TERMS OF PUBLICATION. BEDFORD GAZETTE is published every Fri- JJT morninp by MEYERS FT MENGEL, at $2 00 per t , rum, if P aui *metlf rm advance ; $2.50 if pid : .yn nix months; $3.00 if not pain within six . ;h. All ftth*rriprion aerenits AIITST he ■tJ annually. No paper will he sent out of State unless paid for is ADVANCE, and all such . i.riptio" s W 'H invariably be discontinued at expiration of the time for which they are • s'! ADA ERT ELEMENTS for n It --.a term than . ~e mon'hs 1 EN CENTS per line for each fn (. a. Special notices one-half additional Alii -i ns "f Associations; otimtnunic ti.u.s of' ■, ! or indiv dual interest, arid notice, of mar ■ - snd deaths exceeilinc five line . ten cent's . ire. Editorial notices fifteei cents per line. '.'Cat Xo tires t>f every hi nil .and Orphans' ! ; ,ind Judicial Sale*, are required by lair jw'si died in bath fa pert published in this j All advertising due after first insertion, -•ml disc unt is made to persons advertising ,e quarter, half J car, or year, as follows: 3 months, d months. I year, j squsro - - - $ 4 jfl sft t)0 $lO 00 sijuarcs ... ft 00 900 Iti till ' -ijiinres - - - ft 00 12 00 20 00 ,-:cr column - - 14 00 20 00 |i no : clown - - - ift oO 2") 00 45 on , iuEin .... 3d oil 45 00 80 00 ae square to occupy one inch of space. 5 PRINTING, or every kind, done with , -s and dispatch. Tub Gazette Office has en refitted with a Power Press and new type. I - rytbing in the Printing line can be execu- i the most artistic manner and at the lowest ! -TERMS CASH j* Aii letters should lie addressd to MEYERS ft MENGEL. Publishers. I Atfcnncus at -£au\ SEPH W TAT;'!. ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA., will promptly! i tn collections of bounty, back pay. Ac.. ! ! business entrusted to his euro in Bedford : iljnining counties. .!■" advanced on judgments, notes, military s'ner claims. s far sale Town lots in Tatesrille, where a • Church is erected, and where a large School | shall be buiit. Farms. Land and Timber ! r ■, fr'nn one aero to 5110 acres to suit pur J 5 e nearly opposite the "M< tigel Hotel" and f Reed ft Schell. Ift.lSfifi—ly D Sit Utl'E. K F.KERR. ; IKI'E A KERR, ATTORNEYS AT LAIV BEDFORD, PA., will practice in ; jr's of Bedford and adjoining counties Of- ; Juliana st., opposite the Banking Mouse of ; I x Setoff. 1 March 2. ft ft. UIRBORROW. I Jons M'TZ. i il RBOB Ro \Y LU TZ , f ATTORNEYS AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA., .•tend promptly to all business intrusted to are Collections mnde on the shortest no i are also, regularly lie. nsed Claim Agents jive special attention to the prosecution ns against the Government f" r Pensions, !'ay. Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac. n ,Juliana street, one door South of the > •f the j gtd II use," opposite the residence of Mrs j * MEYERS | J W. DICKERSOX. | JKYERH A- DICKEUSON, AT-j 1 TORNEYS AT LAW Bedford. Pa , office j ni formally occupied by Hon AN !'■ Schell. | '• eaii or the d vicinity. Dee. 22. "05-ly*_ j r W.JAMISON, M.D., HijOODY ' , s. Pa., tenders his professional servi : • p.ople of that place and vicinity. Office j r west of Richard Langdoti a store. 2t. '6s—ly kit. .1. L. NIARI'.OUKG, liiiving ! ' rmaneotly located, respectfully tenders , n,nal services to Hie eituen* of Bedtord . • 1 Juliana street, eastaide. nearly opjaisite House of Heed ft Schell. rd Feb; uary 12. 1564. | .1 G. MINMI'H. JR., kii ,\ T ISTS, BEDFORD, PA. the Bank Building. Juliana St. ' T - itions pertaining to Surgical or Me- I'entistry carefully performed, and war- j i T.ith Powders and mouth Washes, ex- , lea. always ot, hand. Terms — CASH r 1. January 6, 1885. ; j GEO. ('. DOUGLAS, liosjki'ct l' y tenders his professional services to the 1 !! ll'ord and vieit ity. ' i at Maj. Wasbabaugh'a. Jtr.fi T.an!tcrs. iUu, I j. J. KWU, ; }> Ki: D A N I)' SC H K is L, ' i Hankers and •U, ER 8 1 N KXCH AN fJ E, BEDFORD. PA., ■AFTS bought and sold, collections made Hn,i taptly remitted. ■ -elicited. ' ft IT- O E. BBASSOX r BENEPICT ]> I'i', SHANNON A CO., BANK-! R ERS, Bedford, Pa. 'A OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. TlOXSmad# for the East. Wcs'. North; : ■ i the general business of Exyhauge ••I. Notes and Accounts Collected and - - promptly made. REAL LSTAIE, • ! s,,|,t. ' Oct 20, 1885. : i I BORDER, t STREET, rwo HOOKS WEST OF THE RF.D t'!.. Krdfohd. PA. ' JAKLR AND DEALER IN JEWEL RY. SPECTACLES. ftC. t - or. Land a stork of fine Gold and Sil- W. Spectacles of Brilliant Double Rc ' also S,;otch Pebble Glasses. Gold 'tin-. Breast Pins. Finger Rings, best ('Sold Pen-. He will supply to order " in Lis line not on hand. - !l - !565- i) K. ANDERSON, • '" 'I sSnrii i ner utol I '<>nv< jfnitfrr, • ' fHi Vtt.LE. BEDFORD Col .\TV. !•., ... t . ''o the writing of Deeds, Mortgages, Article of Agreement, and all business r *nnc!ed by a Scrivener and Conveyan- ? c I'Btmaage of the public is respectfully BY MEYERS & MENGEL. (The dfot'il (Clazftfr. RESTORATION AND PEACE. Results of the National Union Convention. ADDKILSS TO AM. TtlF. (*Kol>l,i: 4>F Till: I'M OX. In tlie National Union Convention at Philadelphia, on Thursday. Hon. Hen ry.]. Raymond, of New York, on be half of the Committee of two from each State and Territory of the United States', apjiointcd on the previous day, reported the following address, which bad been approved and recommended by the unanimous vote of the ('om 111 it tee : TO "THE PEOIM.i: <>;• TIIK EXITED . STATES. Having met in Convention, at the City of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, this l(th day of August, lHiti, as the representatives of the peo ple in a'l sections, and from all the States and Territories of the Union, to consult upon the condition and the wants of our common country, wo ad dress to you this declaration of our Principles, and of the Political Purpo ses we seek to promote. Since the meeting of the last Nation al Convention, in the year of iB6O, e vents have occurred which have chang ed the character of our internal poli ties, and given the United States a new place among the nations of the earth. Our Government has passed through the vicissitudes and the jierils of civil war a war wli.ch, though mainly see tionai in its character, has never-the less, decided political differences that from the very beginning of the Gov ernment hud threatened the unity of our national existence, and lias left its impress deep and ineffaceable upon all the intero.-t.s, the sentiments, and the destiny of the republic. While it lias inllicted upon the whole country se vere losses in life and in property* and has imposed burdens which must weigh 011 its resources for generations to come, it has developed a degree of national courage in the presence of na tional danger-—a capacity for military organization and.achievement, and a devotion on the partofthe people to the form of government whieh they have ordained, and to the principles of lib erty which that government was de signed to promote, which must con firm the confidence of the nation in the I erpetuity of its republican institu tions, and command the respect of the civilized world. Like all great contests which rouse the passions and test the endurance of nations, this war has given new scope to the ambition of political parties, and fivsh Impulse to plans of innovation and reform. Am idst the chaos of con flicting sentiments inseperable from such an era, while the public heart is keenly alive to all the passions that can sway the public judgment and af fect the public action; while the wounds of war are st iil fresh and bleeding on either side, and fears for the future take unjust proportions from the mem ories and resentments of the past, it is a difficult but an imperative duty which, on your behalf, we, who are here ;u-cui?>!ed, have undertaken to perform. For the first time after six long years of alienation and of conflict, we have come ogether from every State and every section of our land, as citizens of a common country, under that llag, the symbol again of common glory, to consult together how best (<> cement and perpetuate that Union which is a gain tla* object of our common love, and thus secure the blessings of iiberty toourselves and our posterity. I. In the first place, we invoke you to remember always and everywhere, that the war is ended and the nation is again at ponce. The shock of contend ing arms no longera-sails the shudder ing heart of the Republic. The insur rection against the supreme authority ofthe nation has been suppressed, and that authority has been again acknowl edged, by word and act, in every S ale and by every citizen within its juri-- diction. We are no longer required or permitted to regard or treat each other ascnomiis. Not only have the acts of war been discontinued, and the wea pon- of war laid aside, but the state of war no longer exists, and the senti ments, the passions, the relations of war have no longer lawful or rightful place anywhere throughout our broad domain. We are again people of the United States, fellow-citizens of one country, hound by the duties and obligations of a common patriotism, and having neither rights nor interests apart from a common destiny. The duties that devolve upon us now are again the duties of peace, and 110 long er the duties of war. We have assem bled here to take counsel concerning the interests of peace—to decide how we may most wisely and effectually heal the wounds the war has made, and perfect and perpetuate the benefits it has secured, and the blessings which, under a wise and benign Providence, have sprung up in its fiery track. This is the work, not of passion, hut of cairn ami sober judgment, not of re sentment for past offences prolonged beyond the limits which justice and reason prescribe, but of a liberal states manship which tolerates what it can not prevent, and builds its plans and its hopes for the future rather upon a community of interest and ambition than upon'distrust and the weapon of force. 11. In the next place, we call upon von to recognize in their full signifi cance, ami to accept with all their le gitimate consequences, the political re sults of the war just closed. In two most important particulars the victory achieved by the National Government has been final and decisive. First, it has established beyond all further con troversy, and by the highest of all hu man sanctions, the absolute suprema cy of the National Government, as de fined and limited by the Constitution oft he United States, and the perma nent integrity and indissolubility of the Federal Union as a necessary con sequence: and, /, it lias put an end finally and forever to the existence of slavery upon the soil or within the jurisdiction ofthe United States. Both tbc-e points Itecame directly involved in the contest, and controversy upon both was ended absolutely and finally bv the result. 111. In the third place, we deem it 1 ofthe utmost importance that the real character of the war and the victory by which it was closed should lie accu rately understood. The war was car ried on by the Government ofthe Uni ted States in maintenance of its own authority and in defence of its own ex istenee, bdth of which were menaced j by the insurrection which it sought to suppress. The suppression of that in surrection accomplished that result. - The Government of the United States maintained by force of arms the su preme authority over all the territory; and over all the States and people within its jurisdiction; which the ('on :-dilution confers upon it: but it acquir t tl tlieretiy no new power, no enlarged : jurisdiction, no rights either of territo rial possession or of civil authority which it did not possess before the re bellion. broke out. All the ritrhtfu! power it can ever possess is that which is conferred upon it, either in express terms or by fair and necessary implica tion, by the Constitution of United States. It was that p/iwerantl that au thority which the rebellion sought to overthrow, ami the victory of t lie Fed eral arms was simply the defeat <>f that attempt. The Government of the Ig nited States acted throughout tiie war on the defensive, it sought only to hold possession of what was already its own. Neither the war, nor the victo ry by which il was close 1, changed in any way the < '(institution of the United Slates. The war was carried on by virtue of its provisions, and under the limitations which they prescribed; and the result of the war did not either en large, abridge, or in any way change or affect the powers it confers upon the Federal Government, or release that Government from the restrictions which it has imposed. The < of the United States is to-day precisely as it was boforethe war, the "supreme Jaw of the land, anything in the Constitution or law of any State to the contrary notwith standing;" and to-day, also, precisely as U'forc the war, "ail the powers not conferred by the Constitution upon the General Government, nor prohibited by it to the State-, are 13 served to the several States, or to the people there of." This position is vindicated not only by the essentia! nature of our Govern ment, and the language and spirit of the Constitution, but by all the acts 1 and the language of our Government,! in all its departments, and at all times from the outbreak of the rebellion to | its linal overthrow. In every message ami proclamation of the Executive it was explicitly declared that the sole object and purpose of the war wit- to maintain the authority of the ('onstitu tion and to preserve the integrity of the Union; and Congress more than once reiterated this solemn declara tion, and added the assurance that i whenever the object should be attain eel the war should cease, and all the Slates should retain their equal rights ami dignity unimpaired. It is only since the .war was closed that other rights have been asserted 011 behalf of one department of the Gener al Government. It has been proclaim-, ed by Congress that, in addition to the powers conferred upon it by the Con stitution, the Federal Government. may now claim over the States, the' territory and the people involved in ! the insurrection, the rights of war—the ; right of conquest and of confiscation,! the right to abrogate all'existing gov ernments, institutions and laws, and lo subject the territory conquered and its inhabitants to such laws, regula tions and deprivations as the legisla tive department of the Government may see fit to impose. Under this broad and sweeping claim, tiiat clause of the Constitution which provides that "no State shall without its eon sent be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate of the United States,''has been annulled, and ten States have been refused, ami are still refused, rep resentation altogether in both branches of the Federal Congress. And 1 lie t "on gross in which only a part of the States and of the people of the Union are rep resented has asserted the right thus to exeludethe rest from representation, and from all share in making their own laws or choosing their own rulers un til they shall complv with such condi tions and perform such act.% as this Congress thus composed may itself prescribe. That right has not only wen asserted, but it has b"eti exercis ed, and is practically enforced at the present time. Nor dues it timl any support in the theory that the States ' litis excluded are in rebellion against :he Government, and arc therefore precluded from sharing its authority. They are not thus in rebellion. They are one and all in an attitude of loyal ty toward the Government, and of sworn allegiance to the Constitution of the United States. In no one of them is the slightest indication of resistance to this authority, or the slightest pro test against itsjust and binding obliga tion. This condition of renewed loy alty has been wtliciaily recognized by solemn proclamation of the Executive Department. The laws of the United States have been extended by Congress over all these Btates and the people thereof. Federal Courts httve been re opened and Federal taxes imposed and levied. And in every respect, except that they are denied representation in Congress and Electoral College, 'he States once in rebellion are recognized as holding the same position, as owing the same obligations, and subject to the same duties as the other States of our common Union. I! seems to us, in the exercise of the calmest and most candid judgment we can bring to the subject, that such a claim, so enforced, involves as lata! an overthrow of the authority of the Con stitution, and as complete a destruction .!'the Government and Union, a-that which was sought to be effected by tne States and people in armed insurrec tion against them both. It cannot es cape observation that the power thus asserted to exclude certain States from representation, i- made to rest wholly iu'the will and discretion of the Con gress that asserts it. It is not made to depend upon any specified conditions ur circumstances nor to In* subject to any rules or regulations whatever. — The right asserted and exercised is ab solute, without qualification Or restric tion not confined to States in rebellion, nor to States that have rebelled; it is the right of any Congress in formal possession of legislative authority to exclude any State or States, and any portion of the people thereof, at any time from representation in Congress and in the Electoral College, at its own discretion and until they shall perform such acts and comply With such condi tions as it may dictate. < >bvions!y, the reasons' for such exclusion, being whol ly within the discretion of Congress, may change as the Congress itselt shall change. One Congress may exclude a State froth all share in the Government for one reason, and that reason remov ed, the next Congress may exclude it for another. One Stale may be exclu ded on one ground to-day and another BEDFORD, PA.. FRIDAY MORNING. AUGUST 31, 1866 may be excluded on the opposite ground to-morrow. Northern a.-.t-end unry may exclude Southcrit Suites from one Ctfliuress —the ascendc.ncy of Western or of Soutiteni interest-,or of both combined may exeludethe Nortli ern or the Eastern States from the next. Improbable as such usurpations ■ may seem, the establish men t of the principle now as-orted and aeted upon by Congress will render tinm by no means impossible. The character, in , deed the very existence of Congress and the Union is tlm- made dependent solely and entirely upon the party and sectional exigencies, or the forbearance of the hour. We need not stop to show that such ; action not only find - no warrant in the Constitution, hut is at war with every principle of our (Jo vera incut, and with the very existence of free institutions. It i-. indeed, the identical practice ! which lias rendered fruitless ail at tempts hitherto, to establish an.l main tain free Governments in Mexico and | the States of South America Party; ; necessities assert themselves as superi or to the fundamental law, which i* set aside in reckless obedienct to their I bche-ts. Stability, whether in the ex -1 ercisc of power, in the adrninistratioii ! of Government, or in th? enjoyment of right-, becomes impossible; and the j conflicts of pariy, which, under consti tutionnl Govern men fs, arc theeondi , tionsan.l moans of political progress. 1 are merce'd in the eonfliets of arms to ' : which they directly and inevitably ! tend. It was against this peril, so con- pic- j i nous and so fatai to ail free Gove n-: ! ment, that our constitution was intend- . led espei ic.liy to provide. Not only the ; stability, bat the very existence of the j | Government is made*by its provisions to depend upon the right and the fact !of representation. The Congress, upon i which is conferred all the legislative i power of the National Government, j consists of two branches, the Senate i : ami House of Representatives, whose j joint concurrence or assent is essential to the vailidity of any law. Of these, ! the House of-Representatives, savstlie i Constitution, (article 1, section 2), j "shall be composed of members chosen ! every second year by the people of the several States." Not only is the rirht | of representation thus reeojgnized as ■ posses-ed by all tlse States and by eve ry State without restriction, qualiiiea- ' (ion or condition of any kind, but the | duty of choosing representatives i- im- I posed upon the people of each and j dvery State alike, without distinction, ! or the authority to make distinctions ; among them, for any reason or upon any grounds whatever. And in the Senate, so careful is the Constitution to secure to every State this right of representation it is expressly provided that "no State shall, without its con sent, be deprived of its equal suffrage" in that body, even by an amendment of the Constitution itself. When, therefore, any State is excluded from | such representation, not only is a right 1 of the State denied, but the constitu- I tionai integrity ofthe Senate is im | paired, and the validity of the Govern ! meat itself is brought in question.— But Congress at the present moment ' thus excludes from representation, in , both hriinchi'S of Congress. t< n Stutc.- ailegeii, First, That these St-ati l>y the act of rebellion and by voluntarily witiulraw- | ing their members from Congress, for feited lheir right of rcprc ciUation, and taey can only receive it again at tlu haiids of the supreme legislative au ; tliority of the f it- an-j tiiority. in free governments fmida- j ineiita! and esscnliai right- cannot lie' forfeited, except against individuals j by due process of law ; nor ran const i- J ; tutionalduties and obligation.- ileitis-' l carded or laid aside. The enjoyment j ; of rights may be for a time suspended j j by the failure to claim them, and du- j ! ties may be evaded by the refusal to i I perform them. The withdrawal of j their members from Congress by the! ; States which resisted the General Gov- j i crnment, was among their aels of in-| ! surrection—was one of the means and ! j agencies by which they sought to im pair ihe authority and defeat the action i of the Government; and that act was • annulled and rendered void when the insurrection itself was suppressed. Nci ther the right of representation nor the i ■ duty to be rejiresented was in the Ica-t ■ : impaired by the fact of insurrection; ■ but il may have been that by reason of ! the insurrection theconditioiison which | the enjoy ment of that rigid and the per formance of that duty for the time de pended could not lie fulfilled. This was, in fact, the case. An insurgent ! power, in the exercise of usurped and unlawful authority, had prohibited | within the territory under its control, that allegiance to the Constitution and I laws of the United States which is made | by that fundamental law the essential | condition of representation in its (iov ernment. No man within the insur ' gent .States wasallowed to takelhcoath i to support the Constitution of the Uni • toil States, and, as a neces-ar\ conse j quence, no man could lawfuby repre | sent those States in the councils of the | Union. But this was only an obstacle I to the enjoyment ofthe right and to I the discharge of a duty—it did not an nul the one nor abrogate tiieotlier; and il ceased to exist when the usurpation by which it was created had been over thrown, and the States had again resu med their allegiance to the Constitu tion and the laws of the United States. Second. —But it is asserted in support , of the authority claimed by tiie Con gress, now in possession of power, that it flows directly from the laws of war; that it is among the rights which vic torious war always confers upon the conqueror-, and which the conqueror may exercise or waive in his own dis cretion. To i his we reply that the laws in qui st ion relate solely, so far as the rights they confer are concerned, to wars wag- si between alien and inde pendent nations, andean have no place or for-e, in this regard, in a war waged j by a Government to quell an insur rection of its own people, upon its own soil, against itsaml.c lily, if we had carrii-tlon suecessful war agai nstany for ; eign nation, we might thereby have ac quired posse.- .ion ant' juri -diet oil of ■ their soil, with the right to i n!'o;ceour laws upon tin- people and to impose upon them -uch laws and obligations ias we might choose. But we 1. d be fore the war complete jurisdiction over the soil of the Southern 8t:;t-s, limited only by our own Constitution. Our laws wi re the only national laws in J force upon it. The Government of the : United States was the only Govern ment through which those Staies and their people had relations with foreign nations, and its flag was the only Hag by which they were ree- gnized or known anywhere on the face of the] earth. In all these respects, a-.d in till other ro.-peels involving naiio: al inter cuts ami right-, our po.-.- —ion was per fect and complete, it did not need to be acquired, but only to b>. maintained; and victorious war against tin rebellion could do nothing more, than maiiUain it. It con. d only vindicate suid re-es tablish the disputed supreniacy of the j Constitution. It could neither enlarge j nor diminish the authority which that Constitution confers upon the Govern ment by which it was achieved. Such I an enlargement or abridgement of con- ] stitutional power can be effected only by amendment of the Constitution it self, and such amendnientscan he made ] only in the modes which the Constitu- ] tion itselt prescribes. The claim that: the suppression of an insurrection a-j gainst the Government gives addition- ; at authority and power to that Govern ment, especially tii.it it enlarges the ju-1 risdiction of Congress, and gives that body tic right *> exclude Suites from representation in the national councils, j without which the nation itself can have no autliority and no existence; seems to us at variance alike with the principles of the Con titution and with j the public safety. Third, But it'is alleged that in cer-! tain particulars tin* Constitution of tiie ] United States fails to secure theabso-j lute justice and impartial "equality | which tiicprlnciifli'sofourGovernment ; re< pi ire, that it was in this respect the result of compromises and coneessions, ] to which, however necessary when the; Constitution was formed, we are no ■ longer compelled to submit, and that j now, having the power, through sue-] cessful war and just warrant, for its ex- i erei.se in the hostile conduct of the in-! surgent section, the actual Government ] ofthe United States may impose its] own conditions, and make the Co nst i- j tution conform in all its provisions to ] its own ideasof equality and the rights ! of man. Congress, at its last session, ] iwiwl univurluu-nt- to tin- Vom-titu- | tion, enlarging in some very important particulars the authority of the Goner- j al (iovernment overthatof the several j ; States, and reducing, by indirect dis franclii.-cment, the rejtresentative pow er of the States, in which Slavery for merly existed; and it is claimed that i these amendments may he made valid as parts of the original Constitution without the concurrence of the State to be most seriously affected by them, f or may be imposed upon those Stales by three-fourth- of the remaining Slates, as conditions of their re-ad in is-; sion to representation in Congress and in tiie Electoral College. It i- the unquestionable right of the people of the United States to make such changes in the Constitu ion a- they upon due deliberation, may deem ex pedient. But we insist that they shall be made in the mode which the Con-; .-titution itself points out—in confor mity with tiie letter and the spirit of that instrument and with the princi ples of self-government and of equal ] rights which lie at the basis of our re publican institutions. We deny the; right of Congress to make these chang es in the fundamental law without the concurrence of three-fourths of all the ! States, including especially those to be, most seriously affected by them or to impose them upon State or people, as conditions of representation or of ad mission to any of the rights, duties or] obligations which belong under the Constitution to all the States alike. And with still greater emphasis do we] deny the right of any poition ofthe States excluding the restol' States from any share in tlu-ir councils, to propose! or sanct ion changes in the Constitution ' which are to affect permanently their political relations and control or coerce the legitimati action of the several members of thecomnion Union, Such an exercise of power is simply an usur pation, just as warrantable n hen exer cised by Northern States as it would be if exercised by Southern, and not to he fortified or palliated by anything in the past history, cither of those by whom it is atteinpted jor of those upon whose l rights and liberties it is to take effect. It finds no warWnt in the Constitution, it is at war with the fundamental prin ciples of our form of government. If] tolerated in one instance, it becomes; tlu* precedent for future invasions of liberty and constitutional right depend-! ent solely upon t In? * will of the parry] in possession of power, and thus lead-, by direct and necessary sequence, to the most fatal and intolerable of all tyrannies—the tyranny of shifting and irresponsible political factions. It is against this, the most formidable of all j the dangers which menace tiie stabili ' ty of free government, that the Consti ] tution of the United States was intend* ;ed most carefully to provide. We de i uiaiul a strict and steadfast adherence jto its provisions, in this and in this j alone, can we find a basis of permanent I Union and peace. Fourth— But it is alleged, in j edifica tion of tlie usurpation which he eon j denms.tliat theeonditionof theSoutii j ern .States and people is not such as ] renders safe their readmission to a ; share in the government of the eoun- I try; that they are still disloyal in sen timent and purpose, and that neither ] the honor, the credit, nor tlie intere-ts, l of the nation would be safe if they were readmitted to a share in its coun cils. We might reply to this: l. That we have uo right, for such j reasons, to deny to any portion of the States or people rig]its expressly cou- L ferred upon them by the Constitution { of the United States, i 2. That so long as their acts are those VOL. 61.—WHOLE No. 5.362 jof loyally—so long as they conform in all their pdblie conduct to the require ments of the Constitution and laws— we have 110 to exact iroin them conformity in their sentiments and o pinions to our own. 8. That we have no right to distrust the purpose or the ability of the peo pleof the Union te"protect and detend, under all contingencies and by what ever means may be required, its honor and its welfare. These would, to our judgment, be full and conclusive answers to the pha thus advanced for theexclusionof those States from the Union. But we say further, that this plea rests upon a com plete misapprehension oran unjust per version of existing facts. We do not hesitate to affirm, that there is no.sect ion of thecountry where the Constitution and laws of the Uni ted States find a more prompt and en tire obedience than in those States, and among those people who were lately in arms against them; or where there is less purpose or less danger 01 any future attempt to overthrow their authority. It would seem to be both natural and inevitable that, in States and sections so recently swept by the whirlwind of war, where all the ordi nary modes and methods of organized industry have been broken tt]>, and tin? bonds and influences thatguarantee so cial order have beet) destroyed—where thousuudsand tens of thousands of tur bulent spirits have been suddenly loos ed from tiie discipline of war, and thrown without resources or restraint upon a disorganized and chaotic socie ty, and y here the keen sense of defeat is added to the overthrow of ambition and hope, scenes of violence should de fy for a time the imperfect discipline of law, and excite anew the fears and forebodings of the patriotic and well deposed, it is unquestionably true that local disturlnmces of this kind, conipaniedby more or less of violence, do still occur. But they are confined j entirely to the cities and larger towns j of the Southern States, where dillercnt i races and interests are brought most j eiosely in contact, and where passions ; and resentmenis are always must easi ly fed and fanned intq outbreak; and even there they tire quite as much the j fruit of untimely aim hurtful political 1 agitation as of any hostility on the pari j of the people to the authority of the i National ,• in its ir-rOM*, lillVV (Urfpllfl defeat and its consequences with so much of good faith as has marked the conduct of the people lately in insur rection against the tinted States. Be yond all question this lias been large y due to the wise generosity with whicii their enforced surrender was accepted by the 1 resident of the United Stares and the Generals in immediate com mand of their armies, and to the liber al measures which were aiterward ta ken to restore order, tranquility and law to the States where aii had for the time been overthrown. No steps could have been better calculated t* com mand the respect, win the confidence, revive tiie patriotism and secure the permanent ami affectionate allegiance of the people of the South to the Con stitution and laws of the Union, than those which have been so firmly taken and steadfastly pursued by the Presi dent of the 'United States. And if that confidence and loyalty have been since impaired: if the people of the South are to-day less cordial in their allegiance than they wereimmediateiy upon the close of the war, we believe it is due to the changed loncof Ihe Leg islative Department of the General Government toward them ; to the ac tion Irv which Congress has endeavor ed to supplant and defeat the Presi dent's wise and beneficent policy of restoration; to their exclusion from all participation in our common Govern ment ; to the withdrawal from them of rights conferred and guaranteed by the Constitution, and to the evident pur poses of Congress, in the exorcise of a usurped and unlawful authority, to re duce them from the rank of free and e qtia! members of a Republic of States, with rights and dignities unimpaired, to the condition of conquered provin ces and a conquered people,inall tilings subordinate and subject to the will ol their conquerors; free only to obey laws in making which they are not id lowed to share. No people lias ever yet existed whose | loyalty and faith such treatment long continued would not alienate and im pair. And the ten millions of Ameri eaus who live in tiie South would be unworthy citizens of •<% free country, degenerate sons "fan heroic ancestry, un tit ever to become guardians of the! rights and liberties bequeathed to us bv the fat hern and founders of this re- ; public, if they would acce,f, with tin- ! complaining submissivem -s, tiie liu miliation thus sought to he imposed , upon them. Resentment of injustice is always and everywhere essential to freedom; and the spirit which prompts the States and people lately in insur rection, hut insurgent now no longer, to protest against the imposition of un just and degrading conditions, makes them all the more worthy to share in tlu* government of a free common wealth and gives still iirmer assurance of the future power and freedom of the Repubiie. For whatever rcsponsibiii | ty the Southern people may have in curred in resisting the authority oi the National (ioverninent and in taking up arms for its overthrow, they may be held to answer as individuals, he fore the judicial tribunals of the laud; and for that conduct, as societies and organized communities, they have al ready paid the most fearful penalti -s that Van fall on offending States in the losses, the sufferings' and humiliations of unsuccessful war. But whatever , ! may lie the guilt or the punishment of tlie'conscious authors of the insurrec tion, candor and common justice de j in.md the concession that the great mass of those who became involved in j its responsibility acted upon what they I beiievedTo be their duty in defence of i what they had been taught to believe their rights, or under compulsion, I physical and moral, which they were I powerless to resist. Isor can itbea | miss to remember that, terrible as have been the bereavements and Josses 1 of this war, they have fallen exclusive ly upon neither |.arty —that they have lallen, indeed, with lar greater weight upon those with whom the war began; that n the death of relatives : ,rd f. lends, the dispersion of families, the ! oisrupnOii oi social sjsit inn ai.u social ties, me overthrow 01 governments, of law and order, the destruction of pro periy and ol iornis and the modes and . means of industry, the loss ol politic I, I commercial, and moral influence, in every shape and form which great ca- I lamiiies can assume, the States and ! people which engaged in the war a igam-t thetioveriimeiit ol the t nited i ."States have sullcrcd teniold more than those who remained in allegiance to its ! v (institution and laws, i These considerations may not as thev ' certainly ilo not.jttstiiy tiie action of the people ol the insuigent States; but no just or generous mind w iil rei use to ti.etu very eoiisnienitile weight in de teruiiniiigtheiineotcontluei which the Government oJ the liiiu (lsiaU sshotud pursue towards tin to. '1 hey accept, it not with alacrity, cer tainly without sttiieti resentment, the defeat and overthrow the\ liave.-ustain .d. ft ley acknowledge and acquiesce in the results to them and the country, which that defeat involves. They no •oiiger claim lor any .'stale the right io secede iroiii the L nioti; tliey no long ei assert lor any stateanailegiati'v j ara mountto that which is due to the Gen eral Uoveriiment. They have accepted .lie destruction of slavery, abolished it by their Mate constitutions, and con curred with the Stales and people of the whore ITiion in prohibiting ns ex istence forever upon the jurisdiction of the United .States, l'liey indicateandevince their purpose, just so last as may be [lossibieanii sale, to adopt tlitir donieslic taws to the chang ed condition ol tin ir society, and to se- cure by the Jaw and its tribunals equal and impartialjustice to all classes of ineir iniiabitaiiis. 'J hey admit the in vaiidity ot ail acts ol leststanee to the national autliority, and ol .v ah their puhlieconduct, 111 every way and by the most solemn acts hy winch Mates and societies can [sedge their faith, llieir engagement to hear true faitn and aiiegiance, through ail time to conn-, to toe 1 oiisiituwon of ilie United Males, and to liit* Jaws mat may lie made in pursuance, thereof. Fkklow -iXiL'.NTKVAi kn : we rail upon you, 111 lull reliance upon your intelli gence ami your patriotism, to aenjt, with genet oils and ungrudging confi dence, ihis lull surrender on the part of those lately 111 arms against your aw tfiority, and to snare with tnein t!:e nonor'aud renown mat await those who oring back peace ami concord to jarring .states. The war just closed, with ail its sorrows and disasters, hasopened a new career ol giory to the nation it has sav ed. it has swept away the hostilities of sentiment ami of interest wliicli were a standing menace to its peace. It has destroyed the institution ol slavery,al ways a cause ot sectional agitation and slnie. and has opened tor our coun try the way 10 unity of interest, of prin ciple and 01 action through all time to c ane. it has developed in both sections a military capacity—an aptitude lor a chievenieinsof war, both hy sea and land, beiore unknowueven toourseives, | ami destined 10 exercise nerearter, under | united com.cits, ; n important influence upon the character and destiny ot the continent and the world. And while it has thus revealed, disciplined and Coin pact etl our power, it has proved to u> beyond controversy or doubt, hy die course pursued toward both contending section:-by foreign Powers, tnat wimu-t he the guardians of our own iudepon •deuce, and that the principles of repub lican tfeedom we n prist hi can libd a mong the nations of the earth 110 lriends or defenders hut ourselves. We call upon you, therefore, hy every consideration 01 your own dignity and safety, and in the name of liberty throughout the world, to complete the w. rk of restoration and peace which the President ol the United Stater, has so well begun, and which the policy ailopfdaml the principles us.-er.ed by the pre.-eul Congress alone obstruct. Hie time is close at hand when mem bers ola new Congress are to be elected, if that <.engross shall perpetuate this policy, and, by excluding loyal Slates and people from representation in its halls, shall continue the usurpation by which the legislative powers of the Government are now exercised, com mon prudence conipeis us to anticipate augmented discontent, a sullen with drawal from the duties and obligations of the federal Government, internal di--elision, aiitl a general collision of sentiment- and pretensiot s which may renew, in a -lit! more fearful shape, the civil war from which we havejust emerged. We call upon you to inter- ' pose your power to prevent the recur rence' of so iranseeudant a calamity, if 'e eat/ upon you in every Conr/reMiowtl \ disfriet of every State, to secure the elec tion qf numbers, irho, tr/uth rer afhu'd f- I'ereiiees may characterize their polite ill action, u'itt unite in recyuiziny the ttii ; litof IV! itv STATU Ok 1111'. Un ion To ILbI'KKSI.NTATION IN CoN ' tUKSS, AN 1> WHO Wibb A OMIT TO sI.AT.- IN MTU Kit UKANCiI, KVKHV I.oV AL K!: l'ltl .sKNTATl V K I'iloM KVKIIV Sj atk iii uheyiance to the Coeermnenl who may be found hy each J louse, in Ihe exercise 0/ the power conferred upon it hy ; the Const it tit ion, to have heen dm y elected, returned and