rpHE BEDFORD REGULATOR, No. 2 ANDERSON'S ROW IRVINE & STATLER Are again in the field battling against the imposi tion of high prices and would respeotfully inform their friends and the public generally that they have just received a large and varied assortment of goods, consisting of Boots and Shoes, Muslins and Tickings, Notions and Perfumery, Groceries and Spices, Q,ueensware and Glassware, Tobacco and Segars, White & Colored Shirts, Cotton & Woolen Yarns, Trunks & Valises, Brooms & Twines, &c., &c. Call at No. 2 ANDERSON'S ROW. If you want a goodp'r Boots, go to the Regulator. QUR STOCK OF BOOTS & SHOES are full and complete BOOTS, SHOES, BALMORALS, GAITERS and SLIPPERS, Ac., to fit any man, woman and child in the county. Measures taken for Ladies*tmd Gentlemen and neat and complete fits warranted or no sale. At IRVINE A STATLER'S, No. 2 A.'s Row. If you want a good p'r Shoes, go to the Regulator. Q R O C E R I E S.— Prima Rio Coffee, . - 25 to 30 cents per lb. do La Guayra, - 25 to 30 ." " " White Sugar, ... 18 " " Light Brown Sugars, - 121 to 15 " " " Teas, - - - - $l5O to 2.00 per lb. Spices, all kinds, cheap and good. Best quality Syrups and Molasses, at the lowest market prices, at li Tho Regulator's,'" No. 2A. R. If you want good Toilet Soap or Perfumery, go to the Regulator. TJNBLEACHED and BLEACHED MUSLINS, From the best Manufactories in the country. Bleached and Unbleached Muslins from 121 c up. Sheeting, -" - . - - from 18c up. Tickings, all grades*and prices, at IRVINE k STATLER'S. If you want a good Shirt, go to the Regulator. OUR NOTIONS ARE AT ALL TIMES FULL AND COMPLETE in Shirts, Collars, Neck-Ties, Soaps, Gloves, Hosiery, Perfumery, Suspenders, Combs, Threads, Buttons, Wallets, Brushes, Thimbles, Pins, ■ • Needles, ' Sewing Silk, • Linen and Cotton Handkerchiefs, Shaving Cream, frc., &c., ' Ac. At No. 2 Anderson's Row. If you want* variety of Notions, go to the Reg'r. jgTATIONERY and PERFUMERY. Note, Letter and Fools-cap Paper, Envelopes, Perfumery, all kinds of Toilet Soap, Tooth Brush es, Ac., At THE REGULATOR'S. If you want Queensware er Glassware, go to the Regulator. QUEENSWABE & GLASSWARE. We have a large'and magnificent selection of Queensware and Glassware, of the latest and most fashionable patterns, and will be sold at the most reasonable prices, by IRVINE A STATLER. If you want good Spices of any kind, go to the Regulator. rpOBACCO AND SEGARS of the best Brands and manufacture Gravely, .• f # i Oronoke Twist, Century Fine-cut, Cavendish, Baltimore Twist, Natural Leaf, • Congress, Ac., Ac. Smoking Tobacco, all kinds. Segars from a Cheroot to the finest article. Also, a large assortment of Pipes, jy Call at No. 2 Anderson's Row. • If you want good Hosiery, Gloves, Neck-ties col lars, Ac., go to the Regulator. HAVE EVERYTHING that is usually kept in a No. 1 country store. ty MARKETING of all kinds takon in ex change FOR GOODS, and the highest prices paid. Any goods desired will be ordered from the Eas f " tern cities iy Country merchants supplied with goods at .. i '■ a small advance. No trouble to show goods. All we ask is a call and we feel satisfied we can please ALL. Thankful for past favors, we solicit a con tinuance of the same. .. i aprS6,'7. 9 IRVINE A BTATLER. J., ■■ ..!■■■< 1.i.1. If you want anything in our line, go to the Bed ford Regulator Ne 2, Andersou'a Row BY MEYERS & MENGEL §rtj-6ooasi, &r. G AVE YOUR GREENBACKS !! You can SA VE 25 per cent, by purchasing yonr GOODS at the CHEAP BARGAIN S TORE of *G. R. & W. OSTER, BEDFORD, PA. They are now opening a large and handsome as sortment of NEW and CHEAP DRY-GOODS, Ready-Made Clothing, Carpet, Cotton Yarns, Hats, Roots and Shoes, Sun-Umbrellas, Para sols, Groceries, Queens-ware? Tobaccos and Ct ' gars, Wall Papers, Wooden-ware, Brooms, if c. LOOK AT SOME OF THEIR PRICES: Best styles DELAiNES, 221 and 25 cts. CALICOES, 9, 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 18, 20 cts. GINGHA MS, 12, 15, 20, 25 cts. MUSLINS, 9. 10, 12, 15, 18, 20, 22, 25 cts. CASSIMERES. 75. 85, 115, 125,150, 165 cts, LADIES• 6-4 SACKING, $1.65, 1.75, 2.00 r all wool. DRILLING and PANTALOON STUFFS, 20, 25, 30, 35 cts GENTS' HALF-IIOSE, 10,12, 15,*20, 25, 30, 35 cts. LADIES' HOSE, 121,18, 20, 25, 30, 35 cts. LADIES' SHOES as low as 90 cts. Good Rio COFFEE, 25 ots,; better, 28 cts.; best, 30 cts. Extra fine OOLONG, JAPAN, IMPERIAL a D d YOUNG HYSON TEAS. SUGARS and SYRUI'S, a choice assort ment. MACKEREL and HERRING, late caught, fat fish. HP We invite all to call and see for themselves. A busy store and increasing trade, is a telling fact that their prices are popular. Terms CASH, unless otherwise specified. may24m3. gPLENDID OPENING of ' CHEAP SPRING and SUMMER GOODS, AT FARQUHAR'S New Bargain Store, REED'S BUILDIXS. CALICOES, (good) - 121 c. do (best) - - 18c, MUSLINS, brown, - - 10c. do (best) - ' - 20c. do bleached, - 10c. do (best) - - 25c. DELAINES, best styles, - 25c. DRESS GOODS of all kinds VERY CHEAP. " . i MEN r S and BOYS' COTTONADES, GOOD and CHEAP. A large -stock of FANCY ALL WOOL CASS I ME RES ASTONISH INGLY CHEAP. I•• I 4 BOOTS AND SHOES. MEN'S AND BOYS' HATS. GROCERIES: Best COFFEE, - - 30c Brown SUGAR - from 10 to 15c # FISH: Mackerel and Potomac Herring. .(. . 1 QUEENSWARE and a general variety of NOTIONS. Buyers are invited to examine our stock as we are determined to to sell cheaper than the cheapest. J. B. FARQUHAR. • mayl7 IVTEW GOODS!! NEW GOODS!! The undersigned has just reeeiveSfrom the East a large and varied stock of New Goods, which are now open for examination, at ' . . MILL-TOWN, . two miles West of Bedford, comprising everything usually found in a first-class country store, consisting, in part, of Dry-Goods, Delaines, Calieoes, Muslins, Cassimers, Boots and Shoes, Groceries, Notions, &c., &c. All of which will be sold at the most reasonable prices. jy Thankful for past favors, we solicit a con tinuance ot the public patrons,ge. IjP Call and examine our goods, may24,'67. G. YEAGER O LIP BILLS, PROGRAMMES 0 POSTERS, and all kinds of PLAIN AND FANCY JOB PRINTING, done with neatnest and despatch, atrac Q AZKTTK office Veto Message of the President. The Final Protest of the Executive„ InikiiiKt the Despot BilL AX UNANSWERABLE DOtTXEST! To the House of Representatives, of the United States: I return herewith the bill entitled "An act supplementary to an act entitled 'An Act to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel States,'" passed on the 2d day of March, 1867, and the act supplementary thereto, passed on the 23d day of March, 1867, and will state as briefly as possi ble some of the reasons which prevent me from giving my approval. This is ont of a series of measures passed by Congress during the last four months on the subject of reconstruction. The message returning the act of the 2d of March last states at length my objections to the passage of that meas ure. They apply equally to the bill now before me, and I am content merely to refer to them, and to reiterate my conviction that they are sound and un answerable. There are some point* peculiar to this bill which I will proceed at once to con sider. The first section proposes to declare "thetrueintent and meaning," in some particulars, of the two prior acts upon the subject. It is declared that the intent of those acts was: First, that the existing gov ernments in the ten "rebel States were not legal State governments," and sec ond, "that thereafter said governments, if continued, were to be continued sub ject in all respects to the military com manders of the respective districts, and to the paramount authority of Con gress." Congress may, by a declaratory act, fix upon a prior act a construction al together at variance with its apparent meaning, and from the time at least when such construction is fixed the original act will be construed to mean exactly what it is stated to mean by the declaratory statute. There will be, then, from the time this bill may be come a law, no doubt—no question—as to the relatic ,n which the "existing governments' ' in those States, called in the original act "the provisional governments," .stand towards the mili tary authorities. As these relations stood before the dev 'lanatory act, these "governments," it is tri/e, were made subject to absolute iiulita.T authority in many important respects b ut ) lot in all, the language of the a'Ct being "subject to the military °* the United States, as hereinafter V re ~ scribed ." By the sixth section of original act these governments wt ne made, "in all respects, subject to th*. ° paramount authority of the United i States." ' Now, by this declaratory act it ap pears that Congress did no.t, by the or iginal act, intend to limit the military authority to "any particulars or subjects therein prescribed," but meant to make it universal. Thus over all these ten States this military government is now declared to have unlimited authority. It is no longer confined to the preser vation of the public peace, the admin istration of criminal law, the registra tion of voters, and thesuperintendence ofelections, but "in all respects" it is asserted to be paramount to the exist ing civil governments. It is impossible to conceive any state of society more intolerable than this, and yet it is to this condition that twelve millions of American citizens are reduced by the Congress of the United States. Over every foot of the immense territory occupied by these American citizens, the constitution of the United States is theoretically in full operation. It binds all the people there, and should protect them, yet they are denied every ofte of its sacred guaranties. , .. Of what avail will it be to any one of these Southern people, when seized by a file of soldiers, to ask for the cause of arrest, or for the production of the war rant? Of What avail to ask for the privilege of bail when in military cus tody, which knows no such thing as bail? Of what avail to demand a trial by jury, process for witnesses, a copy of the indictment, the privilege of coun sel, or that greater privilege, the writ of habeas corpus? The veto of the original act of the 3d of March was based on two distinct grounds—the nt rference of Congress in matters strictly appertaining to the reserved powers of the States and the establishment of military tribunals for the trial of citizens in times of peace. The impartial reader of that message will understand that all it contains with resp< ct to military despotism and mar tial law lias reference especially to the fearful power conferred on the district commanders to displace the criminal courts and assume jurisdiction to try and to punish by military boards; that, potentially, the suspension of habeas corpus was martial law and military despotism. The act now before me not only declares that .the intent was to confer such military authority, but al so to confer unlimited military authori ty over all the other courts of theSts\te, and over all the officers of the State —legislative, executive and judicial. Not content with the general grant of power, Congress, in the second sec tion of this bill, specially gives to each military commander the power "to suspend or remove from office, or from the performance of official duties and the exercise of official powers, any offi cer or person holding or exercising, or professing to hold and exercise, any BEDFORD, PA:, FRIDAY MORNINO, AUGUST 3, 1867, civil or military office or duty in such district, under any power, election, ap pointment, or authority derived from or granted by, or claimed under any so-called State or the government there of, or any municipal or other division thereof*" * . A power that hitherto all the depart ments of the federal government, act ing in concert or separately, have not dared to exercise, is here attempted to be conferred on a subordinate military officer. To him, as a military officer of the federal government, is given the j power, "supported by a sufficient mili tary force," to remove every civil offi cer of the State. What next? The di vision commander who has thus de posed a civil officer is to fill the vacancy by the detail of an officer or sojdier of the army, or by the appointment ol "some other person." This military appointee, whether an officer, a soldier, or "some other per sou," is to perform the duties of such officer or person so suspended or re moved. In other words, an officer or soldier of the army is thus transformed into a civil officer. He may -be made a governor, legislator, or a judge. How ever unfit he may deem himself for such civil duties, he must obey the or der. The officer of the army must, if "detailed," go upon the supreme bench of the State with the same prompt obe dience as if he were detailed to go up on a court-martial. The soldier, if de tailed to act as a justice of the peace, 1 must obey as quickly as it he were de tailed for picket duty. What is the character of such a mili tary civil officer? This bill declares that he shall perform the duties of the civil office to which he. is detailed. It is clear, however, that he does not lose his position in the military service. He is still an officer or soldier of the army; he is still subject to the rules and regulations which govern it, and must yield due deference, respect and obedi ence towards his superiors. The cleat intent of this section is, that the officet or soldier detailed to fill a civil offict must execute his duties according to the laws of the State. If he is appointed a Governor of a State, he is to execute the duties as pro vided by the laws of that State and for the time being his military character is to be suspended in his new civil ca pacity. If he is appointed a State Treasurer he must at once assume the custody and disbursement of the funds ' of the State, and must perform these j, duties precisely according to the laws of the State; for he is entrusted with no other official duty or other official [ power. Holding the office of treasurer > and entrusted with funds, it happens (that he is required by the State laws to j enter into bond with security, and to ; ke an oath of office, yet from the be- G 'j n ning of the bill to the end there is no in ' ov ' 3 i° n f° r any bond or oath ot office >r f°r a single qualification re el u i red u nd,,r State law, such as res idence citi >jCnshi Pr °r anything else. Theon'iv oati\ l that the ninth section '■ j? lhe 01 w J"; h every one detailed " and , subscribe the oath o f Prescribed by law for officers ot , . nyofthoUni- Thus an officer of the an. '. .. c€ ted States, detailed to fill a mi . e lu o. i. • official in one of these States, gives bond and takes no official oath -acivil performance of his new T duties as officer of the State—only takes . same oath which he had already tak as a military officer of the Unite States. He is, at least, a military officer performing civil duties, and the au thority under which he acts is federal authority only; and the inevitable rOr suit is that the federal government, by the agency of its own sworn officers, in effect assumes the civil government of the States. A singular contradiction is apparent here. Congress declares these local State governments to be iflegal gov ernments, and then provides that these illegal governments shall be carried on by federal officers, who are to perform the very duties imposed on itsown offi cers by this illegal State authority. It certainly would be a novel spectacle if Congress should attempt to carry on a legal State government by the agency of its own officers. It' is yet more strange that Congress attempts to sus tain and carry on an illegal State gov ernment by the same federal agency. In this connection I must call atten tion to the 10th and 14th sections of the bill, which provide that none of the officers or appointees of these military commanders "shall be bound in his ac tion by any opinion of.any civil officer of the United States," and that all the provisions of the act "shall be construed literally, to the end that all the intents theteof may be fully and perfectly car ried out." It seems Congress supposed that this bill might require construction, and they fix, therefore, the rule to be ap plied. But whare is the construction to come from? Certainly no one can be more in want of instruction than, a soldier or an officer of the army detailed for a civil service with the duties of which, perhaps the most important in a State, he is altogether unfamiliar. • This hill says he shall not be bound in his action by the opinion of any civ-1 il officer of the United States. Thedu- j ties of the office are altogether civil; but wfaen he asksdor-an opinion he can only ask the opinion of anothfe r milita ry officer, who perhaps, understands as little of his duties as he does Juimself; and as to his "action," heisanstvorable to the military authority, and to the military authority alone. Strictly, no opinion o! any civil officer, other than a judge, has a binding force. But these military appointees would not he bound even by a judicial opinion. They might very well say, even when their action is in conflict with the Supreme Court of the United States, "that Court is composed of civil officers of the Uni ted States, and we are not hound to con form our action to any opiriioh Of any such authority. '' Declarations to the contrary, made iu these, three acts, are contradicted a gain and again by the repeated acts of legislation enacted by Congress from the year 1861 to the year 1867. During that period whilst those States were in active rebellion, and after that rebel lion was brought to a close, they have been again an 1 again recognized as States of the Union. Representation has been apportioned to them as States. They have been divided into judicial districts for the holding of district and circuit courts of the United States, as States of the Union only can be dis tributed. This bill and acts to which it is sup plementary are all founded upon the assumption that the ten communities are not States, and that their existing governments are not legal. Through out the legislation, upon this subject they are called "rebel States," and the vice of illegality is declared to per vade all of them. The obligations of consistency bind the legislative body as well as the individuals who compose it. It fs now too late to say that these ten political communities are not States of this Union. The last act on this subject was passed July 23,18GG, by which every one of these ten States was arrauged into dis tricts and circuits. They have been called upon by Congress to act through their Legislatures upon at least two amendments to the constitution of the United states. As States they have ratified one amendment, which requir ed the vote of twenty-seven States of the thirty-six then composing the U- nion. When the requisite twenty-seven votes were given in favor of that amendment —seven of which votes were given by seven of these ten States —it was pro claimed to be a part of the constitution ofthe United States, and slavery was declared no longer to exist in the UT uited. States or any place subject to theirjurisdiction. If these seven States j were not legal States ofthe Union, it fol lows as the inevitable consequence that in some of the States slavery yet exists. It dose not exist in these seven States, for they have abolished it also in their t own State constitutions; but Kentucky not having done so, it would still re main in that State. But, in truth, if this assumption that these States have no legal State governments be true, then the abolition of slavery by these illegal governments binds no one, tor Congress now denies to these States the power to abolish slavery by denying to them the power to elect a legal State Legislature, or to frame a consti* i tution for any purpose, even for such I a purpose as the abolition of slavery, j l As to the other constitutional amend ment having reference to suffrage, it - happens that these States have not ac > cepted it. The consequence is that it 1 has never been proclaimed, or under ? stood, even by Congress, to be a part I of the constitution of the United States. - The Senate of the U. States lias repeat i edly given its sanction to the appoint -1 ment of judges, district attorneys, and marshals for every one of these States, \nd yet, if they are not legal States, t one of these judges is authorized to n(j 1 a court. So, too, both houses ot ho,t4 have passed appropriation Congi av al j these judges, attorneys, bills to j of th e united States for and officei their functions in these exercising . . Q t^e mac iii n ery of States. Agai. a j] 0 f these the internal rew quotas "Territories," States are distr icte> but as ' States. mous legislative So much of contin , lcesjC^e d, how recoghition. The insta. <flt mJgbt ()e ever, fall far short of wl. enumerated. .... we ]j Executive recognition, as utiwat _ known, has been frequent and (() ering. The same may be said judical recognition, through the . preme Court of the United States , That august tribunal, from first to las. in the administration of its duties in banc and upon the circuit, has never failed to recognize these ten communi ties as legal States of the Unibfi. The cases depending in that court upon ap peal and writ of error from these States, when the rebellion began, have not been dismissed upon any idea of the cessation of jurisdiction. They were carefully continued from term to term until the rebellion wasentirely subdued and peace re-established and they were allied for argument and consideratioif as if ho insurrection had intervened. — New cases, occu rri ng si nee t he rebell ion, have come from these States before that court b.v writ of error and appeal, and even by Original suit, where only a State can bring such a suit. These cases are entertained by that tribunal in the exercise of its acknowledged jurisdiction, which could not attach to ! them if they had come from any polit j ical body other than a State of the Un : ion. Finally, in the allotment of their ' circuits, made by the judges at the De bember term, 1865, every one of these : States is put on the same footing or le i gallty with,all the other States of the ' Union. Virginiaand North Carolina, i being a part of the fourth cirbuit, are (I allotted to the Chief Justice, South Car- VOL.-61,-WHOLE No. 5,403. oiina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Florida constituted the fifth cir cuit, and were allotted to the late Mr. Justice Wayne. Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas, a e allotted to the sixth judicial circuit, as to which there is a vacancy 1 on the bench. • The Chief Justice iu the exercise of his circuit duties, has recently held a Circuit Caurt in the State of North Carolina. If North Carolina, is not a State of this Union, the Chief Justice had no authority to hold a court there, and every order, judgment and decree rendered by him in -that court was coam non jiujice, and void. Another ground on which these re construction acts are attempted to bo sustained is this: That these ten States are conquered 'territory; that the constitutional relation in which they stood as States toward the i'edera' gov ernment prior to the rebellion, has giv ,en place to a new relation; that this territory is a conquered country, and their citizens a conquered people; and that in this new relation, Congress can govern them by-military power. A title by conquest stands, on clear grounds. It is a new title acquired by war. It applies only to territory; for goods or moveable things regularly captured in war are called "booty," or if taken by individual soldiers, "plun der." , . . There is not a foot of land in any one of these ten States which the United States holds by conquest, save only such land as did belong to either of these States or to any individual owner. I mean such lands as did belong to the pretend ed government called the Confederate States. These lands we may claim to hold by conquest. As to all other land or territory, whether belonging to States or individuals, the federal gov ernment has now no more title nor right to it than it had before the rebellion. Our forts, arsenals, navy-yards, cus tom houses and other federal prop erty situated in these States, we now hold, not by title of conquest, but by our old title, acquired by purchase or 'condemnation for public use with com- pensation to former owner. We have not conquered these places, but have Simply "repossessed" them. If we re quire more sites for forts, custom hous es or other public use, we must acquire the title to them by purchase or appro priation in the regular mode. At this moment the United States, in the acquisition of sites for national cemeteries in these States, acquires title in the same way. The federal courts sit in court houses ownedor leased by the United States, not in the court house of the State. The United States pays each of these States for the use of its jails.' Finally, the United States levies'its direct taxes and its internal revenue upon the property in these States, including the productions of the lands within their territorial limits— not byway of levy and contribution in the character of a conqueror, but in the tegular way of taxation, under the same laws which apply to all other States of the Union. From first to last, during the rebel lion and since, the title of each of these States to the lands'and public buildings owned by them has never been turbed, and not a foot of it has ever been acquired by the United States even under a title by confiscation, and not a foot of it has ever been taxed un der federal law. In conclusion I must respectfully ask the attention of Congress to theconsid- eration of one more question arising , under this bill. It vests in the military ( commander , subject only to the ap- | proval of the General of the army of , the United States, an unlimited pow- , er to remove from office any civil or , military officer in each of these ten . States, and the further power, subject ( to the same approval, to detail or ap- , poiut any military officer or soldier of the United States to perform the duties of the officers teo removed, and to fill all •vacancies -occasioned iin those States by.death, resignation or otherwise. The military appointee thus required to perform thaduties. ollacivil ofiice ac cording to the laws of the State, and as such required to take an' oath, is, for the time being, a civil officer. What is his character? Is lie a civil officer of the State or a civil officer of the United Slates? If he is a civil officer of the State, where is the federal power, un der our Constitution, which authorizes his appointment by any federal officer? * t/ovrever, heistobe considered a civil -vfthe United States, as his ap ofheer v. „ un( j oatll wou i(i S eem to in pointmeni jhe authority for his dicate, where py the constitu appoaitmeut ve. , appointmentof all tion? Thepoweroj. States, dvit or officers of the United for by military, where not pro . the p resi . the constitution, is vested in CQn _ dent, by and with the advice a. t . sent of the Senate, with this excep. that Congress may by law vest the a. pointment of such inferior officers a? they think proper in the President a lone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. But this bill, if these are to bie considered inferior offi cers within th e meaning of the constitu tion, does not provide for their appoint ment by the President alone, or the courts of law, or by the heads of depart ments, but Nests the appointment m . one subordin ate execiitiv e officer, sub ject to the ap -proval of another subordi nate executive officer. So , th at put this que. stion and fix character of the military appointee either way, this provision of tbe bill Is Gdiually op-, posed tb the con stltation. " Take the caso of a soldier or offieer ! appointed td perftwn tb offl^bfindge in one of these States, and as such to ad minister the proper laws of the State. Where is the authority to be found in the constitution for vestiug in a milita ry or an - executive officer strict judicial functions to be exercised under State law? It"has been again ftnd again de cided by the Supreme Court of the li nked States that the acts of Congress which haveatempted to vest executive powers in the judicial courts, or judges of the United States, are not warranted by the constitution. If Congress cannot clothe a judge with merely executive duties, how can they clothe an officer or soldier of the army with judicial duties over qitizens of the United States who are not in the mili tary or naval service? So, too,, it has been repeatedly decided that Congress cannot require aStateoffioer, executive or jhdielal, to perform any duty enjoin ed upon him by law of the United States. How, then, can Congress con fer power upon an ex< cutive officer of the United States to perform such du ties in fL State ? If Congress could not vest in ajudge of one of thes States any judicial authority under the United States, by direct enactment, how can it accomplish the same thing indirectly, by removing theStatejudge and putting an officer of the United States in his place? To me these considerations are concl u - siveofthe unconstitutionality of this part of the bill now before me, and I earnestly commend their consideration to the deliberate judgment, of Con gress. .... ~ .., , a . i Within a period less than a year the legislation of Congress has attempted to strip the executive department of the government of some of its essential powers. The constitution and the oath provided in it devolve upon the Presi dent the power and the duty to see that the laws are faithfully executed. The constitution, in order to carry out this power, gives him the choice of agents, and makes them subject to his control and supervision. But in theexeeution of these laws the costitutional obliga tion upon the President remains, but the power to exercise that constitutional al duty is effectually taken away. The military commander is, as to the power of appointment, made to take the place of the President, and the gen eral of the army the place of the Sen ate, and any attempt on the part oPthe President to assert his own constitution al power may, under pretense of law, be met by official insubordination. It .is to be feared thatthese military offi cers,' looking to the authority given by the laws, rather than to the letter of the constitution, will recognize no au thority but the commander of the dis trict and the general of the artny. If there were no othOr objection than this to this proposed legislation, it would be sufficient. Whilst 1 bold the chief executive authority of the United States, whilst the obligation rests upon me to see that all the laws are faithfuly executed, I can never willinglysurren derthat trust, or the powers'given for its execution. I can never give my.assent to be made responsible for the fa.ith.fpl,..execution of laws and at the same time surrender that trust and the powers which accom pany it to any other executive officer, high or low or to any number of execu tive officers. i • If this executive trust, vested by the Constitution in the President, is to be taken from him and vested in a subor dinate officer, the responsibility will be with Congress in clothing the subordi nate wltlip unconstitutional power, and with the officer who assumes its exer cise. This interference with the consti tutional authority of the; executive de partment is an evil that will inevita bly sap the foundations of oili* federal system ; but it is not the Worst evil of this legislation. It is a great wrong to take from the President powers confer red upon him alone by the constitution, but the wrong is more flagrant and more dangerous when the powers so ta ken from the President are conferred upon subordinate executive officers, and especially upon military officers. Over nearly one-third of the States of the Union military power, regulated by no fixed law, rules supreme. Each one of these five district com manders, though not chosen by the people or responsible to them, exercise at this hour more executive power, military and civil, than the people have ever been willing to confer upon the head of the executive department, though chosen by and responsible to themselves! The remedy must come from the people themselves. They know what it is and how it, is, applied. At the present time they cannot, ac cording to the constitution, repeal these laws; they cannot remove or control this military despotism. The ; remedy nevertheless, is in their hands; it is to be found in the ballot, and is a sure one, if not controlled by fraud, over awed by arbitrary power, or from a pathy on their part too long delayed.— With abiding confidence in their patri otism, wisdom and integrity, I am still hopeful of the future, and that in the end the rod of despotism will be broken, the armed rule of power be lif ted from the necks of, the people, and the principles of a violated cQpstitution preserved. ANDREW JOHNSON. Washington, D. C., July 19, 1867. THE Puritans of New England under the influence of fanaticism looked upon the Indians very much as the Puritans now do upon the Southerners, as "chil dren of the Devil," ..While thpy regard themselves as. the favorite sons of Hea ven, destined to inherit the promised land. Their whole reasoning was ein i bodied in the following resolves: Revived, That the earth is the Lord's and the fullness thereof. , Resolved, That the Lord hath given this Inheritance to the saints. Resolved, That we are the saints.
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