ft v ce, annually maintained for less than t ro; betides the expenses of an cf tabli hment to defend the public works, , and superintend the naval btiiinefs of eve ry kind. If, however, such a force would fectirt to us <■ free cotnmerce and fafe navigation, and the unfriendly difpo iitionsof any of the great maritime pow ers (hould compel us to resist it, it will be better to encounter this expense than to facrifice our trade altogether. As long a 9 our commerce is supported, our exports annually may be fully valued at twenty millions of doliars. Suppofmg this value should be reduced by the deftryction of eur trade one half; this is a heavy tax on the nation of ten millions of dollars annually—and a tax, though it is drawn from the pockets of the people, which is not put into the public purse, but is a cltai loss to the individuals and the nati- oh. Such a state of things has also a ten dency to discourage industry, and to in troduce idleness with all its baneful attend ants. If then the outfits of such a fleet (hould cost ten millions of dollars, we (hall lose nothing the firft year, and in every following year we (hall have a clear additi on to the value of our exports of eight millions, over and above the two millions destined to defray the annual expense of the arrpament; or, in other words, we fball take two millions annually from the twenty millions, our exports, in order to prevent the value of these exports from being reduced to ten millions. . , But it maybe said that we cannot raise the money for such an armament j we Can raise it in two ways, either by loan, or by taxes. A Joan, it is true, will in crea e our national debt; but if our fafe tv and exigence require it, this objection mult yield to the firii call of nature, felf prefervation ; but a very great proportion of the requilite lum might be raised by tixes. At this time the United States are rich and capable of a great exertion— provided a call for money is made before the wealth (hall be difiipated, which has been acquired by our late prosperous com merce. I think a general suspension of com merce one of the greatest evils which can happen to a nation. I have therefore en deavoured to prove that it is better to en counter a considerable expense thin fur reuder it. It is probably in its effects as bad, if not worse, than open war. In war we might be able to retaliate on our enemies the injuries which they did us. Pending the negoeiation of Mr. Jay, for the redress of the injuries we have fuf fered from Great Britain, the most effec- tual Way of aiding the negociation would be to prepare for a refufal of justice, by providing the Weans of defence, and par ticularly by making ample preparations for a marine defence ; for it is certain we could not, in cale of a war with Great Britain, defend our commerce in any de gree without a powerful naval force ; and perhaps a navy may be considered as the most effectual guard from invasion. I afri very sensible that, in other ref peds, the southern dates are not so very touch interested in the growth of Ameri can navigation. Nature, climate, habit. manners, and population have conspired to render them unfit for this pursuit. If a fuffieient number of vefTcls are found to carry their surplus produce to market, and they obtain a good price for it, they are not in this relpeft very much interested by what nation this is done. For this rea son, therefore, the southern states might rot feel themselves inclined to be at any extraordinary expense to defend the navi gation ; but such a surrender would be ruinous to New-England. All circum ftanees have combined to render them a The ocean is their ele- rnaritime people. ment—it is their harvest field. It is the duty of government to prated the interfft of every part of tire fogiety—it is there fore its anty to protect the navigation of 2\ew-England, on which its prosperity depends, as well as the agriculture of the southern dates. There are but two ways of doing this- one by cultivating the friend/hip of those nations, which having the greatt ft maritime force, are moii capa ble of injuring us, or by a powerful navy. - :,e " r " ' s !^ie cheapest and most desirable tr .ide the last ought however to bo re sorted to in cafe the firft should hot be at tainable. A seriouS question here occurs to me, whether there be not a danger of a frv ranee C.f the Union ; unless our na vigation is protested ? Whether the east ern stater v. ill not, under such circumftan c«, b. obliged to seek the friendfhip and aiiiance of some nation able to protect it ? t net'l not trace to you the consequences of so deplorably an event, particularly to which# however rich and ex teniivs, can never become a maritime pow ■r. All circumstances our politici ns ought to revolve seriously in their ninds. To a reflecting ftrtnger it mud a] lingular, that measures, apparently c<L ted to promote American navigation, which is an object io interefting'toNew-England, and to retaliate the injuries done to our commerce in consequence of the orders of the British court (and which injuries have fallen principally on the people of that country) should beoppofed by the eaflern and urged with the mod vehement zeal by the louthern states. The former think that such measures would precipitate us immediately into war ; and are therefore disposed to try, in the firft place, the peaceable mode of negociation to obtain a redress of our injuries ; and to leave it un fettered by any circumfiance which might be used as a pretext by the British court to evade judice, and induce hofl ilfties, which would be ruinous to our present prosperity. It is certainly very fmgular that the Southern States (hould have so eagerly prert measures which, thofc most intcreft ed, deemed fatal to the oljjedts which they were meant to promote. I recollect that it was one of the strongest objections urged by some of the oldelt and ablefl ftatefmln in Virginia to the adoption of the present constitution, that <he eastern states (as they supposed) forming a majo rity in the legislature, would be difpoied to encourage their navigation in such a de gree as to fccure to theml'elves the mono poly of our carrying trade, and thereby be enabled to exact the molt enormous freights for the transportation of the bulky articles of the south, to the iiijury of the southern planters. How different has been their conduct from these anticipati ons. It is the south which press such measures, even to the hazard of a war. It is the ealt which opposes them. If a fair and temperate attempt to ad just the differences between Great Britain and us, by negociation should fail, thtn felf preservation, then duty to ourielvcs, duty to mankind, will jultify every sure, even to sequestration of British debts, by which our injuries may be retaliated, and justice rendered to our citizens. It is not probable that Great Britain, a na tion accuitomed to war, and which for the fervicc of the present year, raises a revenue of one hundred andfifty millions of dollars, and is mistress besides of the oce- an, can be easily influenced by threats, though her paflions and pride may be irri tated by them. On the wfiole, therefore I cannot help thinking, that in the pre sent state of things, the eastern has been the wisest and bell policy. We might advantageously improve the time of the negociation by providing revenues, and warlike equipments, so as to be ready to meet an appeal to arms if it Ihould be ine vitable. 1 have however, a confident hope, that the present differences will be amicably adjusted, and peace established on a firmer basis than ever, by tht mea fores of the executive. When 1 reflect on the relative circum stance, of the eastern and southern states, the former led by the necefiity of their li tuation to navigation—the latter invited by their climate, their foil, and the value of their produdioas to agriculture: the one fitted to carry to foreign markets what has been raised by the industry of the other. 1 have viewed them as peculiarly designed for mutual affiltance and accom modation ; and to unite on terms of reci procal interest. 1 have often been aito mftied at the observation, that the eastern and southern states had different intent,. The fad is, they only have 'different pur fiitls, which produce an unity intcrefts. It would be the greatefl misfortune to both, to separate. Their union is calcu jated to nourish each othei's prosperity. Yet, unless our navigation is proteded, a separation may be inevitable. The southern states from their habits and peculiar circumstances, cannot flouri/h without commerce; and they must fob- . nut to have their produce trdnfported bv foreign, .f American vessels are uot ena bled by an adequate protection to do it. t the eastern states cannot exist orprof per, without their navigation, and they must have it proteded, in so me way or o -1 and if the United States do not pur e mcafures adequate to this objed, they may be obliged to seek its protection bv a leparation, and foreign alliances. I hope the united wisdom of our councils will ward off an event so mifeh'rvous to our mutual peace and happiness, and so much to be deprecated. I know it is said, that the French Re public can, and will protect our commerce. The fa£t, however, at this time, is, that they cannot defend their own, nor their foreign pofieffions, either in the Ea(t or Indies. Nof- can we expedt that they would defend our comtnerce, unless we Entered into an offenlive and defenfive alliance with them : which, in cafe of de feat would involve us in their ruin ; in cafe of their success from the superiority of their power to ours, wouM leave us, un der the name of allies, in a complete state of political dependence on thetu. This, I heartily pray, may never be our fate in refpeft to any nation. Being the happiest people in the Uni verse, and undev circumstances the molt favorable to the continuance of our happi ness—it is time to avoid.all foreign politi cal connexions, which can only serve to involve us in the broils and contentions which defolite the reft of the World. Be sides, it is (till uncertain what form of go vernment France will, finally afiiime.— They have at present no regular govern ment. The confutation which they fram ed, they have not yet ventured to put into aiSfion. Their present government is re volutionary. It is suited for the occasion only ; for this it seems peculiarly fitted. It has in the most astonishing manner, call ed forth the energy of the nation to repel their unjust invaders ; and has demonstra ted to the world, that France cannot be subdued by foreign force. The United States are certainly differ ent from the reft of the world, in refpeft to thediftributionof real property among their citizens. Every induilrious man here may become an independent pofleffor of land. This single circmnftance gives to our peo ple a spirit of liberty, and an independence of chat after peculiarly fitted for the main tenance of a republican government. All Europe is m a different situation ; and it is probable that even in France at this time, five-fixths of the people have no hold on the foil, .except in the character of de pendent tenants. Our circumstances are more independent, and consequently our manners more free, and more pure than the reft of the world. Our happiness is complete, if we will avoid foreign broils, and confine our attention to the carc of our own intereits. Our true policy is to cultivate peace by all poffibie means ; but at the fame time to prepare for war. While the negociations of our envoy extraordina ry are pending, as i have before observed, the time of our Government would be ufefully employed in such preparations. If we have peace, as I expect, the funds destined for war, might be applied to the redemption of our debt : and, if we have war, we should be ready to meet it. In either event, the bill totally rejeded by the Senate, would be unnecessary. If we have peace, the causes of our complaint will be removed—War from its nature will destroy that commercial intercourse between the two countries, which the bill was intended to effedi. Much noise is made about the retention of the Western Posts by Great Britain. With regard to this fubjeft, and generally the fulfilment of the treaty of peace, there are mutual recriminations between that country and us. But though I think they are unjustly detained from us, I do not view them as an object of so much confe- quence, as to juftify war to obtain them, fime, and the progress of our settlements, will in a few years, give us pofTeflion of them without striking a blow. We have already more territory than 'we can defend, and more people than we can govern, or than will obey us. , I have thus given you a concise view of my ideas, the result of my best reflections on the present interesting fuuation of our political affairs, and remain, See. CINC INNAT W. Territory, April 19. Charge delivered to the Grand Jury, April 8 th, by the Honorable George Turner, one of the Judges in and over this Ter ritory. [Published at the request of the Grand Jury.] Gentlemen of the Grand Jury ! • WE are now aflembled in obedience to the law's; and it affords rue pleafiire to be among you. Happy. Ihould J feel were this the only business ot the court. Bat error is incident to human nature; and mjfatpre /" d dlforders will arise under even e best systems of government, and in the ; belt regulated state of focety. baj, c*, I only be correal by the due admmift ration ■ of whoklome laws. Hence the fecial com . , p*ft was fought for ia the earliest aVes • a,,!< man parted with a portion of his natural rights to preserve in security the remainder Oovern mrnts were framed: laws were ma t" for the common benefit-and prote«£Ko„ » M hence afforded to the perfor.al liberty tC lives and the property of every ind'vidaal I bus the weak were protected ng.unlt the llrong ; the poor were guarded against 0D predion from the rich—while the vicious o~ all descriptions were, rellrained from 'the commiflion of crimes. Human happiness, both public and private has ever be n an object important aid inter' eftmg to man. Without happiness, life would be a burden: but happinels cannot be cb tamed without the poffefiion of liberty — anc! to secure this, the necciiity of reflrainin? rules must be evident to you all—rules tha while they dif?ountenaiire vice, promot- vir' . tu , e , and us to those silken trammels ii- which reason imposes, virtue approves and jit expediency requires. Thus a diftinchon na turally arises between Liberty and Licenf tj cioufnefs. The one is a curse o/ the ' - eat * . eft magnitude, and may always be found among men in a state of nature: the oth-r ns is the bnghteft gem of a well regulated e " vernment. It is the mark o refined evil, o- zation, and can never be too highly valued _ Impress it for ever on your minds, that where n- Licen.cioufnefs is permitted, Liberty mult droop and finally die ! 1 hey cannot live to gether. to Happy are we, Gentlemen, who live in an e " a s« io enlightened as the present. The mists m of ignorance are nearly difpdled, and im pe . J. I nal-reafon begins to resume herfway. The tl- ""deritanding appears to be fleetly acproxi A to that state which belt c S n l^beral - - IZe M , ™* d ' ® n f ' eadl the heart " good ' ' to a]l men - ' A salutary admtniftration of the laws must haftcn the defirabl,- crisis— . and much, gentlemen, will depend uponvdur r- exertions by the due tfifcharge of the iruft 0 of r ' ° UI co,,ntr y has confided to you. " Before 1 pass on to » few oblervations res pecting your duties, fuffer me, gentlemen, to 1 congratulate you upon the peculiar advan • tages of our local f.tuation. Far removed from the fripperies and corruptions of the e old world; blessed with the Dofletfion of a '• AC fertilc > and climates no left 11 a ~: e; mheriting the privileges and prof tl P ' framing a future government on the g purest principles of polity, and Of transmit ting to millions yet unborn blessings known cm j to 1: ee men j what, then, have we to '- tear—but our own imperfections! what e have we to court—but our own happiness! r J must now cail your attention to matters 1 more affecting the obietfs of s ou^P refe 1 nt meeting: And firft—with res- I peCt to the nature and use of lurks, their ' I rights and duties. * I A Jury, then, is formed of a convenient J 1 number of citizens, felcdted for their probi- "f L ln, P 3rt ' a ' ! ty and general competency— ; ihey are vested with a discretionary power - t° try the truth of fatts affecting the liberty, the lives, the reputation and the property of ' their fellow-Citizens—a sacred trust indeed 1 In its general nature I would fay, this dis cretionary power is a power to try the truth > ot fadts ; and the truth of facts must be ; I tried by evidence. ■ According to the nature and cifcumftan i ces ot every tafe, a Juryman will estimate in his own mind what he believes ; and also what he does not Relieve, because infuißc'i- I entlv proved. II -ught with the wisdom of immemorial ages, the common law proceeds upon the lame principle. The qualifications and so lemnities it prescribes, as to witnesses (and testimony is the principal evidence before I Juries) are directed to competency —not j credibility ; to admifiion of what is offered — not to the operation of what is heard. I tender, gentlemen, of the reputation and feelings of your feliow-citizens. Chil- I dren of the lain-.' beneficent parent, they form a part of the fame great family with yourselves.'—They have feelings, like you ; and, like you, are in the pursuit of humait happiness. Whatever tends wantonly to im- I peoe or impair that happiness, is injuftiee I to the injured, an offence against society and j the law. " Do unto others as you would j they (hould do unto you"—is a rule lacred j for its excellence. Suffer no frivolous nor I vexatious accusation to excite, your notice; I but then let no real offender escape the ope- I ration ot the laws. The peace and security I of society require these things of you ; and j your country demands then., as effehtials of your duty. I It behoves you difpaflionately to weigh I in your minds whatever may officially be I laid before you, by the gentleman profectit ing the pleas of the United States : like wise, to take under your notice such v'oJa | tions of the law within your county, as may otherwise happen to come to your knowledge. For remember, that the object of youi meeting is to serve a community which cails yon brothers. That commun ity will expect from you (and which doubt less you A'ill render) the moll fjrupu.jus, and confciericious discharge of your func tions. T he generr.l fundHons of a Grand Jury conljfl in making enquiry into every charg of criminality that (hall lie brought befor %
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