ft v ce, annually maintained for less
than t ro; betides the expenses of an cf
tabli hment to defend the public works, ,
and superintend the naval btiiinefs of eve
ry kind. If, however, such a force
would fectirt to us <■ free cotnmerce and
fafe navigation, and the unfriendly difpo
iitionsof any of the great maritime pow
ers (hould compel us to resist it, it will be
better to encounter this expense than to
facrifice our trade altogether. As long
a 9 our commerce is supported, our exports
annually may be fully valued at twenty
millions of doliars. Suppofmg this value
should be reduced by the deftryction of
eur trade one half; this is a heavy tax on
the nation of ten millions of dollars
annually—and a tax, though it is drawn
from the pockets of the people, which is
not put into the public purse, but is a
cltai loss to the individuals and the nati-
oh. Such a state of things has also a ten
dency to discourage industry, and to in
troduce idleness with all its baneful attend
ants. If then the outfits of such a fleet
(hould cost ten millions of dollars, we (hall
lose nothing the firft year, and in every
following year we (hall have a clear additi
on to the value of our exports of eight
millions, over and above the two millions
destined to defray the annual expense of
the arrpament; or, in other words, we
fball take two millions annually from the
twenty millions, our exports, in order to
prevent the value of these exports from
being reduced to ten millions. .
, But it maybe said that we cannot raise
the money for such an armament j we
Can raise it in two ways, either by loan,
or by taxes. A Joan, it is true, will in
crea e our national debt; but if our fafe
tv and exigence require it, this objection
mult yield to the firii call of nature, felf
prefervation ; but a very great proportion
of the requilite lum might be raised by
tixes. At this time the United States
are rich and capable of a great exertion—
provided a call for money is made before
the wealth (hall be difiipated, which has
been acquired by our late prosperous com
merce.
I think a general suspension of com
merce one of the greatest evils which can
happen to a nation. I have therefore en
deavoured to prove that it is better to en
counter a considerable expense thin fur
reuder it. It is probably in its effects as
bad, if not worse, than open war. In
war we might be able to retaliate on our
enemies the injuries which they did us.
Pending the negoeiation of Mr. Jay,
for the redress of the injuries we have fuf
fered from Great Britain, the most effec-
tual Way of aiding the negociation would
be to prepare for a refufal of justice, by
providing the Weans of defence, and par
ticularly by making ample preparations
for a marine defence ; for it is certain we
could not, in cale of a war with Great
Britain, defend our commerce in any de
gree without a powerful naval force ; and
perhaps a navy may be considered as the
most effectual guard from invasion.
I afri very sensible that, in other ref
peds, the southern dates are not so very
touch interested in the growth of Ameri
can navigation. Nature, climate, habit.
manners, and population have conspired
to render them unfit for this pursuit. If
a fuffieient number of vefTcls are found to
carry their surplus produce to market, and
they obtain a good price for it, they are
not in this relpeft very much interested
by what nation this is done. For this rea
son, therefore, the southern states might
rot feel themselves inclined to be at any
extraordinary expense to defend the navi
gation ; but such a surrender would be
ruinous to New-England. All circum
ftanees have combined to render them a
The ocean is their ele-
rnaritime people.
ment—it is their harvest field. It is the
duty of government to prated the interfft
of every part of tire fogiety—it is there
fore its anty to protect the navigation of
2\ew-England, on which its prosperity
depends, as well as the agriculture of the
southern dates. There are but two ways
of doing this- one by cultivating the
friend/hip of those nations, which having
the greatt ft maritime force, are moii capa
ble of injuring us, or by a powerful navy.
- :,e " r " ' s !^ie cheapest and most desirable
tr .ide the last ought however to bo re
sorted to in cafe the firft should hot be at
tainable. A seriouS question here occurs
to me, whether there be not a danger of
a frv ranee C.f the Union ; unless our na
vigation is protested ? Whether the east
ern stater v. ill not, under such circumftan
c«, b. obliged to seek the friendfhip and
aiiiance of some nation able to protect it ?
t net'l not trace to you the consequences
of so deplorably an event, particularly to
which# however rich and ex
teniivs, can never become a maritime pow
■r. All circumstances our politici
ns ought to revolve seriously in their
ninds.
To a reflecting ftrtnger it mud a]
lingular, that measures, apparently c<L
ted to promote American navigation, which
is an object io interefting'toNew-England,
and to retaliate the injuries done to our
commerce in consequence of the orders of
the British court (and which injuries have
fallen principally on the people of that
country) should beoppofed by the eaflern
and urged with the mod vehement zeal by
the louthern states. The former think
that such measures would precipitate us
immediately into war ; and are therefore
disposed to try, in the firft place, the
peaceable mode of negociation to obtain a
redress of our injuries ; and to leave it un
fettered by any circumfiance which might
be used as a pretext by the British court
to evade judice, and induce hofl ilfties,
which would be ruinous to our present
prosperity.
It is certainly very fmgular that the
Southern States (hould have so eagerly
prert measures which, thofc most intcreft
ed, deemed fatal to the oljjedts which
they were meant to promote. I recollect
that it was one of the strongest objections
urged by some of the oldelt and ablefl
ftatefmln in Virginia to the adoption of
the present constitution, that <he eastern
states (as they supposed) forming a majo
rity in the legislature, would be difpoied
to encourage their navigation in such a de
gree as to fccure to theml'elves the mono
poly of our carrying trade, and thereby
be enabled to exact the molt enormous
freights for the transportation of the bulky
articles of the south, to the iiijury of the
southern planters. How different has
been their conduct from these anticipati
ons. It is the south which press such
measures, even to the hazard of a war.
It is the ealt which opposes them.
If a fair and temperate attempt to ad
just the differences between Great Britain
and us, by negociation should fail, thtn
felf preservation, then duty to ourielvcs,
duty to mankind, will jultify every
sure, even to sequestration of British debts,
by which our injuries may be retaliated,
and justice rendered to our citizens. It
is not probable that Great Britain, a na
tion accuitomed to war, and which for
the fervicc of the present year, raises a
revenue of one hundred andfifty millions of
dollars, and is mistress besides of the oce-
an, can be easily influenced by threats,
though her paflions and pride may be irri
tated by them. On the wfiole, therefore
I cannot help thinking, that in the pre
sent state of things, the eastern has been
the wisest and bell policy. We might
advantageously improve the time of the
negociation by providing revenues, and
warlike equipments, so as to be ready to
meet an appeal to arms if it Ihould be ine
vitable. 1 have however, a confident
hope, that the present differences will be
amicably adjusted, and peace established
on a firmer basis than ever, by tht mea
fores of the executive.
When 1 reflect on the relative circum
stance, of the eastern and southern states,
the former led by the necefiity of their li
tuation to navigation—the latter invited
by their climate, their foil, and the value
of their produdioas to agriculture: the
one fitted to carry to foreign markets what
has been raised by the industry of the
other. 1 have viewed them as peculiarly
designed for mutual affiltance and accom
modation ; and to unite on terms of reci
procal interest. 1 have often been aito
mftied at the observation, that the eastern
and southern states had different intent,.
The fad is, they only have 'different pur
fiitls, which produce an unity intcrefts.
It would be the greatefl misfortune to
both, to separate. Their union is calcu
jated to nourish each othei's prosperity.
Yet, unless our navigation is proteded, a
separation may be inevitable.
The southern states from their habits
and peculiar circumstances, cannot flouri/h
without commerce; and they must fob- .
nut to have their produce trdnfported bv
foreign, .f American vessels are uot ena
bled by an adequate protection to do it.
t the eastern states cannot exist orprof
per, without their navigation, and they
must have it proteded, in so me way or o
-1 and if the United States do not pur
e mcafures adequate to this objed, they
may be obliged to seek its protection bv
a leparation, and foreign alliances. I hope
the united wisdom of our councils will
ward off an event so mifeh'rvous to our
mutual peace and happiness, and so much
to be deprecated.
I know it is said, that the French Re
public can, and will protect our commerce.
The fa£t, however, at this time, is, that
they cannot defend their own, nor their
foreign pofieffions, either in the Ea(t or
Indies. Nof- can we expedt that
they would defend our comtnerce, unless
we Entered into an offenlive and defenfive
alliance with them : which, in cafe of de
feat would involve us in their ruin ; in cafe
of their success from the superiority of
their power to ours, wouM leave us, un
der the name of allies, in a complete state
of political dependence on thetu. This,
I heartily pray, may never be our fate in
refpeft to any nation.
Being the happiest people in the Uni
verse, and undev circumstances the molt
favorable to the continuance of our happi
ness—it is time to avoid.all foreign politi
cal connexions, which can only serve to
involve us in the broils and contentions
which defolite the reft of the World. Be
sides, it is (till uncertain what form of go
vernment France will, finally afiiime.—
They have at present no regular govern
ment. The confutation which they fram
ed, they have not yet ventured to put into
aiSfion. Their present government is re
volutionary. It is suited for the occasion
only ; for this it seems peculiarly fitted.
It has in the most astonishing manner, call
ed forth the energy of the nation to repel
their unjust invaders ; and has demonstra
ted to the world, that France cannot be
subdued by foreign force.
The United States are certainly differ
ent from the reft of the world, in refpeft to
thediftributionof real property among their
citizens. Every induilrious man here may
become an independent pofleffor of land.
This single circmnftance gives to our peo
ple a spirit of liberty, and an independence
of chat after peculiarly fitted for the main
tenance of a republican government. All
Europe is m a different situation ; and it
is probable that even in France at this
time, five-fixths of the people have no hold
on the foil, .except in the character of de
pendent tenants. Our circumstances are
more independent, and consequently our
manners more free, and more pure than
the reft of the world. Our happiness is
complete, if we will avoid foreign broils,
and confine our attention to the carc of
our own intereits. Our true policy is to
cultivate peace by all poffibie means ; but
at the fame time to prepare for war. While
the negociations of our envoy extraordina
ry are pending, as i have before observed,
the time of our Government would be
ufefully employed in such preparations.
If we have peace, as I expect, the funds
destined for war, might be applied to the
redemption of our debt : and, if we have
war, we should be ready to meet it. In
either event, the bill totally rejeded by
the Senate, would be unnecessary. If we
have peace, the causes of our complaint
will be removed—War from its nature
will destroy that commercial intercourse
between the two countries, which the bill
was intended to effedi.
Much noise is made about the retention
of the Western Posts by Great Britain.
With regard to this fubjeft, and generally
the fulfilment of the treaty of peace, there
are mutual recriminations between that
country and us. But though I think they
are unjustly detained from us, I do not
view them as an object of so much confe-
quence, as to juftify war to obtain them,
fime, and the progress of our settlements,
will in a few years, give us pofTeflion of
them without striking a blow. We have
already more territory than 'we can defend,
and more people than we can govern, or
than will obey us. ,
I have thus given you a concise view of
my ideas, the result of my best reflections
on the present interesting fuuation of our
political affairs, and remain, See.
CINC INNAT W. Territory, April
19.
Charge delivered to the Grand Jury, April
8 th, by the Honorable George Turner,
one of the Judges in and over this Ter
ritory.
[Published at the request of the Grand Jury.]
Gentlemen of the Grand Jury ! •
WE are now aflembled in obedience to
the law's; and it affords rue pleafiire to be
among you. Happy. Ihould J feel were this
the only business ot the court. Bat error is
incident to human nature; and mjfatpre
/" d dlforders will arise under even
e best systems of government, and in the ;
belt regulated state of focety. baj, c*, I
only be correal by the due admmift ration
■ of whoklome laws. Hence the fecial com .
, p*ft was fought for ia the earliest aVes • a,,!<
man parted with a portion of his natural
rights to preserve in security the remainder
Oovern mrnts were framed: laws were ma t"
for the common benefit-and prote«£Ko„ » M
hence afforded to the perfor.al liberty tC
lives and the property of every ind'vidaal
I bus the weak were protected ng.unlt the
llrong ; the poor were guarded against 0D
predion from the rich—while the vicious o~
all descriptions were, rellrained from 'the
commiflion of crimes.
Human happiness, both public and private
has ever be n an object important aid inter'
eftmg to man. Without happiness, life would
be a burden: but happinels cannot be cb
tamed without the poffefiion of liberty —
anc! to secure this, the necciiity of reflrainin?
rules must be evident to you all—rules tha
while they dif?ountenaiire vice, promot- vir'
. tu , e , and us to those silken trammels
ii- which reason imposes, virtue approves and
jit expediency requires. Thus a diftinchon na
turally arises between Liberty and Licenf
tj cioufnefs. The one is a curse o/ the ' - eat *
. eft magnitude, and may always be found
among men in a state of nature: the oth-r
ns is the bnghteft gem of a well regulated
e " vernment. It is the mark o refined evil,
o- zation, and can never be too highly valued
_ Impress it for ever on your minds, that where
n- Licen.cioufnefs is permitted, Liberty mult
droop and finally die ! 1 hey cannot live to
gether.
to Happy are we, Gentlemen, who live in an
e " a s« io enlightened as the present. The mists
m of ignorance are nearly difpdled, and im pe .
J. I nal-reafon begins to resume herfway. The
tl- ""deritanding appears to be fleetly acproxi
A to that state which belt c S n l^beral
- - IZe M , ™* d ' ® n f ' eadl the heart " good
' ' to a]l men - ' A salutary admtniftration
of the laws must haftcn the defirabl,- crisis—
. and much, gentlemen, will depend uponvdur
r- exertions by the due tfifcharge of the iruft
0 of r ' ° UI co,,ntr y has confided to you.
" Before 1 pass on to » few oblervations res
pecting your duties, fuffer me, gentlemen, to
1 congratulate you upon the peculiar advan
• tages of our local f.tuation. Far removed
from the fripperies and corruptions of the
e old world; blessed with the Dofletfion of a
'• AC fertilc > and climates no left
11 a ~: e; mheriting the privileges and prof
tl P ' framing a future government on the
g purest principles of polity, and Of transmit
ting to millions yet unborn blessings known
cm j to 1: ee men j what, then, have we to
'- tear—but our own imperfections! what
e have we to court—but our own happiness!
r J must now cail your attention to matters
1 more affecting the obietfs of
s ou^P refe 1 nt meeting: And firft—with res-
I peCt to the nature and use of lurks, their
' I rights and duties.
* I A Jury, then, is formed of a convenient
J 1 number of citizens, felcdted for their probi- "f
L ln, P 3rt ' a ' ! ty and general competency—
; ihey are vested with a discretionary power
- t° try the truth of fatts affecting the liberty,
the lives, the reputation and the property of
' their fellow-Citizens—a sacred trust indeed 1
In its general nature I would fay, this dis
cretionary power is a power to try the truth
> ot fadts ; and the truth of facts must be
; I tried by evidence.
■ According to the nature and cifcumftan
i ces ot every tafe, a Juryman will estimate
in his own mind what he believes ; and also
what he does not Relieve, because infuißc'i-
I entlv proved.
II -ught with the wisdom of immemorial
ages, the common law proceeds upon the
lame principle. The qualifications and so
lemnities it prescribes, as to witnesses (and
testimony is the principal evidence before
I Juries) are directed to competency —not
j credibility ; to admifiion of what is offered —
not to the operation of what is heard.
I tender, gentlemen, of the reputation
and feelings of your feliow-citizens. Chil-
I dren of the lain-.' beneficent parent, they
form a part of the fame great family with
yourselves.'—They have feelings, like you ;
and, like you, are in the pursuit of humait
happiness. Whatever tends wantonly to im-
I peoe or impair that happiness, is injuftiee
I to the injured, an offence against society and
j the law. " Do unto others as you would
j they (hould do unto you"—is a rule lacred
j for its excellence. Suffer no frivolous nor
I vexatious accusation to excite, your notice;
I but then let no real offender escape the ope-
I ration ot the laws. The peace and security
I of society require these things of you ; and
j your country demands then., as effehtials of
your duty.
I It behoves you difpaflionately to weigh
I in your minds whatever may officially be
I laid before you, by the gentleman profectit
ing the pleas of the United States : like
wise, to take under your notice such v'oJa
| tions of the law within your county, as
may otherwise happen to come to your
knowledge. For remember, that the object
of youi meeting is to serve a community
which cails yon brothers. That commun
ity will expect from you (and which doubt
less you A'ill render) the moll fjrupu.jus,
and confciericious discharge of your func
tions.
T he generr.l fundHons of a Grand Jury
conljfl in making enquiry into every charg
of criminality that (hall lie brought befor
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