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Publishers.
at Caur.
JOSEPH W. TATE, ATTORNEY
f? AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA. Will promptly
attend to collections of bounty, back pay. Ac.,
and all business entrusted to his care in Bedford
and adjoining counties.
Cash advanced on judgments, notes, military
and other claims.
Has for sale Town lots in Tntcsville, and St.-
Juseph's on Bedford Railroad. Farms and unim
proved land, from one acre to 900 acres to suit
perehasers
Office nearly opposite the ••Menge! Hotel" and
Bank of Heed A Schell.
April I, Hfio —ly
ni>\VAßl> F. KERR. ATTORNEY
\ j AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will punctually
and carefully attend to all business entrusted to
bis care. .Soldiers'claims for bounty, back pay
Ac., speedily collected. Office with H. Nicode
mus. Esq.. on Juliana street, nearly opposite the
Banking House of Reed A Sehell.
April 7, 1865.
J P.. RFRBOUROW. | JOH.N LVTZ.
I\VRBO RRO \V A LI'T Z ,
} f ATTORNEYS AT LAW. BEDFORD. PA .
Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to
their care. Collections made on the shortest, no
tice.
They are. ul-o. regularly licensed Claim Agents
snd will give special attention to the prosecution
of claims against the Government for Pensions.
Bik Pay. Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac.
office on Juliana street, one door South of the
•'Mengel House." and nearly opposite the
office.
JOHN P.REED, ATTORNEY AT
el LAW. BEDFORD, PA. Respectfully tenders
his scrrices to the pnblic.
Office second door North of the Mengel House.
Bedford, Aug, 1, 1861.
| <)HN PALMER, ATTX>RNEY AT
e| LAW. BEDFOR.D, PA. Will promptly attend
to all business entrasted to his care.
Particular attention paid to the collection of
Military claims. Office on Juliana Street, nearly
opposite the Mengel House.
Bedford. Aug. 1, 1861.
i jspy M.MMP, AT rtmmEY AT
|\ LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will faithfully and
promptly attend to all business entrusted to his
arc in Bedford and adjoining counties. Military
claims, back pay, bounty, Ac., speedily collected.
Office with Mann A Spang, on Juliana street,
, i -f 1.
Jan. S3, 1864,
F. U. KLMMF.LL. | J. W- MSSAAWLTEB.
KIMMEEL & LINGENFELTER,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA .
Have formed a partnership in the practice of
the Law. Office on Juliana street, two doors South
of the Mengel House,"
/ 1 11. Si'ANG. ATTORNEY AT
\JT. LAW. BEDFORD. PA. Will promptly at
tend to collections and all business entrusted to
his care in Bedford and adjoining counties
Office on Juliana Street, three doers south of the
"Mengel House." opposite the resilience of Mrs.
Tate.
May 13, 1866.
JNO. H. FII.I.KR. J. T. faufil.
I FILLER A KEAGY have formed a
J partnership in the practice of the law At
tention paid to Pensions, Bounties and Claims
against the Government.
office on Juliana street, formerly occupied by
Hon. A. King March 31, '65.
IMtitsiriaus and pnitist.s.
| ) 11. PEXNSYL, M. I)., BLOODY
| , Rrx, Pa., (latesurgeon 56th P. V. V.,) tcn
-I>TS his professional services to the people of that
place and vicinity. Dec. 22, '65-ly#
W. JAMISON. M. It.. BItOOM
M * Ri s, Pa., tenders his professional servi
ces to the people of that place and vicinity. Office
one door west of Richard Langdon's store.
Nov. 24 . 65—ly
nu. .1. 1.. MARBOURG, Having
permanently located, respectfully tenders
ins professional services to the citizens of Bedford
sn<l vicinity.
Office on Juliana street, east side, nearly opposite
the Ranking House of Reed ,t Scbell.
Bedford, February 12. 1864.
' S.WCKOK, j J. G. MINNICH, JR.,
OE X TISTS,
BEDFORD. PA.
'•ffiep in the Bank Building. Juliana St.
Ad operations pertaining to SurgieM or Me
haniealDentistry carefully performed, and war
ranted.
Tkrms—CASH.
Bedford. January 6. 1865.
jankers.
U(oBRF.Ki. j J.J- BCHF.LL,
|) E E 1> A N D SC H ELL,
I 1 Banter* and
in: A LE KS IN EXCHANGE,
BEDFORD, PA.,
DRAFTS bought and sold, collections made and
- nicy promptly remitted.
Deposit* solicited.
H *'■ RI.MP O. E. SHANNON F. BENEDICT
I) FBP, SH ANNON & CO., BANK
II EKS, BEDFORD. PA.
BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT.
' made for the East, West, North
South, and the general business of Exchange
iru[,<acted. Notes and Accounts Collected ami
Remittances promptly made. REAL ESTATE
k'Sßtht and sold. Oct. 20. 1865.
HttisrcUancous.
hAXI EL BORDER,
PITT STREET, TWO DOORS WEST OF TIIF. BF.D
',JHL HOTEL, BEDFORD. PA.
MATCHMAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL
RY. SPECTACLES, AC.
He keeps on hand a stock of fine Gold and Sil
***" " Htcuea, Spectacle? of Brilliant Double Rc
*' • i <rla>*es. also Scotch Pebble Glasses- Gold
atch Chains, Breast Pins, F'inger Rings, best
Vality of Gold p ens . q e vrill supply to order
'y '.mug i u DO { on hand.
>-"• 20, 1865-
UF. IRVINE,
. ANDERSON'S ROW, BEDFORD, PA .
tn Boots, Shoes. Queensware. and Varie
' ' , l v"orders trom Country Merchants re
m. ' solicited.
20 ' IS * 5 -
lywil, DEFIBAUGH,Gunsmith,
Bedford, Pa Shop same as formerly occu
* <rk { n border, deceased. Having resumed
• a ' r ' , ' s "ow prepared to fill all orders for new
her & TK shortest dotice. Repairing done to or
<li,.;, a patronage of the public is respectfully
► _ oet a>. 85
.)( BEIIEA GRIND STONEB
N'OT sizes, also patent fixtures for same
at HARTLEY'S OLD STAND.
£l)c iicdforb ®ajdte.
BY MEYERS & MENGEL.
0 hf s>lclfM'tl IbiPCttf.
OIK I .OCA I. lIIKTOKY.
Ihe Indian* turn HorNe-ThirveM—Tra
•lerii Violate the Royal Proclamation
Prohibiting Trallif With the Indians-
Cap!. .lames Smith applies an Ellioiont
Correction—Hi* Affair with the Tra
der* at Sidelong Hill—Bloody Run re
ceive* it* Xante. Ac.. Ac.
Notwithstanding the treaty of peace
concluded by ( Jen. Bouquet with the In
dian-, soon after it was made the latter
began a system of horse-stealing along
the frontiers and also killed some peo
ple in the isolated settlements. Still,
traders were in the habit of supplying
the Indians with gun powder and other
military stores,though forbidden to do so
by the royal proclamation, ('apt. James
Smith, of whose captivity among the In
dians an acts >uiit lias already been given,
having returned to Bedford, after his ser
vice m oeii. ivouquer 's last expedition,
on hearing of these violations of the
king's order, determined to take the law
into ids own hands, and by force of arms,
prevent further traffic with thesavages.
His mode of procedure is thus graphic
ally described in his "Narrative:"
"Shortly after this.) Bouquet's treaty)
the Indians stole horses and killed some
people on the frontiers. The king's
proclamation was then circulating and
set up in various public places, prohib
iting any person from trading with the
Indians until furtherorders. Notwith
standing ail this, about the Ist of March,
1765, a number of wagons, loaded with
Indian goods and warlike stores, were
sent from Philadelphia to Henry Pol
lens, Conoeocheague; and front thence
seventy pack horses were loaded with
these goods in order to carry them to
*■ Fort Pitt. This alarmed the country,
and Mr. William Duffield raisi-d about
fifty armed men and met the pack-hor
ses at the place where Mereersburg now
stands. Mr. Huffield desired the cm
) plovers to store up their goods and not
proceed until further orders. They
• made light of this, and went over the
North Mountain, where they lodged in
a small valley called the Great Cove.—
Mr. Duffield and his party followed af
ter, came to their lodging, and again
urged them to store up their goods. lie
: reasoned with them on the impropriety
of their proceedings and the great dan
j ger the frontier inhabitants would be
I exposed to if the Indians should now
get a supply; he said, as it was well
known that they had scarcely any am
munition, and were almost naked, to
supply them now would be a kind of
j murder, and wouid be illegally trading
j t tiiee.vpvnov or the biooa ami treasure
!of the frontiers. Notwithstanding his
j powerful reasoning, these traders made
I game of what he said, and would only
: answer him by ludicrous burlesque.—
! When 1 beheld this, and found that Mr.
' Duffield would not compel them tostore
j up their goods, I collected ten of my
' old warriors that I had formerly disci
j plined in the Indian way, went off pri
; vately after night, and encamped in the
woods. The next dav, as usual, we
blacked and painted, and waylaid them
near Sidelong Hill. 1 scattered my men
about forty rods along the side of the
road, and ordered every two to take a
tree, and about eight or ten rods between
each couple, with orders to keep a re
served fire —one not to fire until his
comrade had loaded his gun; by this
means we kept up a constant slow fire
upon them, from front to rear. We
then heard nothing of these traders'
merriment, or burlesque. When they
saw their pack-horses falling close by
them, they called out, 'Bray, gentle
men, what would you have us to do?'
The reply was, 'Collect all your loads to
the front,and unload them in one place;
take your private property and imme
diately retire.' When they were gone,
we burnt what they left, which consist
ed of blankets, shirts, vermiilion, lead,
heads, wampum, tomahawks, scalping
knives, fec. The traders went back to
Fort Loudon, and applied to the com
manding officer there, and got a party
of Highland soldiers, and went with
them in quest of the robl>ers, as they
called us; and without applying to a
magistrate, or obtaining any civil au
thority, but barely upon suspicion, they
took a number of creditable persons
(who were chiefly not any way concern
ed in this action) and confined them in
the guard-house in Fort Loudon. I
then raised three hundred riflemen,
marched to Fort Loudon, and encamp
ed on a hill in ight of the fort. We
were not long there, until we had more
than double as many of the British
troops prisoners in our camp, as they
had of our people in the guard-house.
Captain (Irant, a Highland officer, who
commanded Fort Loudon, then sent a
flag of truce to our camp, where we set
tled a cartel, and gave them above two
for one, which enabled us to redeem all
our men from the guard-house, without
further difficulty. After this. Captain
Grant kept a number of rifle guns,
which the Highlanders had taken from
the country people, and refused to give
them up. As he was riding out one
day, we took him prisoner and detain
ed him until he delivered up the arms;
we also destroyed a large quantity of
gunpowder that the traders had stored
up, lest it might he conveyed privately
to the Indians. The king's troops, and
our party, had now got entirely out of
the channel of the civil law, and many
unjustifiable things were done by both
parties. This convinced me more than
ever I had been before, of the absolute
necessity of the civil law in order to
govern* mankind."
Smith's atfair with the traders, at
Sidelong Hill, is supposed to have giv
en Bloody Run its name, as the account
of it published, shortly after its occur-1
rence, in London, says: "The convoy j
of 80 horses loaded with goods, chiefly i
on his majesty's account as presents to j
the Indians, and part on account of in- j
dian traders, were surprised in a nar-;
row and dangerous deflle in the moun- ;
tains, by a body of armed men. A ;
number of horses were killed, and the !
whole of the goods were carried away |
by the plunderers. The rivulet was dyed j
with Mood, and ran into the settlement j
below, carrying with it the stain of |
crime upon its surface."
■
A KM: SPEECH OF
SENATOR COWAN. OF PA., I
In ileply to Senator Sumner, in Ho
le nee of l'residrut Jolinwon.
MR. COWAN— Mr. President, lam j
not disposed to allow the speech of *t,,. j
iioiiorauie ."Senator mint jueisachusftts !
(Mr. Sumner) to go to the country with- j
out a very brief reply. If that speech
be true, and if it be a correct picture of j
the South, then God help us; then this
Republic, this Union is at an end, then
the great war which we waged for the
Union was a folly; then all the blood j
and treasure which we have expended |
in that war inorderto restore ourselves j
to companionship with the people of!
the South have beeen equally follies.
But, Mr. President, is it true? Oris!
not this a series of ex parte statements j
made up by anonymous letter-writers,;
people who are down there more than 1
likely stealing cotton, people who are i
down there in the enjoyment of place
and power, people who are interested
that the disturbed condition of things 1
which exists there now shall always j
continue because they make profit of;
it ? Is there any man who has had any I
experience in the trial of causes, any :
man who knows anything about the
nature of evidence, who does not know \
that the honorable Senator could have !
sent his emissaries into any one county j
in the lately rebellious States, and gath- •
ered the expressions of knaves and fools j
and discontented, single-idead people, !
far more than he has given us in this j
speech ?
We are told here of the exceptional j
instances or bad conduct on the part of;
the people of the South. Why, what
a large volume it would take to hold all j
that! If a man were to go about any- j
where in the loyal States and hunt up |
what he might suppose to he treasona-!
ble expressions, heretical expressions, j
how many could he find? And yet
we are treated to all this here as if it |
was the wholoof thi* evidence in thecase.j
One man out of ten thousand is brutal i
to a negro, and this is paraded here as ]
a type of the whole people of theSouth,
whereas nothing is said of the other |
nine thousand nine hundred and nine- i
ty-nine men who treat the negro well, j
()ne man expresses a great deal of dis-:
satisfaction at the present state of af- 1
fairs, and that is paraded here, while i
nothing Ls said of the other ten thou-1
sand men who are contented to accept i
it and make the most of it.
What then are we to do? We are to
suppose that the people of the .South
era States lately in rebellion have com
mon sense; and when their utterances
are in accordance with what is common
sense and the dictate of their own in
terest, we have a right to presume it to
be true. But according to what we
have just heard, everything that has
come from the people of these States,
and from their public bodies, from the
representatives of the people, is to be
taken as false; and why? Because
some cotton agent, some correspondent
of a radical newspaper in the North,
some office-holder who has been ma
king profit of the state of things
there chooses to say it is all false! The
heresy of State rights is not destroyed
there, the honorable Senator says. Have
we not heard from almost all the pub
lic men of the South that that qnestion
was puttothearbitramentof the sword
that they have iost, and that they sub
mit ? I lave they not acquiesced jn the
abolition of slavery—that thing of all
others which was the last, in tiie opin
ion of everybody, that they would sub
mit to? But still further guarantees
are wanted; we are not told what they
are. What are they ? What is want
ed? Everybody admits that the ne
gro ought to have his natural rights se
cured to him. i believe all the moder
ate, conservative men of this Chamber
are fully agreed that every man should
have his natural rights secured—the
rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness; the protection of prop
erty, limbs and reputation; that he
should have the right to sue and be su
ed, and to testify in courts of justice.
The negro has not hitherto been allow
ed in the Southern States to testify in
courts of justice, and why? Because
he was a slave, and if 1 had been a cit
izen of the Southern States when sla
very prevailed there, 1 would have re
sisted his right to testify in courts.
A witness, like a voter, ought to be a
free man, lie should not belong to an
other man. What chance would a liti
gant have against the master of slaves,
if the slaves could testify?— Would you
ask a negro to testify against his mas
ter, to go back tothat master and be sub
jected to his ill will because of his tes
timony? Would you allow him to tes
tify for the master as against a party
on the other side? Certainly not. But
now this state of things has passed a
way.—Now the people of the South
ern Stab-s themselves, so far as I under
stand them, are in favor of opening the
courts to all these classes of people.—
And, sir, they must open them for their
own security. lam willing to leave
that to themselves; their own interest
BEDFORD. PA., FRIDAY MORNING, JANUARY 26, 1866,
will compel them to allow all people to
testify, unless they are excluded by
those disabilities that have heretofore
excluded witnesses from testifying. If
the honorable Senator from Massachu
setts, and those who think with him,
desire that these people should have
the right of suffrage, why not say so
boldly.
Mr. Sumner.—l do say so.
Mr. Go wan.—Very well; that is so
much that is clear; make it broadly;
we may differ from him, but the peo
ple will decide. 1 am perfectly wil
ling to acquiesce in their decision; Ido
not care which way it is; but the peo
ple will decide that question, and they
will decide it promptly. If the hon
orable Senator from Massachusetts
wants to hold the doctrine that these
States nr> not Stilt'*-. " hat t.hev
constituent memotv-< >l this Union, let
hint say so; thereisa tribunal to which
that can he referred. If he wishes to
take issue with the President on these
points, let the is-ue be made fairly and
squarely, and it will be met. Thank
God, in this Government, not like that
of Russia, which he has eulogized, there
is a power above us all: there is a pow
er to whose arbitrament and award we
can appeal, and who will settle this
thing conclusively.
Now, Mr. President, J am for recon
ciliation. I want to have tiiis Union
restored; and Union means a Guion
by consent, not by force. I would like
to make friends of all the people with
whom we have been at enmity hereto
fore. Ido not want the contest to go
011 any longer. But are we to make
friends with them, and are they to be
reconciled to us, and are they to behave
better by such speeches as have been
made by the honorable Senator here
to-day? I very much doubt it. I do
not think that he will improve the con
dition of the Southern heart or the con
dition of the Southern mind, by thu.-
parading these exceptional cases to the
people of this country, and stimula
ting and exciting their angry passions
more than they are now against this
unfortunate people—infortunate in
every respect; unfortunate on account
of their errors; unfortsnateonaccount
of thepenalty which has followed those
errors, and which they have suffered.
Mr. President, let us look at this tes
timony. The honorable Senator, as 1
said before, reads froir. anonymous let
ter-writers, from cotton agents, and
people of that kind. Now, it does so
happen that we have some testimony
upon this siibjoet: wt have tlx* teeti
mony of the President of the United
States, not a summer soldier or sun
shine patriot.
Mr. Sumner—l hive not read anony-
mous letters.
Air. Cowan—They are anonymous
so far as we are concerned; and 1 com
mend the Senator's prudence in keep
ing the names of tleir writers from the
public, because I hive no doubt that if
their names were shown they would
not be considered f much importance.
I very much doutt whether there is a
single man among' them who has ever
wielded anything more than a pen du
ring the rebellion But I say that we
have the testimony of men of unex
ceptionable veracity; we have the tes
timony of the Piesident of the United
States, who wasa Union man, and who
was in favor of the Union at atimeand
in a place where there was some merit
in it. 1 ok) noit suppose there wits any
great merit in being a Union man in
Massachusetts. I suspect a man would
have been very likely to get a lamp
post it he had been anything else there;
but the President of the United States
was a Union man in the very thick and
storm of the battle.—He was waylaid
while coming hither in order to attend
to his otlicial duties in this body. He
has stood by the Constitution, by the
Union, all the way through, steadily
and firmly; and, as a compliment to
him, the great party to which i belong,
and to which he did not i>cloi)g, and
never pre ten din 1 to belong, conferred
upon him the office which, in the prov
idence of God, has made him President
of the United States.
Now, sir, you are told here that this ;
man in his official communication to!
tlie Senate of the UnitedStutes, white-1
washes the condition of things down |
below. Yes, sir, "whitewash" is the !
word. The honorableSenatorsays that j
he will not accept the definition of
"whitewash "given by the Senator from
Connecticut or the Senator from Wis
consin, but he has told us what he
means by the word "whitewash." It
is not necessary that he should say
what he means by that word. Every
body understands it. 1 suppose even
his colored friends in whom he takes
so much interest, would know what,
the meaning of the word "whitewash"
was. (Laughter.) He says that this
man, who stood firm when everybody J
else faltered—this man, who stood al-j
most alone in the midst of an enraged
population, and in the very storm and
strife of the worst civil war perhaps the
world has ever seen —comes here to
"whitewash." What does he mean
except that the President of the Uni
ted States in an official communication
to this body, comes here to lie; that is
the plain English of it; comes here
either to suppress the truth or to sug
gest a falsehood.
What does the President say ? I will
rend what he says as a sufficient answer
to what all these people down South re
port of the state of affairs there, and 1
do not find it necessary to deny thous
ands of instances of exceedingly heret
ical talk that may have taken place,
and of treasonable talk, if you please;
and I have no doubt that in a shite of
things unparalleled in the history of
the world, heretofore, wrongs and out
rages innumerable happen there; but
that is not the question. The question
is what is the condition of the mass of
the people in the South; what is their
disposition and tendency; not to love
the North, not to love the honorable
Senator from Massachusetts —because I
very much fear that will not he brought
about soon unless there is a change in
the temper of both parties—not to have
hearts overflowing with love and grat
itude to those who persecute and hunt
them in their submission; who kick
and strike at them after they are down,
after they have cried "enough"—but
the question is what is their disposition
to obey the laws? What do we care a
i-Rr.ii- hoarts or the'** Hisoosißone
if they are boedient to the laws, and
submit to the laws? Now they have
submitted to laws which impose the
heaviest penalty, for if they are traitors
the law imposes the penalty of death
and confiscation of estate by means of
fine. 1 will read what the President
says now of the condition of that peo
ple from the information he has receiv
ed: "In that portion of the Union late
ly in rebellion, the aspect of affairs is
more promising than in view of all the
circumstances could well have been ex
pected." I think there is no candid
man who will not indorse that senti
ment. "The people throughout the en
tire South evince a laudable desire to
renew their allegiance to the Govern
ment, and to repair the devastations of
war by a prompt and cheerful return
to peaceful pursuits."
Why should they not ? To suppose
anything else is to suppose that they
are demented; that they have no kind
of common sense left; that four years
of the most terrible war, and the most;
terrible punishments ever inflicted up- j
on a people, have been without their
lessons. It cannot be, Air. President;
it is not in the nature of things that it ;
should be.
"An abiding faith" on the part of
this man who suffered from these peo
ple ; who suffered from this war and
the doctrine of secession, "An abiding
faith is entertained that their actions
will conform to their professions, and
that in acknowledging the supremacy
of the Constitution and the laws of the
United States, their loyalty will he un
reservedly given to the Government,
whose leniency they cannot fail to ap
preciate, and whose fostering care will
form KntorrUiem to a condition of pros
perity."
And here, Mr. President, allow me
to ask when in the history of this world
or of the human family, has it happen
ed that severity, cruelty, persecution,
refusal to recognize common rights, has
reconciled a people and pacified a dis
tracted country; and when it happen
ed that clemency, leniency, as the Pros
dent expresses it, has failed to produce
beneficial results? It is not necessary to
go very far hack for instances to show
this. Look at the treatment of Eng
land toward Ireland. What has been
the result of her holding that people in
a species of vassalage? A Fenian insur
rection upon her hands now, after hun
dreds of years of attempt to dominate
over that people. Look at Poland:
look everywhere. And if it be neces
sary to see what clemency, what len
iency and justice, and trust and confi
dence can do to restore a people once in
revolution, take the conduct of Hoche
in La Vendee. There, by the genius of
one man, high enough to be above vul
gar passion, statesman enough to look
to the future, La Vendee was restored
to France, and is there now, part and
parcel of it, with every recollection of
the revolution effaced.
Says the President:
"It is true that in some of the States j
the demoralizing effects of the war are
to he seen in occasional disorders"—
these effects are to be seen in the North
as well as in the South—"but these are
local in character, not frequent in oc
currence, and are rapidly disappearing
as theauthority of civil law is extended
and sustained. Perplexing questions
were naturally to Lie expected from the
great and sudden change in the rela
tions between the two races, but sys
tems, are gradually developing them
selves under which the freedinan will
receive the protection to which lie is
justly entitled, and by means of his la
bor make himselfa useful and indepen
dent member of the community in
which he has his home. From all the
information in my possession, and from
that which I have recently derived
from the most reliable authority, I am
induced to cherish the belief that sec
tional animosity is surely and rapidly
merging itself into a spirit of national
ity, and that representation, connected
with a properly adjusted system of tax
ation, will result in a harmonious res
toration of the relations of the States
to the National Union."
There is a little more testimony yet,
Mr. President, and it is well worth
while to consider, while we are here to !
take counsel and to know what weought
to do in the extraordinary situation in
which we tind ourselves, from whom
will we take that counsel. Are we to
take it from men, whose purpose seems
to be to wage war upon these people
and their institutions? Shall we take
it from men whom they hate personal
ly and by name, and to whom it is al
most impossible to suppose they ever
will he reconciled, or, in the nature of
things, can be reconciled? Or are we to
take it from the men who have not made
this a personal war; who have treated
it as a national war, and who, in their
V OL. 61.—WHOLE No. 5,332.
conduct of it, have won the applause
lof both sections? The President says
that part of his information has been
received from CJen. Grant. V\ bo is
Gen. Grant? Who is to be put in the
scale with that scarred soldier, and
whose testimony is to weigh down his?
Is he "whitewashing," too? Has he
forgotten the position he occupies be
fore the American people? With the
highest military character of any man
to-day upon the earth, has he conde
scended to come here to deceive the
Senate of his country, and to lie about
the condition of affairs in the South,
which he has recently visited ? Let us
hear what he savs, and listen with pa
tient reverence to the utterance of a
man of sense, a patriot, and a prudent
man, who desires not to embroil, not to
fmhitter, not to widen the can that al
ready exists betweeiJthe two peoples,
who ought to be fraternally united, but
a man who desires to heal and to paci
fy; a man imbued with the spirit of
Hoche when he went to La Vendee,
and where he succeeded when others
had failed. What does he say? It is
not the tone or manner of the letter
writer, but it is the manner of a man
and a soldier.
"I am satisfied"—says he, and when
he is satisfied who dares to say he is not
satisfied upon the score of honesty and
good intent toward this republic?—
"1 am satisfied that the mass of think
; ing men in the South accept the present
1 situation of affairs in good faith."
I That is what Gen. Grant says. Is
i that "whitewashing?"
"The questions which have heretofore
; divided the sentiments of the people of
j the two sections—slavery and State
rights or the right of a State to secede
from the Union —they regard as having
been settled forever by the highest tri
bunal—arms—that men c-an resort to."
it is now said that they do not think
>0; that they are only pretending, and j
have a covert purpose of doing some
thing hereafter about thisthing, nobody
can tell exactly what. Perhaps we will
be told they will not abide the result.
"I was pleased to learn from the lead
ing men whom I met, that they not on
ly accepted the decision arrived at as
final, but that now, when the smoke
of battle has cleared away and time
has been given for reflection, this decis
ion has been a fortunate one for the
whole country, they receiving likeben
efits from it with those who opposed
them in the field and in council."
Why, Mr. President, the common
sense of that last utterance Is worth
more as testimony (ban that of a thou
sand scribblers who merely look at de
tached points of this great field. They I
have resolved to accept the decision as j
final; and, what we ought all to be glad j
to know, they have found that it is for j
their benefit.
I therefore hope, Mr. President, that 1
we may meet them in a different spirit ; i
that we may show them that we made j
this war, not to make them eternal en- i
emies of ours, but that we will win them
back to be as they were before,our friends |
and our brothers, of thesanie race and of j
thesamelitieage. Ihopetoothatthisan-1
gry, irritating, and exciting mode of :
treating this subject, which is ealcula- j
tedtomakeusanythingelsethanfriends j
will be discarded hereafter, and that;
we shall coollv and calmly, and in the .
spirit of the nation, (because that is the !
spirit of the nation,) examine this
question, and do with it that which
will be calculated to restore the old har-;
ninny and peace, and the old Union a-
gam.
EKEMOK ETHBUIMi E.
This distinguished gentleman who!
was arraigned last October for some ut
terances not satisfactory to some of the
radical bloodhounds in Tennessee, is j
now as he ever has been, a true Union
man. He is in Washington and doing
j
all in his power to advance the policy
of the President in his efforts at resto
ration. In a recent letter he says:
You know my relations to the Presi
dent and therefore. I do not respond to j
one of your inquiries. You ought, j
likewise, to know that I am not in the
habit of asking quarter from political
foes or personal enemies. What I have
written, and what I propose to do, are j
prompted alike by a sense of duty, and j
not because 1 would seem to seek the
favor or forbearance which too many ,
vainly suppose is pleasing to power.
As to another matter to which you re
fer, 1 will briefly state that the proof
which was submitted to the commission
before which I was arraigned in Octo
ber last, satisfied me that the President j
was not, as I had previously believed J
him to be, personally or officially re- j
sponsible for my arrest, or the perse- j
cutions by which it was followed. But j
I prefer not to dwell upon a matter \
wholly personal. When public liberty j
is once more secured to the citizen, pri-1
vate wrongs will be consigned to for- j
getfulness.
Such sentiments are influencing the
great mass of Southern men, and no one
knows this fact better or appreciates it
more fully than President Johnson and
the prominent men in Congress who
sustain him.
A dashing young bachelor lately ap
peared in Central Park with two hand
some ponies, whose tails were done up
to look like a lady's waterfall, and coop
ed up in a small fish net. The resem
blance was capital, and the team created
a great sensation.
TIIF. lawyer's motto—be brief. The
doctor's motto—he patient. The pot
ter's motto—be ware. The type-setter's
motto—be composed.
SHAIX THE JTEttRO TOTE?
.
i The proceeding* of Congress, or the
•'Rump," 011 Tuesday (13th) show that
I by a vote of 113 Republicans to 44 Dem
ocrats, they refused to lay on the table
a proposition to give the negro the right
to vote. Thus it is settled beyond all
doubt, that the Republicans are deter
mined to force the right of the negro
to vote in all the States. The issue is
fairly made: to destroy the Constitution
of Pennsylvania, which gives the white
citizens only the elective franchise, is
the object and purpose of the Republi
can majority of the Rump Congress.—
We call upon the Democracy of Penn
sylvania to organize at once. There is
not a moment to lose. Organize clubs,
organize societies. Organize at once in
every township. Call the people to
gether who are in favor of the white
man, who are opposed to negro equali
ty; opposed to the negro voting; op
posed to his equality with the white
laborer; opposed to the negro coming
into your factories, forges, mines, shops,
stores, mills, and your families, as an
EQUAL. Call together the mechanics
who are opposed to the negro driving
them out of employment and taking
their places at less wages. Call ail pa
triate a >ui friends of the white race, who
are opposed to a bloody war in every
town in the State between the negro and
the white race, like it has been in Ja
maica. Call the children, at proper pla
ces, and teach them what will be their
fate, if the negro is to be their compan
ion in schools, and drive them away
from the school house and take posses
sion and deprive them of education.
This, all these, must be done at once.
The issue is made. The Republican
party before the last election told the peo
ple they had no wish tq make the negro
the equal of the white man, or to give
him the right to vote. This party de
-1 nied it was soon to be a question in
Pennsylvania. Now, after the election,
this diabolical and outrageous purpose of
the traitors to the white race is openly
admitted. Let us meet the issue. In
form the public mind on the subject.
I)o not hesitate as to time or place. Tell
the people in the town, in the store, at
church, at the depot, at the cross roads,
at the school house, at the wedding, at
the funeral, at the vendue, at the shops,
furnaces, forges, mills, everywhere, that
the Yankee is against the white man.
That Mew England is against the Union;
that New England is the cause of all
our trouble; that the Yankee is a trai
tor to the white race; that the Repub
lican party is in favor of the negro's
right to vote; that theßepublican party
is determined to destroy the welfare
and happiness of the white man's fam
ily, and to degrade the white laborer
and the white mechanic to the level of
the negro. Write it, speak it, talk it,
call meetings, agitate the public mind.
Do this at once, or the white labor of
the State will be disgraced and degra
ded. For the mechanic and laborer, it
is a question of bread for h*s family, of
pride in bis rec, or prosperity in his
trade and business. (Mark the traitors
to the white man, and let the indigna
tion of the white man face the Repub
lican traitors to the supremacy of the
white race, and compel them to aban
don their treason, or go to Hayti, St.
Domingo, or Jamaica, and put their
own necks under the yoke of subjection
to the negro.— Patriot & Union.
THI: TRUE MAX.— He is above a mean
thing. Hecannot stoop to a mean fraud.
He invades no secrets in the keeping of
another. He betrays no secrets confid
ed to his keeping. He never struts in
borrowed plumage. He never takes
selfish advantage of our mistakes. He
never stabs in the dark. He is asham
ed of inuendoes. He is not one thing
to a man's face and another behind his
hack. If by accident he comes in pos
session of his neighbor's counsels, he
passes upon them an act of instant ob
livion. He bears sealed packages with
out tampering with the wax. Papers
not meant for his eye, whether they
flutter at the window or lie open before
him in unregarded exposure, are sacred
to him. He encroaches on no privacy
of others, however the sentry sleeps.
Bolt and bars, locks and keys, hedges
; cl pickets, bonds and securities, 110-
t.ce to trespassers, are none of them for
him. He may be trusted himself out
of sight—near the thinnest partition—
anywhere, lie buys no office, he sells
none, he intrigues for none. He would
rather fail of his rights than win by
dishonor. Jle will eat honest bread.—
fie insults no man. He tramples on
no sensitive feeling. If he have rebuke
for another, he is straight forward, o
pen, manly. Whatever he judges
honorable he practices toward every
man.
WHO TOLD THE TRUTH.— When the
Democratic papers, previous to the last
State election, charged on the Repub
lican leaders that they would attempt
to place the negro on an equality with
the white man, the Republican papers
denied it and declared that the charge
was untrue. John Cessna, the Chair
man of the Republican State Commit
tee, issued an ad dress to the people f
the State, assuring them there was no
such issue before the people and that
the Republican party intended nothing
of the kind. Now, what are they do
ing? Stevens, Sumner, Wilson and
others, have introduced at least forty
propositions into Congress to break
down the barriers God has established
between the black and white man.
They are atttempting to do it in the
District of Columbia and in all the
Southern States and they will try it in
the Northern States as soonas they can.
Sumner has even introduced a bill into
the U. S. Senate to allow negroes to sit
on juries with white men. Our white
laborers and mechanics, many of them
at least, will not see the danger they are
in until it is too late.— Jofmstoum Dem
ocrat.
WOMAN is said to be a mere delusion,
but it is sometimes pleasant to hug de-