have fnppofed the existenCe of a ver bal contrail between the then ruling party D of the day, and the persons employed— and when the ruler became Subjected 'to the na tional razor, the advantage of coUrse rested wi?h the agent who had pi'evioufly received % the cafh-—ea(h proceeded from the sale of na- I tional domains—but much oftner stripped le from victims whose blood had formed rivulets - under the guillotine, in confequenee of its lc being laid to their charge, that they were rich.—While the diredtory may be pursuing meafurei to rid France of the last remains of d those vultures who have been preying upon is vitals of nation, and " driving from office" ie such as have countenanced the piracies upon '* the property of neutral powers, in the course of their proceedings they will undoubtly find that much treasure has been lavilhed for the g. " convenience and entertainment'' of agents at o home and abroad—As far as America has afforded refuge to those who have been con ' veniently entertained, at tbeexpenfe of France, a for purpoSes fubver'five of the neutrality and , honour of our country,it is a happy circum n /lance that the vigilance of Government, and the watchfulnefs of those who have 0 been entrusted with the management of pub is concerns,as yet have been able to coun e tera<ft every nefarious plot—and it is sincere ly hoped that such may be the change of sentiment and measures in France, that diS grace will soon be conSrdcred as attached to > those who have originated, as as those who have aided a conduft long witnessed 1 with detestation and horror. ?: • . r The judicious and/independent Editor of the New-York Daily Gazette,.makes the ! following remarks on a letter, recently pub t lifhed, disclosing the French scheme for . burning the capital towns of America. £lf the above extract be true, what are the citizens of the United States to think of the conflituted authorities of their great al}y ? The appointment of Santhonax to to the chief command of St. Domingo, was one among the numberless bad effects of [ the faftiou3 spirit which has prvailed ia , France ever since the revolution—Previous to his mission to that unfortunate colony, i last spring, his administration there, had ex • hibited decisive proofs of his qualifications to destroy, and his titter incapacity to re store—but, in spite of this convidiion—in spite of the lpirited remonstrances of the colonial agents who predi«3ed the eventual and speedy ruin of the whites, and the de teflable elevation of the negroes over their heads—in spite of the prayers and tears of proprietors—in spite of the obvious interests of the mother country, as well as of the colonies which could only be advanced by a mild and equitable government, and with out which, infteadofan advantage they must neceflarily be an incumbrance to France - In spite of all these important confident kins, that unhappy predominating spirit of fadtion, carried its point, and delegated this moil odious of all tyrants to exercise the supre macy in that unfortunate ifiand—Thecon fequenccs are well known—The nervous apd pathetic speech of Vaublanc in the council of 500 on this interesting fubjeft, which drew tears of indignation from the mem bers, against the criminal authoc of the vil lainies perpetrated—was only the prelude of his recall—and it is hoped his fate, when ar raigned before an impartial tribunal, if any such ex ills in France, will be that of all ty rants who are compelled to account for their conduit. The known disposition of thin man and the general tenor of his administra tion in St. Domingo are fufficient to (lamp the fadts contained in the preceding letter with the seal of authenticity. That he is an enemy of this country is undoubted and that to injure us as far as podible would .be the highest gratification to the feelings of his diabolical foul, is equally true—But j there is another confederation—His enmity against the emigant colonists, is most bitter ; every measure he could devise to injure them would naturally be pradtifed—Knowingthey are retired to the United States—and reside in the principal cities, the most eligible way of persecuting them would be to expose the small remains of their former opulence, to the ravages of conflagration - and as this must neceflarily involve in its effects two classes against whom he harbored the great est malice—the emigrant French, and the 1 citizens of the United States ; he engaged a troop of incendiaries to come over and set fire to our towns'. After this information, who can doubt 1 the source of the evils which the several ci- 1 I ties in various states Suffered by fire last win- i ; ter ; and the numberless attempts made in I | this particularly ; though by the care of < Providence, and the vigilance of our citi- < zens, unfuccefsfully. We trust a similar 1 spirit of vigilance will be manifefted the pre- < sent autumn and winter ; for it appears that these vile missionaries of fire and deftrudtion, J after returning to their employer at St. Do- ( mingo, received the promised reward, and < had set out again for the United States on < a similar errand. They must then be among j us. Let us therefore beware of French- t men ! They are Sacrificing us wherever 1 they can at sea, plundering and robbing our - property and abusing our persons ; and if i they can do it with impunity by land, will 1 it riot be undertaken ? There are undoiibt- t ' edly men among those now in this country, t who pofTefs honor and principle ; and < whoSe profeffions of gratitude for the asylum t afforded them, are Sincere : Such deserve 1 regard, efleem and protedtion ; but the { Scoundrels who join our own degraded par- j ty of Jacobins, and, in conversation as well <s as pamphlets, vilify the people and the go- c vernment of the United States, deserve to a be expelled with abhorrence, as intrusive f pells, and dangerous enemies to our internal j, tranquility and SaSety. p This will pot be thought Severe when it \ ■ is recolK;£te(i that the (hip Mount Verhon, f which was captured last spring, at the : mouth of the Delaware, and carried to the 1 Weft-Indies, Was condemned on the autho : rity of letters from some rascally Frsnch - men who declared the property tobeEnglifh. f When such unprincipled ingrates are 1 found among a certain class of men, the - whole are pften fufpefted, as it is' difficult 1 to draw the line of discrimination ; and if 1 any severities are uttered against the French " by the people of this country, it is obviouf -1 ly the effect of their own condu&. <•, The'in s tiocent and well-intentioneql are too fre • fluently involved in the stigma ; but in the ■ present instance wc are Confciotis that there r , art large ntimbers of innocent unfortunate f emigrants among;us who deserve commife -1 ration for their fufferings, instead of being ' fufpefted of villainy. From the\ Virgiwia Gazette, JsV. No. VI. A DtTBIOPIMEIIT Of T;HE CAUSES OFTHfi i DISTURBANCES BETWEEN TH AMERI CAN AND FRENCH REPUBLICS. , Addrejfed to the Citizens of America. 1 MY FEtLOW-CITIZENS, THE letter said to be written by Mr. , Jefferfon to M. Mazzei (after stating the change which it is there said had taken place from our former love of liberty and repuili ■ canifm, to an anglo-monarchico-ariftocratic disposition) proceeds thus : " Nevertheless, the principal body of of 6ur citizens remain faithful to republican principles. All our 1 proprietors of lands are friendly to those ; grineiples, as also the mass of men of talents. 1 We have against us (republican's) the ex ecutive power, the judiciary power, (two of the three branches of our government) all : the officers of government, all who are seek ing offices, all timid men who prefer the ■ calm of despotism to. the tempestuous sea of liberty, the British merchants and the A mericans who trade oh British capitals, the fpeculatprn, persons interested in the bank arid public funds. [Eftablifhriients invented with views of corruption, and to assimilate us to the British model in itscorrupt parts.]" This is one of the parts of the letter so injurious to America—one of those very mifreprefcutatiom, spoken of by Mr. Pinck . ney, which have brought oar misunderstand ings with Fratiee upon 4s !—By which, to use his own words, they " entertain the humiliating idea that we are a people divided by party, the mere creatures of foreign in- 1 fluenee , and regardless of our national cha ra&er, honor and interest," have become ' the fit objefts for them to cxercife their will ' and power on. It is their belief of this .very difference between the views of our goxern- i ment and the wishes of the people, spoken of in this part of the letter to Mazzei, there is no doubt, which has induced them to a& the part they have towards us. Here it is j said, that the people of America and their in dire it opposition to each other; consequently, that it is the natural Wish of the one, to get rid of the other And along with this fair declaration of the desire, gots every possible encouragement and invitation to join in the attempt. " The prtneifat toJy vf ■«<«»«■< remain,faithful to republican principles ! All our proprietors of lands are friendly to those principles, as also the mass of men of ta'ents t While we 'hare against 11s only the ex ecutive, the judiciary, the officers of govern ment, a few Jpeculatirr, and all timid men. Therefore, come on ye Frenchmen ! You have only to declare it, and- this contempti ble faftion, called the American government, is at once annihilated !I" This is the fair declaration made in this part of the letter, aud the absolute proposals made to the French people by such declarations. Well might Mr. Pinckney fay, indeed, that it had been owing to mifreprtfentations "of the people and our government, that our disturbances with France had been brought upon us : For from whither else could these disturbances have possibly proceeded If there had been no misrepresentations, there would have been nothing for them to have quarrelled with ; for such are the principles of our government, that whatever are the dispositions of the people, such abso lutely must be the operations of it ; and consequently, if the dispositions of the people had been what is there said they were, those afts of the go vernment, which were their abfoluteqreating, would never have gained the difplealure of the French, while the spirit and dispositions of the people obtained their approbation. A correft knowledge of the principles of the American government, and the aiElual dis positions of the people towards the opera tions of that government, would have left no room for an enmity towards the one, and 1 a friendfhip for the other. It was only, therefore to a misrepresentation of those prin- ' eiples and those ditpofitions that so absurd a eontradi&ion could ever have been attri- : buted ; and it is in that contradiction, most 1 certainly, that all our differences exifl. 1 I have already shewn the glaring mifrepre- . fentations with refpeft to the principles of 1 our government. It only now remains to I shew those which relate to the dispositions 1 of the people towards the operation of it : 1 And in doing this, it will be necessary still 1 to hold in idea the principle of the govern ment themselves. By the confutation of ; America, it is clear, that all the great and I important officers of the government, on 1 whom the operations of it depend, are erf- : tirely dependent on the will of the people for j i their existence. If therefore, " the prin- 1 eipal body of our citizens, all our propric- ' 1 tors of lands, and all the mass of men of ta- ! lents, remain faithful to republican princi- 1 pies," as no doubt they do, how can it i possibly happen, that theft should " have j againjl them, an executive and judiciary" of f contrary principles ? Would the people, who J are thus armed with all the powers of the t government, eledl an executive, and they a < judiciary, direftly to oppose that very peo- c pie's will ? The people might indeed for a t while be deceived, asd call roes into office t n. of principles contrary to their own ; but a lc repetition of their eledtion,after their princi ple pies were known, whatever those principles 0- might be, is a fair and unequivocal declara h- tion of the principles of the people them h. selves. . re The executive of America, who were thus le said to be opposed to the principles of thpfe lit who elefted them, and who had themfilves if elefted a judiciary, also opposed to those on :h whose will they the'mfelves existed, were if- twice elected ; the President by the unani n- mous voice of the whole of the. American e- people ; and at the approach of the third ie election, the most anxious and decided dif re position again to elect him ; and finally, on te his declining to serve, the strongest fenti e- ments of regret that ever accompanied any ig man in his retirement from public service, , together with the promotion of the vice ( president to his place, who for the two elec tions preceding, had formed part of that very executive those opposed to the will of those' who elected them, form the very 6 Jlr° n g and clear proofs of the people and the 1- government of America being opposed to each other : Added to which, every inflaace in which the people have been "cal|ed on to decide on to decide on the a&s of the execu t. J tive, they have clearly and unequivocally ie declared in their favor. :e What were the efforts made in the cafe j- of the proclamation of neutrality, to obtain ic the disapprobation of ihepeoplel And what s, was their abfohite and final decision in £on in sequence of those efforts ? The conduit of ir the executive was approved ; and the inftru fe merit of JJanee who had been employed in s. off?ndiiM*%oth the people and the govern c- ment of America, was withdrawn. And in 'f the cafe of the treaty, at present the great 11 and pretended cause of complaint on the part t- of France, the people not only decided by ie their vote through their representatives on )f the fubjeft of appropriations, but in their in-, i- dividual and primitive capacities, were be ie coming exceedingly uneasy and clamorous at k the appearance of an opposition, until their d representative will had been thus obtained in e its favour. One glaring contiadiftion. res " pe&ing the will of the people had the dif o positions of our Government being in diredt y opposition to each other, here defervts to be :- noticed. Ou the Banking abd Funding I- ' systems, the assumption and excise laws, the 0 head of the executive was accused of having e laid the foundation of monarchy and atiftol - cracy, by consenting to those afts of the i- | legiflatifre, which were in fa£t the afts of i- the people : and in the cafe of the treaty, he e was accused of the fame disposition, for liav -11 ' ing entirely disregarded the whole voice of y t)ie people. Was the latter the truth, it would - I afford the.highest paife ever offered to the n : disinterested patriotism of a man ; facrifi e : cing the only possible- personal consideration, 1 the love and admiration of the people (yi is ; which his whole greatntfs had been found r j ed, to what he, in his fo'itary opinion, con h ceived to be his country's good. But the d truth is, the President was in this latter cafe - of the treaty, governed by the fame princi e pie of administering that kind of govern t ment which was the wilt of the majority, that e he had been in fanftioriing the acts of the '1 i»egiflature in those former cotes. t The will of the majority of the people of s America in the banking, the funding fyf-' e terns, &c. were conjliiutionally conveyed to - him through the afts of both houfeso sCon - grefs. That will, on which he acted in . ligning the treaty, was conjliiutionally convey l ed to him through the vote, in which it had - two thirds of the Senate in its favor. To , have refufed his signature in either cafe, r would have been to have gone in. direst con , tradiirtion to the will of the people in any : way that will could have come to him, to have been depended on. True it is, the clamours against the treaty were very great when it firft appeared, slut when it come to be fairly understood, I believe it may be truly said, thata great majority of the people of America were in favour, even of its me rits ; and with refpedt to its execution, af ter it had been formed and fan&ioned by the Senate and the Preident, there is no qneftion of the dispositions of the people, in its favour. But it will be faidTlnt it was necessity and not choice, that made the people anxious it should be carried into ef fe3 at that particular stage of it. So was it necessity and not choice, perhaps that Jed to the negociation of it. What was the ne cessity for carrying the treaty into effe& af ter it had been adopted by the Senate and President? To avoid a rupture with those with whom it had been negociated.' What else was the cause of that negociation ? In what then has the will of the people, or their principles, been in contradiftion with the executive or judiciary; the pnerepu/i/i ---can, the others monorchia/ and arijlocratical ? With refpeft to the judiciary, their dccilibns on the points complained of by the French, have been in ftridl conformity to the con ftru&ions put upon our situation by the exe cutive in their discussions on those points.— Consequently, if those conftru&ions of the Executive were consistent with'the sentiments of the people, the judiciary was not opposed to the people, as it is said. The most of those conftrudtions,it is to be observed, were begun and ably supported by Mr. Jefferfon hitnfelf. Early in the dispute between America and France, Mr. Jefferfon, as Secretary of State, established some of those very prin ciples himfelf, in which it is said the people and our government have so widely differed since. In his commumcaeions with Mr. Genet, we find the following doftrines laid ' down. «' I believe," fays his letter of the 24th of July, 1793, " 'hat by the general : law of nations, the goods of a friend found in the vessel of an enemy, are free, and the goods of an enemy found in the vessel of a friend, are lawful prize. Upon this princi ple I presume, the British veffek have taken the property of French citizens found in our vessels, and I confefs I Ihould be at a loss on what principle to reclaim it. It is true, that sundry nations, desirous of avoiding the inconvenience of having their veficls •i flopped at sea, ke. h»rh mftnnces • introduced by their special treaties, another principle between them, tint enemy bot toms (hall make enemy goods', and friendly , bottoms goods ; but this is altoge ther the effeft ofparticular<Teities, controul ing in special cases the general principles of the lawof England Has determined to adhere to the rigorous principle.*' And in his letter of August 16, 1793, to Gov erned Morns, onrMinifterin Paris, on the subject of M. Genet's condnft, he fay's,— •' W* suppose it to have been long an efta bliihtd principle of the law of nations, that the goods of a friend are free i« an enemy's vessel, and the poods of an enemy, lawful prize in the veffcls of a friend. We have es tablished a contrary principle, that free (hips (hall make free goods, in our treaties with France, Holland and Prussia, it is our wish to ellablifli it with other this requires their consent also, and is a wcjrk ot time. In the mean time they have a ri«ht toaa on the general principle, (that enemies goods are prize on board of neutrals with out giving us or Trance cause of complaint." Now, it is well known, that one of the principal pretences of France, for her quar rel with us, is, that by our .treaty with ' Great Britain, we have eftablilhed a prin ciple with that nation, on that fubjeft,. con trary to and more favourable, than is con tained in our treaty with her ; and it is principally on account of its. partiality to Great Britain and enmity to the cause of I ranee, it seems, that the government of America has been charged with entertain ing sentiments different from the people ; the one monarchical and ariflocratic* —the- other republican. That we have made a treaty with Great Britain, contrary ii) thap refpeft, to the one made with France, therfr is no fort of question. But as Mr. Jeffer fon himfelf has very juflly observed, the principle eftablilhed 10 our treaty with I'ranee, of free flips making free goods, " it altogether the effect of a particular stipu lation fontroulmg in a special cafe the gene ral principle of the law of nations 5" and that contaired in our treaty with Great Britain, is nothing more than an acknow ledgment of a right, by special, treaty, which (he held and was exercising to its fullcft extent under that " general principle of the law of r.r.tions." We have Mr. Jefferfon's authority, that/the American i government " wijhed to establish the fame principle with ether nations, that had been eflablifhtd in our treaties with France, Ho!- land and Prussia meaning Grrtt Britain, no doubt, as it was oii f(ie condudt of that nation he was then particularly writing. This, however, it seems, Great Britain, when we came to negotiate, was npt dis posed to agree to ; nor was she obliged, if (lie thought the advantages to be gained by it not a fufScient compensation for the re linquifhment, to give up an advantage which ihe held by the general principle of the law of nations, because France or any other nation had been so liberal on their part: and this, it seems too, Mr. Jefferfon knew at lead two years before that negotia tion had been set on foot; for " England," fays he, " is determined to adhere to the rigorous principle,"—viz. of enemy's pro perty being lawful prize" when found in neutral (hips—ants of this neither " Ame rica nor' France have any cause to com plain," agreeable to Mr. Jefferfon's opinion itfelf. ' As far as Britifli or French principles, mterefts, or the partiality or prejudices of America towards either, are concerned, there is no real difference then between the fentiinents of the people and the conduct of our government ; but on the contrary, it is clearly and entirely a mistake in Mr. Jefferfon, when he fays, that " we have against vs (republicans) the executive power, &c." since it is evident that the condud of the executive, on those heads, is but the of the principles and reafonitigs of that very republican himfelf. Let* us next near Mr. j fft .'son as an orator, haranguing againjl himfelf on some general principles which will apply to this particular point. In his fpeeeh to the senate, the 6th*of March, 17.97, after declaring his zealous attachment to the cunflitution of the United States, he fays, ft and no one more fin cerdy prays, that no accident may call me to ihe higher and more important function* which the constitution eventually devolves 011 this office ; [of vice prelident.] These have been juflly confided to the eminent character who has.preceded me here," [Mr. Adams] « wha'fe talents and integrity have been known zw& revcredhy me through a long course of years, have been the foundation of a cordialsnd uninterrupt ed friend/hip between us j- and I devoutly pray, lie may be long preferred for the go vernment, the happiness, and prosperity of our common country;"—and yet, thi» verv Mr. Adams, for whom he his all this cordial friend/hip, %vhofe talents and integrity have been long known and revered by him, and who, lie so devoutly prays, (perhaps for the very frfl lime) may be long preserved for the government, the happitiffs' and pros perity of our common country, was one Q? that very executive ; or at aov rate, one of those officers of government, woo it ii ftfTerU ed in the letter to Mazzei, are opposed ta the republicans, la. all 'the principal body of our citizeru, our proprietors of lands, and aU this mighty ma/s of uijn of talents. And I will here a (It, why Mr. - Jefferfon. 111 introducing Paint's f'irft Rights of called on the people of America, " once more to rally round the ftandardof CommnnSenfe," if he did not conceive they had. deviated from those principles by which tlj.ey had been aftuated when Paine addreffed'them under that title ? And if they had deviated from those principles, by what was that de viation ascertained, but their dispositions in the management of those rights and privilc"ta they had just obtained? And where wer« those dispositions to be found, according to the reputed apoftacits trom rcpublicanifm t but in the operations of the govejnmen!, whofic ixgHttipt and officers, it is frgatio.fa
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