The Bedford gazette. (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, August 31, 1866, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

    TERMS OF PUBLICATION.
BEDFORD GAZETTE is published every Fri-
JJT morninp by MEYERS FT MENGEL, at $2 00 per
t , rum, if P aui *metlf rm advance ; $2.50 if pid
: .yn nix months; $3.00 if not pain within six
. ;h. All ftth*rriprion aerenits AIITST he
■tJ annually. No paper will he sent out of
State unless paid for is ADVANCE, and all such
. i.riptio" s W 'H invariably be discontinued at
expiration of the time for which they are
•
s'! ADA ERT ELEMENTS for n It --.a term than
. ~e mon'hs 1 EN CENTS per line for each fn
(. a. Special notices one-half additional Alii
-i ns "f Associations; otimtnunic ti.u.s of'
■, ! or indiv dual interest, arid notice, of mar
■ - snd deaths exceeilinc five line . ten cent's
. ire. Editorial notices fifteei cents per line.
'.'Cat Xo tires t>f every hi nil .and Orphans' !
; ,ind Judicial Sale*, are required by lair
jw'si died in bath fa pert published in this j
All advertising due after first insertion,
-•ml disc unt is made to persons advertising
,e quarter, half J car, or year, as follows:
3 months, d months. I year, j
squsro - - - $ 4 jfl sft t)0 $lO 00
sijuarcs ... ft 00 900 Iti till '
-ijiinres - - - ft 00 12 00 20 00
,-:cr column - - 14 00 20 00 |i no :
clown - - - ift oO 2") 00 45 on
, iuEin .... 3d oil 45 00 80 00
ae square to occupy one inch of space.
5 PRINTING, or every kind, done with ,
-s and dispatch. Tub Gazette Office has
en refitted with a Power Press and new type. I
- rytbing in the Printing line can be execu- i
the most artistic manner and at the lowest !
-TERMS CASH
j* Aii letters should lie addressd to
MEYERS ft MENGEL.
Publishers. I
Atfcnncus at -£au\
SEPH W TAT;'!. ATTORNEY
AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA., will promptly!
i tn collections of bounty, back pay. Ac.. !
! business entrusted to his euro in Bedford :
iljnining counties.
.!■" advanced on judgments, notes, military
s'ner claims.
s far sale Town lots in Tatesrille, where a
• Church is erected, and where a large School |
shall be buiit. Farms. Land and Timber !
r ■, fr'nn one aero to 5110 acres to suit pur J
5 e nearly opposite the "M< tigel Hotel" and
f Reed ft Schell.
Ift.lSfifi—ly
D Sit Utl'E. K F.KERR.
; IKI'E A KERR, ATTORNEYS
AT LAIV BEDFORD, PA., will practice in ;
jr's of Bedford and adjoining counties Of- ;
Juliana st., opposite the Banking Mouse of ;
I x Setoff. 1 March 2. ft ft.
UIRBORROW. I Jons M'TZ. i
il RBOB Ro \Y LU TZ ,
f ATTORNEYS AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA.,
.•tend promptly to all business intrusted to
are Collections mnde on the shortest no
i are also, regularly lie. nsed Claim Agents
jive special attention to the prosecution
ns against the Government f" r Pensions,
!'ay. Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac.
n ,Juliana street, one door South of the >
•<d House," and nearly opposite the Inquirer
i!!X !\ REED, ATTORNEY AT
..IV. BEDFORD. PA ties;, ■ -tfuily lenders!
■ vices to the pnblic.
nd door North of the Mengel House.
Aug. 1, 1881.
IHNPALMKR, A TTt) 11N EY AT
\W. BEDFORD, PA. Will promptly attend
business entrusted to his care.
• "ieular attention paid to the collection of
•arv claims. Office on Juliana Street, nearly
■ the Mengel II use.
: I'd. Aug. 1. 1861.
'SKY M. ALSIP, ATTORNEY AT
i LAW, BEDFORD. PA. Will faithfully and
•; 1 v at'end to all business entrusted to his
i Bedford and adjuring counties. Military
b -k pay, bounty. Ac., speedily collected,
di e with Mann ft Spang, on Ju'iana street,
■hairs S' Uih of tfce Mengel lloure.
in. 22. 1884,
KIMMELL. | J. W. LINGEXFELTER.
"I MM EEL & LINGENFKLTEU,
k. ATTORNEYS AT LAAV. BEDFORD. PA.,
i ,ve formed a partnership in the practice of
!.,w office on Juliana street, two doors noutn
IB Mengel House.''
11. SPANG, ATTORNEY AT
„ LAW. BEDFORD. PA. Will promptly at
■ -lions and all business entrusted to ;
-re :i, Bedford and adjoining counties
,■ ■■! Juliana Street, three doors south <>f the j
gtd II use," opposite the residence of Mrs j
*
MEYERS | J W. DICKERSOX. |
JKYERH A- DICKEUSON, AT-j
1 TORNEYS AT LAW Bedford. Pa , office j
ni formally occupied by Hon AN !'■ Schell. |
'• eaii or the <i \ZF.TTE will yntufic**
• wernl courts of Bedford courity. Pensions,
v aui i ack pay and the purchase
Se of real estate attended to. | inayl i. GH.
•UN H. FILLER, Attorney at Law, j
if rl. Pa. Office near y opposite the Post ,
[apr.2o,*66. —ly.
Viuioician? and
) ii. PENNSYL, M. Ik. BLOODY j
, 1. 1 n. Pa.. '1 ,te surgeon afttb P. A V~l ten- !
• i :of- -ional services to the people of that ;
>d vicinity. Dee. 22. "05-ly*_ j
r W.JAMISON, M.D., HijOODY
' , s. Pa., tenders his professional servi
: • p.ople of that place and vicinity. Office j
r west of Richard Langdoti a store.
2t. '6s—ly
kit. .1. L. NIARI'.OUKG, liiiving !
' rmaneotly located, respectfully tenders ,
n,nal services to Hie eituen* of Bedtord
. • 1
Juliana street, eastaide. nearly opjaisite
House of Heed ft Schell.
rd Feb; uary 12. 1564.
| .1 G. MINMI'H. JR.,
kii ,\ T ISTS,
BEDFORD, PA.
the Bank Building. Juliana St.
' T - itions pertaining to Surgical or Me-
I'entistry carefully performed, and war- j
i T.ith Powders and mouth Washes, ex- ,
lea. always ot, hand.
Terms — CASH
r 1. January 6, 1885. ;
j GEO. ('. DOUGLAS, liosjki'ct
l' y tenders his professional services to the
1 !! ll'ord and vieit ity.
' i at Maj. Wasbabaugh'a.
Jtr.fi
T.an!tcrs.
iUu, I j. J. KWU, ;
}> Ki: D A N I)' SC H K is L,
' i Hankers and
•U, ER 8 1 N KXCH AN fJ E,
BEDFORD. PA.,
■AFTS bought and sold, collections made Hn,i
taptly remitted.
■ -elicited.
' ft IT- O E. BBASSOX r BENEPICT
]> I'i', SHANNON A CO., BANK-!
R ERS, Bedford, Pa.
'A OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT.
TlOXSmad# for the East. Wcs'. North;
: ■ i the general business of Exyhauge
••I. Notes and Accounts Collected and
- - promptly made. REAL LSTAIE,
• ! s,,|,t. ' Oct 20, 1885. :
i I BORDER,
t STREET, rwo HOOKS WEST OF THE RF.D
t'!.. Krdfohd. PA.
' JAKLR AND DEALER IN JEWEL
RY. SPECTACLES. ftC.
t - or. Land a stork of fine Gold and Sil-
W. Spectacles of Brilliant Double Rc
' also S,;otch Pebble Glasses. Gold
'tin-. Breast Pins. Finger Rings, best
('Sold Pen-. He will supply to order
" in Lis line not on hand.
- !l - !565-
i) K. ANDERSON,
•
'" 'I sSnrii i ner utol I '<>nv< jfnitfrr,
• ' fHi Vtt.LE. BEDFORD Col .\TV. !•.,
... t . ''o the writing of Deeds, Mortgages,
Article of Agreement, and all business
r *nnc!ed by a Scrivener and Conveyan-
? c I'Btmaage of the public is respectfully
BY MEYERS & MENGEL.
(The dfot'il (Clazftfr.
RESTORATION AND PEACE.
Results of the National Union
Convention.
ADDKILSS TO AM. TtlF. (*Kol>l,i: 4>F
Till: I'M OX.
In tlie National Union Convention at
Philadelphia, on Thursday. Hon. Hen
ry.]. Raymond, of New York, on be
half of the Committee of two from each
State and Territory of the United
States', apjiointcd on the previous day,
reported the following address, which
bad been approved and recommended
by the unanimous vote of the ('om 111 it
tee :
TO "THE PEOIM.i: <>;• TIIK EXITED
. STATES.
Having met in Convention, at the
City of Philadelphia, in the State of
Pennsylvania, this l(th day of August,
lHiti, as the representatives of the peo
ple in a'l sections, and from all the
States and Territories of the Union, to
consult upon the condition and the
wants of our common country, wo ad
dress to you this declaration of our
Principles, and of the Political Purpo
ses we seek to promote.
Since the meeting of the last Nation
al Convention, in the year of iB6O, e
vents have occurred which have chang
ed the character of our internal poli
ties, and given the United States a new
place among the nations of the earth.
Our Government has passed through
the vicissitudes and the jierils of civil
war a war wli.ch, though mainly see
tionai in its character, has never-the
less, decided political differences that
from the very beginning of the Gov
ernment hud threatened the unity of
our national existence, and lias left its
impress deep and ineffaceable upon all
the intero.-t.s, the sentiments, and the
destiny of the republic. While it lias
inllicted upon the whole country se
vere losses in life and in property* and
has imposed burdens which must
weigh 011 its resources for generations
to come, it has developed a degree of
national courage in the presence of na
tional danger-—a capacity for military
organization and.achievement, and a
devotion on the partofthe people to the
form of government whieh they have
ordained, and to the principles of lib
erty which that government was de
signed to promote, which must con
firm the confidence of the nation in the
I erpetuity of its republican institu
tions, and command the respect of
the civilized world.
Like all great contests which rouse
the passions and test the endurance of
nations, this war has given new scope
to the ambition of political parties, and
fivsh Impulse to plans of innovation
and reform. Am idst the chaos of con
flicting sentiments inseperable from
such an era, while the public heart is
keenly alive to all the passions that
can sway the public judgment and af
fect the public action; while the wounds
of war are st iil fresh and bleeding on
either side, and fears for the future
take unjust proportions from the mem
ories and resentments of the past, it is
a difficult but an imperative duty
which, on your behalf, we, who are
here ;u-cui?>!ed, have undertaken to
perform.
For the first time after six long years
of alienation and of conflict, we have
come ogether from every State and
every section of our land, as citizens of
a common country, under that llag, the
symbol again of common glory, to
consult together how best (<> cement
and perpetuate that Union which is a
gain tla* object of our common love,
and thus secure the blessings of iiberty
toourselves and our posterity.
I. In the first place, we invoke you
to remember always and everywhere,
that the war is ended and the nation is
again at ponce. The shock of contend
ing arms no longera-sails the shudder
ing heart of the Republic. The insur
rection against the supreme authority
ofthe nation has been suppressed, and
that authority has been again acknowl
edged, by word and act, in every S ale
and by every citizen within its juri--
diction. We are no longer required or
permitted to regard or treat each other
ascnomiis. Not only have the acts of
war been discontinued, and the wea
pon- of war laid aside, but the state of
war no longer exists, and the senti
ments, the passions, the relations of
war have no longer lawful or rightful
place anywhere throughout our broad
domain. We are again people of
the United States, fellow-citizens of
one country, hound by the duties and
obligations of a common patriotism,
and having neither rights nor interests
apart from a common destiny. The
duties that devolve upon us now are
again the duties of peace, and 110 long
er the duties of war. We have assem
bled here to take counsel concerning
the interests of peace—to decide how
we may most wisely and effectually
heal the wounds the war has made,
and perfect and perpetuate the benefits
it has secured, and the blessings which,
under a wise and benign Providence,
have sprung up in its fiery track.
This is the work, not of passion, hut
of cairn ami sober judgment, not of re
sentment for past offences prolonged
beyond the limits which justice and
reason prescribe, but of a liberal states
manship which tolerates what it can
not prevent, and builds its plans and
its hopes for the future rather upon a
community of interest and ambition
than upon'distrust and the weapon of
force.
11. In the next place, we call upon
von to recognize in their full signifi
cance, ami to accept with all their le
gitimate consequences, the political re
sults of the war just closed. In two
most important particulars the victory
achieved by the National Government
has been final and decisive. First, it
has established beyond all further con
troversy, and by the highest of all hu
man sanctions, the absolute suprema
cy of the National Government, as de
fined and limited by the Constitution
oft he United States, and the perma
nent integrity and indissolubility of
the Federal Union as a necessary con
sequence: and, /, it lias put an
end finally and forever to the existence
of slavery upon the soil or within the
jurisdiction ofthe United States. Both
tbc-e points Itecame directly involved
in the contest, and controversy upon
both was ended absolutely and finally
bv the result.
111. In the third place, we deem it
1 ofthe utmost importance that the real
character of the war and the victory
by which it was closed should lie accu
rately understood. The war was car
ried on by the Government ofthe Uni
ted States in maintenance of its own
authority and in defence of its own ex
istenee, bdth of which were menaced
j by the insurrection which it sought to
suppress. The suppression of that in
surrection accomplished that result. -
The Government of the United States
maintained by force of arms the su
preme authority over all the territory;
and over all the States and people
within its jurisdiction; which the ('on
:-dilution confers upon it: but it acquir
t tl tlieretiy no new power, no enlarged
: jurisdiction, no rights either of territo
rial possession or of civil authority
which it did not possess before the re
bellion. broke out. All the ritrhtfu!
power it can ever possess is that which
is conferred upon it, either in express
terms or by fair and necessary implica
tion, by the Constitution of United
States. It was that p/iwerantl that au
thority which the rebellion sought to
overthrow, ami the victory of t lie Fed
eral arms was simply the defeat <>f that
attempt. The Government of the Ig
nited States acted throughout tiie war
on the defensive, it sought only to
hold possession of what was already its
own. Neither the war, nor the victo
ry by which il was close 1, changed in
any way the < '(institution of the United
Slates. The war was carried on by
virtue of its provisions, and under the
limitations which they prescribed; and
the result of the war did not either en
large, abridge, or in any way change or
affect the powers it confers upon the
Federal Government, or release that
Government from the restrictions
which it has imposed.
The < of the United States
is to-day precisely as it was boforethe
war, the "supreme Jaw of the land,
anything in the Constitution or law
of any State to the contrary notwith
standing;" and to-day, also, precisely
as U'forc the war, "ail the powers not
conferred by the Constitution upon the
General Government, nor prohibited
by it to the State-, are 13 served to the
several States, or to the people there
of."
This position is vindicated not only
by the essentia! nature of our Govern
ment, and the language and spirit of
the Constitution, but by all the acts 1
and the language of our Government,!
in all its departments, and at all times
from the outbreak of the rebellion to |
its linal overthrow. In every message
ami proclamation of the Executive it
was explicitly declared that the sole
object and purpose of the war wit- to
maintain the authority of the ('onstitu
tion and to preserve the integrity of
the Union; and Congress more than
once reiterated this solemn declara
tion, and added the assurance that i
whenever the object should be attain
eel the war should cease, and all the
Slates should retain their equal rights
ami dignity unimpaired.
It is only since the .war was closed
that other rights have been asserted 011
behalf of one department of the Gener
al Government. It has been proclaim-,
ed by Congress that, in addition to the
powers conferred upon it by the Con
stitution, the Federal Government.
may now claim over the States, the'
territory and the people involved in !
the insurrection, the rights of war—the ;
right of conquest and of confiscation,!
the right to abrogate all'existing gov
ernments, institutions and laws, and
lo subject the territory conquered and
its inhabitants to such laws, regula
tions and deprivations as the legisla
tive department of the Government
may see fit to impose. Under this
broad and sweeping claim, tiiat clause
of the Constitution which provides
that "no State shall without its eon
sent be deprived of its equal suffrage in
the Senate of the United States,''has
been annulled, and ten States have
been refused, ami are still refused, rep
resentation altogether in both branches
of the Federal Congress. And 1 lie t "on
gross in which only a part of the States
and of the people of the Union are rep
resented has asserted the right thus to
exeludethe rest from representation,
and from all share in making their own
laws or choosing their own rulers un
til they shall complv with such condi
tions and perform such act.% as this
Congress thus composed may itself
prescribe. That right has not only
wen asserted, but it has b"eti exercis
ed, and is practically enforced at the
present time. Nor dues it timl any
support in the theory that the States
' litis excluded are in rebellion against
:he Government, and arc therefore
precluded from sharing its authority.
They are not thus in rebellion. They
are one and all in an attitude of loyal
ty toward the Government, and of
sworn allegiance to the Constitution of
the United States. In no one of them
is the slightest indication of resistance
to this authority, or the slightest pro
test against itsjust and binding obliga
tion. This condition of renewed loy
alty has been wtliciaily recognized by
solemn proclamation of the Executive
Department. The laws of the United
States have been extended by Congress
over all these Btates and the people
thereof. Federal Courts httve been re
opened and Federal taxes imposed and
levied. And in every respect, except
that they are denied representation in
Congress and Electoral College, 'he
States once in rebellion are recognized
as holding the same position, as owing
the same obligations, and subject to
the same duties as the other States of
our common Union.
I! seems to us, in the exercise of the
calmest and most candid judgment we
can bring to the subject, that such a
claim, so enforced, involves as lata! an
overthrow of the authority of the Con
stitution, and as complete a destruction
.!'the Government and Union, a-that
which was sought to be effected by tne
States and people in armed insurrec
tion against them both. It cannot es
cape observation that the power thus
asserted to exclude certain States from
representation, i- made to rest wholly
iu'the will and discretion of the Con
gress that asserts it. It is not made to
depend upon any specified conditions
ur circumstances nor to In* subject to
any rules or regulations whatever. —
The right asserted and exercised is ab
solute, without qualification Or restric
tion not confined to States in rebellion,
nor to States that have rebelled; it is
the right of any Congress in formal
possession of legislative authority to
exclude any State or States, and any
portion of the people thereof, at any
time from representation in Congress
and in the Electoral College, at its own
discretion and until they shall perform
such acts and comply With such condi
tions as it may dictate. < >bvions!y, the
reasons' for such exclusion, being whol
ly within the discretion of Congress,
may change as the Congress itselt shall
change. One Congress may exclude a
State froth all share in the Government
for one reason, and that reason remov
ed, the next Congress may exclude it
for another. One Stale may be exclu
ded on one ground to-day and another
BEDFORD, PA.. FRIDAY MORNING. AUGUST 31, 1866
may be excluded on the opposite
ground to-morrow. Northern a.-.t-end
unry may exclude Southcrit Suites
from one Ctfliuress —the ascendc.ncy of
Western or of Soutiteni interest-,or of
both combined may exeludethe Nortli
ern or the Eastern States from the
next. Improbable as such usurpations
■ may seem, the establish men t of the
principle now as-orted and aeted upon
by Congress will render tinm by no
means impossible. The character, in
, deed the very existence of Congress
and the Union is tlm- made dependent
solely and entirely upon the party and
sectional exigencies, or the forbearance
of the hour.
We need not stop to show that such
; action not only find - no warrant in the
Constitution, hut is at war with every
principle of our (Jo vera incut, and with
the very existence of free institutions.
It i-. indeed, the identical practice
! which lias rendered fruitless ail at
tempts hitherto, to establish an.l main
tain free Governments in Mexico and
| the States of South America Party;
; necessities assert themselves as superi
or to the fundamental law, which i*
set aside in reckless obedienct to their
I bche-ts. Stability, whether in the ex
-1 ercisc of power, in the adrninistratioii
! of Government, or in th? enjoyment
of right-, becomes impossible; and the j
conflicts of pariy, which, under consti
tutionnl Govern men fs, arc theeondi
, tionsan.l moans of political progress.
1 are merce'd in the eonfliets of arms to '
: which they directly and inevitably
! tend.
It was against this peril, so con- pic- j
i nous and so fatai to ail free Gove n-:
! ment, that our constitution was intend- .
led espei ic.liy to provide. Not only the
; stability, bat the very existence of the j
| Government is made*by its provisions
to depend upon the right and the fact
!of representation. The Congress, upon
i which is conferred all the legislative
i power of the National Government,
j consists of two branches, the Senate i
: ami House of Representatives, whose
j joint concurrence or assent is essential
to the vailidity of any law. Of these,
! the House of-Representatives, savstlie
i Constitution, (article 1, section 2), j
"shall be composed of members chosen
! every second year by the people of the
several States." Not only is the rirht |
of representation thus reeojgnized as ■
posses-ed by all tlse States and by eve
ry State without restriction, qualiiiea- '
(ion or condition of any kind, but the |
duty of choosing representatives i- im-
I posed upon the people of each and
j dvery State alike, without distinction,
! or the authority to make distinctions
; among them, for any reason or upon
any grounds whatever. And in the
Senate, so careful is the Constitution
to secure to every State this right of
representation it is expressly provided
that "no State shall, without its con
sent, be deprived of its equal suffrage"
in that body, even by an amendment
of the Constitution itself. When,
therefore, any State is excluded from
| such representation, not only is a right
1 of the State denied, but the constitu-
I tionai integrity ofthe Senate is im
| paired, and the validity of the Govern
! meat itself is brought in question.—
But Congress at the present moment
' thus excludes from representation, in
, both hriinchi'S of Congress. t< n Stutc.-
<tf the Cnion, denying them all share
in the enactment of laws by which |
they are to be governed, and all parti- |
| cipation in the election ofthe rulers by i
i which those laws are to be enforced.— !
| In other words a Congress in which i
i only twenty-six States arc represented, j
asserts the right to govern, absolutely
and at its own discretion, ami the thir- !
ty-six State- which couipo.-c the Cnion •
i —to make tneir laws and c!io.-'e their {
! rulers, and to exclude the other ten .
j from all share in their own govern-!
: ment, until it sees tit to admit them !
j thereto. What is there to distinguish i
j the power thus a.-st-rti-d and i-xercised .
from the most absolute ami intolerable
tyranny.
* IV. Nor do these extrasugant and
unjust claim am the part of Congress to j
! powers and authority never conferred I
upon the Government by the Constitu- !
tion, find any warrant in the argu- |
ment- or excuses urgeil on their he- !
half. It i>ailegeii,
First, That these St-ati l>y the act of
rebellion and by voluntarily witiulraw- |
ing their members from Congress, for
feited lheir right of rcprc ciUation, and
taey can only receive it again at tlu
haiids of the supreme legislative au
; tliority of the <iovernment, on its own
terms*and at its own discretion. If
representation in (,'ongres and jiartici-1
patioii in th'Governmeiu wo -simply
privileges con ferns 1 and iield by favor,
i his statement might haw tie- merit of,
plausibility. But n presentation is iin
der the Coil-titution not only expressly
rccogniz-' as a right, but it is imposed :
as a duty ; and it is e--entiai in both J
aspects to the existence of the Govern-'
meat and the maintenance >f it- an-j
tiiority. in free governments fmida- j
ineiita! and esscnliai right- cannot lie'
forfeited, except against individuals j
by due process of law ; nor ran const i- J
; tutionalduties and obligation.- ileitis-'
l carded or laid aside. The enjoyment j
; of rights may be for a time suspended j
j by the failure to claim them, and du- j
! ties may be evaded by the refusal to i
I perform them. The withdrawal of
j their members from Congress by the!
; States which resisted the General Gov- j
i crnment, was among their aels of in-|
! surrection—was one of the means and !
j agencies by which they sought to im
pair ihe authority and defeat the action i
of the Government; and that act was •
annulled and rendered void when the
insurrection itself was suppressed. Nci
ther the right of representation nor the i
■ duty to be rejiresented was in the Ica-t ■
: impaired by the fact of insurrection;
■ but il may have been that by reason of
! the insurrection theconditioiison which
| the enjoy ment of that rigid and the per
formance of that duty for the time de
pended could not lie fulfilled. This
was, in fact, the case. An insurgent
! power, in the exercise of usurped and
unlawful authority, had prohibited
| within the territory under its control,
that allegiance to the Constitution and
I laws of the United States which is made
| by that fundamental law the essential
| condition of representation in its (iov
ernment. No man within the insur
' gent .States wasallowed to takelhcoath
i to support the Constitution of the Uni
• toil States, and, as a neces-ar\ conse
j quence, no man could lawfuby repre
| sent those States in the councils of the
| Union. But this was only an obstacle
I to the enjoyment ofthe right and to
I the discharge of a duty—it did not an
nul the one nor abrogate tiieotlier; and
il ceased to exist when the usurpation
by which it was created had been over
thrown, and the States had again resu
med their allegiance to the Constitu
tion and the laws of the United States.
Second. —But it is asserted in support
, of the authority claimed by tiie Con
gress, now in possession of power, that
it flows directly from the laws of war;
that it is among the rights which vic
torious war always confers upon the
conqueror-, and which the conqueror
may exercise or waive in his own dis
cretion. To i his we reply that the laws
in qui st ion relate solely, so far as the
rights they confer are concerned, to
wars wag- si between alien and inde
pendent nations, andean have no place
or for-e, in this regard, in a war waged
j by a Government to quell an insur
rection of its own people, upon its own
soil, against itsaml.c lily, if we had
carrii-tlon suecessful war agai nstany for
; eign nation, we might thereby have ac
quired posse.- .ion ant' juri -diet oil of
■ their soil, with the right to i n!'o;ceour
laws upon tin- people and to impose
upon them -uch laws and obligations
ias we might choose. But we 1. d be
fore the war complete jurisdiction over
the soil of the Southern 8t:;t-s, limited
only by our own Constitution. Our
laws wi re the only national laws in J
force upon it. The Government of the :
United States was the only Govern
ment through which those Staies and
their people had relations with foreign
nations, and its flag was the only Hag
by which they were ree- gnized or
known anywhere on the face of the]
earth. In all these respects, a-.d in till
other ro.-peels involving naiio: al inter
cuts ami right-, our po.-.- —ion was per
fect and complete, it did not need to
be acquired, but only to b>. maintained;
and victorious war against tin rebellion
could do nothing more, than maiiUain
it. It con. d only vindicate suid re-es
tablish the disputed supreniacy of the j
Constitution. It could neither enlarge j
nor diminish the authority which that
Constitution confers upon the Govern
ment by which it was achieved. Such I
an enlargement or abridgement of con- ]
stitutional power can be effected only
by amendment of the Constitution it
self, and such amendnientscan he made ]
only in the modes which the Constitu- ]
tion itselt prescribes. The claim that:
the suppression of an insurrection a-j
gainst the Government gives addition- ;
at authority and power to that Govern
ment, especially tii.it it enlarges the ju-1
risdiction of Congress, and gives that
body tic right *> exclude Suites from
representation in the national councils, j
without which the nation itself can
have no autliority and no existence;
seems to us at variance alike with the
principles of the Con titution and with j
the public safety.
Third, But it'is alleged that in cer-!
tain particulars tin* Constitution of tiie ]
United States fails to secure theabso-j
lute justice and impartial "equality |
which tiicprlnciifli'sofourGovernment ;
re< pi ire, that it was in this respect the
result of compromises and coneessions, ]
to which, however necessary when the;
Constitution was formed, we are no ■
longer compelled to submit, and that j
now, having the power, through sue-]
cessful war and just warrant, for its ex- i
erei.se in the hostile conduct of the in-!
surgent section, the actual Government ]
ofthe United States may impose its]
own conditions, and make the Co nst i- j
tution conform in all its provisions to ]
its own ideasof equality and the rights !
of man. Congress, at its last session, ]
iwiwl univurluu-nt- to tin- Vom-titu- |
tion, enlarging in some very important
particulars the authority of the Goner- j
al (iovernment overthatof the several j
; States, and reducing, by indirect dis
franclii.-cment, the rejtresentative pow
er of the States, in which Slavery for
merly existed; and it is claimed that i
these amendments may he made valid
as parts of the original Constitution
without the concurrence of the State
to be most seriously affected by them, f
or may be imposed upon those Stales
by three-fourth- of the remaining
Slates, as conditions of their re-ad in is-;
sion to representation in Congress and
in tiie Electoral College.
It i- the unquestionable right of the
people of the United States to make
such changes in the Constitu ion a- they
upon due deliberation, may deem ex
pedient. But we insist that they shall
be made in the mode which the Con-;
.-titution itself points out—in confor
mity with tiie letter and the spirit of
that instrument and with the princi
ples of self-government and of equal ]
rights which lie at the basis of our re
publican institutions. We deny the;
right of Congress to make these chang
es in the fundamental law without the
concurrence of three-fourths of all the !
States, including especially those to be,
most seriously affected by them or to
impose them upon State or people, as
conditions of representation or of ad
mission to any of the rights, duties or]
obligations which belong under the
Constitution to all the States alike.
And with still greater emphasis do we]
deny the right of any poition ofthe
States excluding the restol' States from
any share in tlu-ir councils, to propose!
or sanct ion changes in the Constitution '
which are to affect permanently their
political relations and control or coerce
the legitimati action of the several
members of thecomnion Union, Such
an exercise of power is simply an usur
pation, just as warrantable n hen exer
cised by Northern States as it would be
if exercised by Southern, and not to he
fortified or palliated by anything in the
past history, cither of those by whom
it is atteinpted jor of those upon whose l
rights and liberties it is to take effect.
It finds no warWnt in the Constitution,
it is at war with the fundamental prin
ciples of our form of government. If]
tolerated in one instance, it becomes;
tlu* precedent for future invasions of
liberty and constitutional right depend-!
ent solely upon t In? * will of the parry]
in possession of power, and thus lead-,
by direct and necessary sequence, to
the most fatal and intolerable of all
tyrannies—the tyranny of shifting and
irresponsible political factions. It is
against this, the most formidable of all
j the dangers which menace tiie stabili
' ty of free government, that the Consti
] tution of the United States was intend*
;ed most carefully to provide. We de
i uiaiul a strict and steadfast adherence
jto its provisions, in this and in this
j alone, can we find a basis of permanent
I Union and peace.
Fourth— But it is alleged, in j edifica
tion of tlie usurpation which he eon
j denms.tliat theeonditionof theSoutii
j ern .States and people is not such as
] renders safe their readmission to a
; share in the government of the eoun-
I try; that they are still disloyal in sen
timent and purpose, and that neither
] the honor, the credit, nor tlie intere-ts,
l of the nation would be safe if they
were readmitted to a share in its coun
cils. We might reply to this:
l. That we have uo right, for such
j reasons, to deny to any portion of the
States or people rig]its expressly cou-
L ferred upon them by the Constitution
{ of the United States,
i 2. That so long as their acts are those
VOL. 61.—WHOLE No. 5.362
jof loyally—so long as they conform in
all their pdblie conduct to the require
ments of the Constitution and laws—
we have 110 to exact iroin them
conformity in their sentiments and o
pinions to our own.
8. That we have no right to distrust
the purpose or the ability of the peo
pleof the Union te"protect and detend,
under all contingencies and by what
ever means may be required, its honor
and its welfare.
These would, to our judgment, be
full and conclusive answers to the pha
thus advanced for theexclusionof those
States from the Union. But we say
further, that this plea rests upon a com
plete misapprehension oran unjust per
version of existing facts.
We do not hesitate to affirm, that
there is no.sect ion of thecountry where
the Constitution and laws of the Uni
ted States find a more prompt and en
tire obedience than in those States,
and among those people who were
lately in arms against them; or where
there is less purpose or less danger 01
any future attempt to overthrow their
authority. It would seem to be both
natural and inevitable that, in States
and sections so recently swept by the
whirlwind of war, where all the ordi
nary modes and methods of organized
industry have been broken tt]>, and tin?
bonds and influences thatguarantee so
cial order have beet) destroyed—where
thousuudsand tens of thousands of tur
bulent spirits have been suddenly loos
ed from tiie discipline of war, and
thrown without resources or restraint
upon a disorganized and chaotic socie
ty, and y here the keen sense of defeat
is added to the overthrow of ambition
and hope, scenes of violence should de
fy for a time the imperfect discipline
of law, and excite anew the fears and
forebodings of the patriotic and well
deposed, it is unquestionably true
that local disturlnmces of this kind,
conipaniedby more or less of violence,
do still occur. But they are confined j
entirely to the cities and larger towns j
of the Southern States, where dillercnt i
races and interests are brought most j
eiosely in contact, and where passions ;
and resentmenis are always must easi
ly fed and fanned intq outbreak; and
even there they tire quite as much the j
fruit of untimely aim hurtful political 1
agitation as of any hostility on the pari j
of the people to the authority of the i
National <Jovernment.
But thecoucurrcnt testimony of those ;
best acquainted with the condition of
society and the state of public senti
ment in the South—including that of
its representatives in this Convention —
establishes the fact that the grea mass
of the Southern people accept with as
full and sincere sal.mission as do the
people of the other Suites, the re-estah
iislied supremacy ot the national au
thority, and arf-prepared, in the most
loval spirit, and with a zeal quicken d
alike by their interest and their pride,
toco-operate with other States and see- j
thins in whatever may he nects-ary
to deft nd the rights, maintain the hon
or ami promote the welfare ol our com
mon country. History affords no in
stance where a people, so powerful in
numbers, in resources and in public
spirit, after a war so long in its dura
tion. so destructive in its progress, and
i„lv, l —>,• in its ir-rOM*, lillVV (Urfpllfl
defeat and its consequences with so
much of good faith as has marked the
conduct of the people lately in insur
rection against the tinted States. Be
yond all question this lias been large y
due to the wise generosity with whicii
their enforced surrender was accepted
by the 1 resident of the United Stares
and the Generals in immediate com
mand of their armies, and to the liber
al measures which were aiterward ta
ken to restore order, tranquility and
law to the States where aii had for the
time been overthrown. No steps could
have been better calculated t* com
mand the respect, win the confidence,
revive tiie patriotism and secure the
permanent ami affectionate allegiance
of the people of the South to the Con
stitution and laws of the Union, than
those which have been so firmly taken
and steadfastly pursued by the Presi
dent of the 'United States. And if
that confidence and loyalty have been
since impaired: if the people of the
South are to-day less cordial in their
allegiance than they wereimmediateiy
upon the close of the war, we believe
it is due to the changed loncof Ihe Leg
islative Department of the General
Government toward them ; to the ac
tion Irv which Congress has endeavor
ed to supplant and defeat the Presi
dent's wise and beneficent policy of
restoration; to their exclusion from all
participation in our common Govern
ment ; to the withdrawal from them of
rights conferred and guaranteed by the
Constitution, and to the evident pur
poses of Congress, in the exorcise of a
usurped and unlawful authority, to re
duce them from the rank of free and e
qtia! members of a Republic of States,
with rights and dignities unimpaired,
to the condition of conquered provin
ces and a conquered people,inall tilings
subordinate and subject to the will ol
their conquerors; free only to obey
laws in making which they are not id
lowed to share.
No people lias ever yet existed whose |
loyalty and faith such treatment long
continued would not alienate and im
pair. And the ten millions of Ameri
eaus who live in tiie South would be
unworthy citizens of •<% free country,
degenerate sons "fan heroic ancestry,
un tit ever to become guardians of the!
rights and liberties bequeathed to us
bv the fat hern and founders of this re- ;
public, if they would acce,f, with tin- !
complaining submissivem -s, tiie liu
miliation thus sought to he imposed ,
upon them. Resentment of injustice
is always and everywhere essential to
freedom; and the spirit which prompts
the States and people lately in insur
rection, hut insurgent now no longer,
to protest against the imposition of un
just and degrading conditions, makes
them all the more worthy to share in
tlu* government of a free common
wealth and gives still iirmer assurance
of the future power and freedom of the
Repubiie. For whatever rcsponsibiii
| ty the Southern people may have in
curred in resisting the authority oi the
National (ioverninent and in taking
up arms for its overthrow, they may
be held to answer as individuals, he
fore the judicial tribunals of the laud;
and for that conduct, as societies and
organized communities, they have al
ready paid the most fearful penalti -s
that Van fall on offending States in the
losses, the sufferings' and humiliations
of unsuccessful war. But whatever ,
! may lie the guilt or the punishment of
tlie'conscious authors of the insurrec
tion, candor and common justice de
j in.md the concession that the great
mass of those who became involved in
j its responsibility acted upon what they
I beiievedTo be their duty in defence of
i what they had been taught to believe
their rights, or under compulsion,
I physical and moral, which they were
I powerless to resist. Isor can itbea
| miss to remember that, terrible as
have been the bereavements and Josses
1 of this war, they have fallen exclusive
ly upon neither |.arty —that they have
lallen, indeed, with lar greater weight
upon those with whom the war began;
that n the death of relatives : ,rd
f. lends, the dispersion of families, the
! oisrupnOii oi social sjsit inn ai.u social
ties, me overthrow 01 governments, of
law and order, the destruction of pro
periy and ol iornis and the modes and
. means of industry, the loss ol politic I,
I commercial, and moral influence, in
every shape and form which great ca-
I lamiiies can assume, the States and
! people which engaged in the war a
igam-t thetioveriimeiit ol the t nited
i ."States have sullcrcd teniold more than
those who remained in allegiance to its
! v (institution and laws,
i These considerations may not as thev
' certainly ilo not.jttstiiy tiie action of
the people ol the insuigent States; but
no just or generous mind w iil rei use to
ti.etu very eoiisnienitile weight in de
teruiiniiigtheiineotcontluei which the
Government oJ the liiiu (lsiaU sshotud
pursue towards tin to.
'1 hey accept, it not with alacrity, cer
tainly without sttiieti resentment, the
defeat and overthrow the\ liave.-ustain
.d. ft ley acknowledge and acquiesce
in the results to them and the country,
which that defeat involves. They no
•oiiger claim lor any .'stale the right
io secede iroiii the L nioti; tliey no long
ei assert lor any stateanailegiati'v j ara
mountto that which is due to the Gen
eral Uoveriiment. They have accepted
.lie destruction of slavery, abolished it
by their Mate constitutions, and con
curred with the Stales and people of
the whore ITiion in prohibiting ns ex
istence forever upon
the jurisdiction of the United .States,
l'liey indicateandevince their purpose,
just so last as may be [lossibieanii sale, to
adopt tlitir donieslic taws to the chang
ed condition ol tin ir society, and to se-
cure by the Jaw and its tribunals equal
and impartialjustice to all classes of
ineir iniiabitaiiis. 'J hey admit the in
vaiidity ot ail acts ol leststanee to the
national autliority, and ol <lll debt-- in
curred 111 attempting its overthrow,
fhey avow their willingness to share
llie burdens and discharge ail the duties
and obligations which rest upon them,
in common with other chad? and other
sections of the Union; and they renew,
through their representatives in this
Convention, >.v ah their puhlieconduct,
111 every way and by the most solemn
acts hy winch Mates and societies can
[sedge their faith, llieir engagement to
hear true faitn and aiiegiance, through
ail time to conn-, to toe 1 oiisiituwon of
ilie United Males, and to liit* Jaws mat
may lie made in pursuance, thereof.
Fkklow -iXiL'.NTKVAi kn : we rail upon
you, 111 lull reliance upon your intelli
gence ami your patriotism, to aenjt,
with genet oils and ungrudging confi
dence, ihis lull surrender on the part of
those lately 111 arms against your aw
tfiority, and to snare with tnein t!:e
nonor'aud renown mat await those who
oring back peace ami concord to jarring
.states. The war just closed, with ail its
sorrows and disasters, hasopened a new
career ol giory to the nation it has sav
ed. it has swept away the hostilities of
sentiment ami of interest wliicli were a
standing menace to its peace. It has
destroyed the institution ol slavery,al
ways a cause ot sectional agitation and
slnie. and has opened tor our coun
try the way 10 unity of interest, of prin
ciple and 01 action through all time to
c ane. it has developed in both sections
a military capacity—an aptitude lor a
chievenieinsof war, both hy sea and
land, beiore unknowueven toourseives,
| ami destined 10 exercise nerearter, under
| united com.cits, ; n important influence
upon the character and destiny ot the
continent and the world. And while
it has thus revealed, disciplined and
Coin pact etl our power, it has proved to
u> beyond controversy or doubt, hy die
course pursued toward both contending
section:-by foreign Powers, tnat wimu-t
he the guardians of our own iudepon
•deuce, and that the principles of repub
lican tfeedom we n prist hi can libd a
mong the nations of the earth 110
lriends or defenders hut ourselves.
We call upon you, therefore, hy every
consideration 01 your own dignity and
safety, and in the name of liberty
throughout the world, to complete the
w. rk of restoration and peace which
the President ol the United Stater, has
so well begun, and which the policy
ailopfdaml the principles us.-er.ed by
the pre.-eul Congress alone obstruct.
Hie time is close at hand when mem
bers ola new Congress are to be elected,
if that <.engross shall perpetuate this
policy, and, by excluding loyal Slates
and people from representation in its
halls, shall continue the usurpation by
which the legislative powers of the
Government are now exercised, com
mon prudence conipeis us to anticipate
augmented discontent, a sullen with
drawal from the duties and obligations
of the federal Government, internal
di--elision, aiitl a general collision of
sentiment- and pretensiot s which may
renew, in a -lit! more fearful shape,
the civil war from which we havejust
emerged. We call upon you to inter- '
pose your power to prevent the recur
rence' of so iranseeudant a calamity,
if 'e eat/ upon you in every Conr/reMiowtl
\ disfriet of every State, to secure the elec
tion qf numbers, irho, tr/uth rer afhu'd f-
I'ereiiees may characterize their polite ill
action, u'itt unite in recyuiziny the
ttii ; litof IV! itv STATU Ok 1111'. Un
ion To ILbI'KKSI.NTATION IN CoN
' tUKSS, AN 1> WHO Wibb A OMIT TO
sI.AT.- IN MTU Kit UKANCiI, KVKHV
I.oV AL K!: l'ltl .sKNTATl V K I'iloM KVKIIV
Sj atk iii uheyiance to the Coeermnenl
who may be found hy each J louse, in Ihe
exercise 0/ the power conferred upon it hy
; the Const it tit ion, to have heen dm y elected,
returned and <jm hjied (o a seat tin rein.
When this shun have heen done the
; Government will have been restored to
1 its integrity, tiie Constitution of the
United States will have been re-esiah
' lUlied in its full supremacy, and the
American Union wilt have again be
come what it was designed to he hy
those who formed it, a sovereign na
tion, composed of separate States, each
like itseil, moving in a distinct and in
dependt nt sphere, exercising powers
del died and reserved hy a common Con
stitution, and resting upon the assent,
the conlideiice and co-operation of all
the States and all the people subject to
its authority. Thus re-organized and
restored to their constitutional relations
; the Statesatid theG neral Government
can enter in a fraternal spirit, with a
common purpose and a common nth-r
--est upon whatever reforms the security
of personal rights, the enlargement of
popular liberty and the perteciion of
our Republican institutions may de
, mand.
The address was adopted by the un
! animous vote of tlie Convention, fol
lowed by the most enthusiastic and
long continued cheering.
1)K iNTEItS 1 INK has made many a
business man rich We ask you to try it in
| . tie •lluumsof the (Jaekttb
17 V EI IV V A RIETY AND BTYI ,E
j OF JOB PRINTING neatly executed at low
rams at The Bk.dfokd Gaxkttk office. Call and
leave your orders.