TERMS OF PUBLICATION. THE BEDFORD GAZETTE is published every Fri day morning by METERS tc MEXGEL, at $2.00 per annum, if paid strictly in advance; $2.50 if paid within six months; $3.00 if not paid within six months. All subscription accounts MUST be settled annually. No paper will be sent out of the State unless paid for is ADVANCE, and all such subscriptions will invariably be discontinued at the expiration of the time for which they are paid. All ADVERTISEMENTS for a less term than three months TEN CENTS per line for each In sertion. Special untices one-half additional All I resolutions of Associations; communications of limited or individual interest, and notices of mar riages and deaths exceeding five li ne . ttll cents per line. Editorial notices fifteen cents per line. All lea-ill JVolices of every kind, and Orphans' Court and Judicial Sales, are required by lair to be published ill both papers published in this place- Lid' advertising due after first insertion. A liberal discount is made to persons advertising by the quarter, half year, or year, as follows : 3 months, fi months. 1 year. *O t ie square - - - $4 50 $6 00 $lO 00 Two squares ... gOO 9 t>o 16 00 Three squares - - - 800 12 00 20 00 Quarter column - - U 00 20 00 35 00 ' Half column - - - 18 00 25 00 45 00 ! One column - - -30 00 45 00 80 00 ! tone square to occupy one inch of space. Jolt PRINTING, of every kind, done with neatness and dispatch. THE GAZETTE OFFICE has ju-t been refitted with a Power Press and new tvpo, and everything in the Printing line can be execu- ' ted in the most artistic manner and at the lnwe.<■ i.l be ..J.i._,—i ... MEYERS A MENGEL, Publishers. at Caur. JOSEPH W. TATE, ATTORNEY f? AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA. Will promptly attend to collections of bounty, back pay. Ac., and all business entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining counties. Cash advanced on judgments, notes, military and other claims. Has for sale Town lots in Tntcsville, and St.- Juseph's on Bedford Railroad. Farms and unim proved land, from one acre to 900 acres to suit perehasers Office nearly opposite the ••Menge! Hotel" and Bank of Heed A Schell. April I, Hfio —ly ni>\VAßl> F. KERR. ATTORNEY \ j AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will punctually and carefully attend to all business entrusted to bis care. .Soldiers'claims for bounty, back pay Ac., speedily collected. Office with H. Nicode mus. Esq.. on Juliana street, nearly opposite the Banking House of Reed A Sehell. April 7, 1865. J P.. RFRBOUROW. | JOH.N LVTZ. I\VRBO RRO \V A LI'T Z , } f ATTORNEYS AT LAW. BEDFORD. PA . Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to their care. Collections made on the shortest, no tice. They are. ul-o. regularly licensed Claim Agents snd will give special attention to the prosecution of claims against the Government for Pensions. Bik Pay. Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac. office on Juliana street, one door South of the •'Mengel House." and nearly opposite the office. JOHN P.REED, ATTORNEY AT el LAW. BEDFORD, PA. Respectfully tenders his scrrices to the pnblic. Office second door North of the Mengel House. Bedford, Aug, 1, 1861. | <)HN PALMER, ATTX>RNEY AT e| LAW. BEDFOR.D, PA. Will promptly attend to all business entrasted to his care. Particular attention paid to the collection of Military claims. Office on Juliana Street, nearly opposite the Mengel House. Bedford. Aug. 1, 1861. i jspy M.MMP, AT rtmmEY AT |\ LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will faithfully and promptly attend to all business entrusted to his arc in Bedford and adjoining counties. Military claims, back pay, bounty, Ac., speedily collected. Office with Mann A Spang, on Juliana street, , i -f 1. Jan. S3, 1864, F. U. KLMMF.LL. | J. W- MSSAAWLTEB. KIMMEEL & LINGENFELTER, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA . Have formed a partnership in the practice of the Law. Office on Juliana street, two doors South of the Mengel House," / 1 11. Si'ANG. ATTORNEY AT \JT. LAW. BEDFORD. PA. Will promptly at tend to collections and all business entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining counties Office on Juliana Street, three doers south of the "Mengel House." opposite the resilience of Mrs. Tate. May 13, 1866. JNO. H. FII.I.KR. J. T. faufil. I FILLER A KEAGY have formed a J partnership in the practice of the law At tention paid to Pensions, Bounties and Claims against the Government. office on Juliana street, formerly occupied by Hon. A. King March 31, '65. IMtitsiriaus and pnitist.s. | ) 11. PEXNSYL, M. I)., BLOODY | , Rrx, Pa., (latesurgeon 56th P. V. V.,) tcn -I>TS his professional services to the people of that place and vicinity. Dec. 22, '65-ly# W. JAMISON. M. It.. BItOOM M * Ri s, Pa., tenders his professional servi ces to the people of that place and vicinity. Office one door west of Richard Langdon's store. Nov. 24 . 65—ly nu. .1. 1.. MARBOURG, Having permanently located, respectfully tenders ins professional services to the citizens of Bedford sn A N D SC H ELL, I 1 Banter* and in: A LE KS IN EXCHANGE, BEDFORD, PA., DRAFTS bought and sold, collections made and - nicy promptly remitted. Deposit* solicited. H *'■ RI.MP O. E. SHANNON F. BENEDICT I) FBP, SH ANNON & CO., BANK II EKS, BEDFORD. PA. BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. ' made for the East, West, North South, and the general business of Exchange iru[,*es. also Scotch Pebble Glasses- Gold atch Chains, Breast Pins, F'inger Rings, best Vality of Gold p ens . q e vrill supply to order 'y '.mug i u DO { on hand. >-"• 20, 1865- UF. IRVINE, . ANDERSON'S ROW, BEDFORD, PA . tn Boots, Shoes. Queensware. and Varie ' ' , l v"orders trom Country Merchants re m. ' solicited. 20 ' IS * 5 - lywil, DEFIBAUGH,Gunsmith, Bedford, Pa Shop same as formerly occu * . 85 .)( BEIIEA GRIND STONEB N'OT sizes, also patent fixtures for same at HARTLEY'S OLD STAND. £l)c iicdforb ®ajdte. BY MEYERS & MENGEL. 0 hf s>lclfM'tl IbiPCttf. OIK I .OCA I. lIIKTOKY. Ihe Indian* turn HorNe-ThirveM—Tra •lerii Violate the Royal Proclamation Prohibiting Trallif With the Indians- Cap!. .lames Smith applies an Ellioiont Correction—Hi* Affair with the Tra der* at Sidelong Hill—Bloody Run re ceive* it* Xante. Ac.. Ac. Notwithstanding the treaty of peace concluded by ( Jen. Bouquet with the In dian-, soon after it was made the latter began a system of horse-stealing along the frontiers and also killed some peo ple in the isolated settlements. Still, traders were in the habit of supplying the Indians with gun powder and other military stores,though forbidden to do so by the royal proclamation, ('apt. James Smith, of whose captivity among the In dians an acts >uiit lias already been given, having returned to Bedford, after his ser vice m oeii. ivouquer 's last expedition, on hearing of these violations of the king's order, determined to take the law into ids own hands, and by force of arms, prevent further traffic with thesavages. His mode of procedure is thus graphic ally described in his "Narrative:" "Shortly after this.) Bouquet's treaty) the Indians stole horses and killed some people on the frontiers. The king's proclamation was then circulating and set up in various public places, prohib iting any person from trading with the Indians until furtherorders. Notwith standing ail this, about the Ist of March, 1765, a number of wagons, loaded with Indian goods and warlike stores, were sent from Philadelphia to Henry Pol lens, Conoeocheague; and front thence seventy pack horses were loaded with these goods in order to carry them to *■ Fort Pitt. This alarmed the country, and Mr. William Duffield raisi-d about fifty armed men and met the pack-hor ses at the place where Mereersburg now stands. Mr. Huffield desired the cm ) plovers to store up their goods and not proceed until further orders. They • made light of this, and went over the North Mountain, where they lodged in a small valley called the Great Cove.— Mr. Duffield and his party followed af ter, came to their lodging, and again urged them to store up their goods. lie : reasoned with them on the impropriety of their proceedings and the great dan j ger the frontier inhabitants would be I exposed to if the Indians should now get a supply; he said, as it was well known that they had scarcely any am munition, and were almost naked, to supply them now would be a kind of j murder, and wouid be illegally trading j t tiiee.vpvnov or the biooa ami treasure !of the frontiers. Notwithstanding his j powerful reasoning, these traders made I game of what he said, and would only : answer him by ludicrous burlesque.— ! When 1 beheld this, and found that Mr. ' Duffield would not compel them tostore j up their goods, I collected ten of my ' old warriors that I had formerly disci j plined in the Indian way, went off pri ; vately after night, and encamped in the woods. The next dav, as usual, we blacked and painted, and waylaid them near Sidelong Hill. 1 scattered my men about forty rods along the side of the road, and ordered every two to take a tree, and about eight or ten rods between each couple, with orders to keep a re served fire —one not to fire until his comrade had loaded his gun; by this means we kept up a constant slow fire upon them, from front to rear. We then heard nothing of these traders' merriment, or burlesque. When they saw their pack-horses falling close by them, they called out, 'Bray, gentle men, what would you have us to do?' The reply was, 'Collect all your loads to the front,and unload them in one place; take your private property and imme diately retire.' When they were gone, we burnt what they left, which consist ed of blankets, shirts, vermiilion, lead, heads, wampum, tomahawks, scalping knives, fec. The traders went back to Fort Loudon, and applied to the com manding officer there, and got a party of Highland soldiers, and went with them in quest of the robl>ers, as they called us; and without applying to a magistrate, or obtaining any civil au thority, but barely upon suspicion, they took a number of creditable persons (who were chiefly not any way concern ed in this action) and confined them in the guard-house in Fort Loudon. I then raised three hundred riflemen, marched to Fort Loudon, and encamp ed on a hill in ight of the fort. We were not long there, until we had more than double as many of the British troops prisoners in our camp, as they had of our people in the guard-house. Captain (Irant, a Highland officer, who commanded Fort Loudon, then sent a flag of truce to our camp, where we set tled a cartel, and gave them above two for one, which enabled us to redeem all our men from the guard-house, without further difficulty. After this. Captain Grant kept a number of rifle guns, which the Highlanders had taken from the country people, and refused to give them up. As he was riding out one day, we took him prisoner and detain ed him until he delivered up the arms; we also destroyed a large quantity of gunpowder that the traders had stored up, lest it might he conveyed privately to the Indians. The king's troops, and our party, had now got entirely out of the channel of the civil law, and many unjustifiable things were done by both parties. This convinced me more than ever I had been before, of the absolute necessity of the civil law in order to govern* mankind." Smith's atfair with the traders, at Sidelong Hill, is supposed to have giv en Bloody Run its name, as the account of it published, shortly after its occur-1 rence, in London, says: "The convoy j of 80 horses loaded with goods, chiefly i on his majesty's account as presents to j the Indians, and part on account of in- j dian traders, were surprised in a nar-; row and dangerous deflle in the moun- ; tains, by a body of armed men. A ; number of horses were killed, and the ! whole of the goods were carried away | by the plunderers. The rivulet was dyed j with Mood, and ran into the settlement j below, carrying with it the stain of | crime upon its surface." ■ A KM: SPEECH OF SENATOR COWAN. OF PA., I In ileply to Senator Sumner, in Ho le nee of l'residrut Jolinwon. MR. COWAN— Mr. President, lam j not disposed to allow the speech of *t,,. j iioiiorauie ."Senator mint jueisachusftts ! (Mr. Sumner) to go to the country with- j out a very brief reply. If that speech be true, and if it be a correct picture of j the South, then God help us; then this Republic, this Union is at an end, then the great war which we waged for the Union was a folly; then all the blood j and treasure which we have expended | in that war inorderto restore ourselves j to companionship with the people of! the South have beeen equally follies. But, Mr. President, is it true? Oris! not this a series of ex parte statements j made up by anonymous letter-writers,; people who are down there more than 1 likely stealing cotton, people who are i down there in the enjoyment of place and power, people who are interested that the disturbed condition of things 1 which exists there now shall always j continue because they make profit of; it ? Is there any man who has had any I experience in the trial of causes, any : man who knows anything about the nature of evidence, who does not know \ that the honorable Senator could have ! sent his emissaries into any one county j in the lately rebellious States, and gath- • ered the expressions of knaves and fools j and discontented, single-idead people, ! far more than he has given us in this j speech ? We are told here of the exceptional j instances or bad conduct on the part of; the people of the South. Why, what a large volume it would take to hold all j that! If a man were to go about any- j where in the loyal States and hunt up | what he might suppose to he treasona-! ble expressions, heretical expressions, j how many could he find? And yet we are treated to all this here as if it | was the wholoof thi* evidence in thecase.j One man out of ten thousand is brutal i to a negro, and this is paraded here as ] a type of the whole people of theSouth, whereas nothing is said of the other | nine thousand nine hundred and nine- i ty-nine men who treat the negro well, j ()ne man expresses a great deal of dis-: satisfaction at the present state of af- 1 fairs, and that is paraded here, while i nothing Ls said of the other ten thou-1 sand men who are contented to accept i it and make the most of it. What then are we to do? We are to suppose that the people of the .South era States lately in rebellion have com mon sense; and when their utterances are in accordance with what is common sense and the dictate of their own in terest, we have a right to presume it to be true. But according to what we have just heard, everything that has come from the people of these States, and from their public bodies, from the representatives of the people, is to be taken as false; and why? Because some cotton agent, some correspondent of a radical newspaper in the North, some office-holder who has been ma king profit of the state of things there chooses to say it is all false! The heresy of State rights is not destroyed there, the honorable Senator says. Have we not heard from almost all the pub lic men of the South that that qnestion was puttothearbitramentof the sword that they have iost, and that they sub mit ? I lave they not acquiesced jn the abolition of slavery—that thing of all others which was the last, in tiie opin ion of everybody, that they would sub mit to? But still further guarantees are wanted; we are not told what they are. What are they ? What is want ed? Everybody admits that the ne gro ought to have his natural rights se cured to him. i believe all the moder ate, conservative men of this Chamber are fully agreed that every man should have his natural rights secured—the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; the protection of prop erty, limbs and reputation; that he should have the right to sue and be su ed, and to testify in courts of justice. The negro has not hitherto been allow ed in the Southern States to testify in courts of justice, and why? Because he was a slave, and if 1 had been a cit izen of the Southern States when sla very prevailed there, 1 would have re sisted his right to testify in courts. A witness, like a voter, ought to be a free man, lie should not belong to an other man. What chance would a liti gant have against the master of slaves, if the slaves could testify?— Would you ask a negro to testify against his mas ter, to go back tothat master and be sub jected to his ill will because of his tes timony? Would you allow him to tes tify for the master as against a party on the other side? Certainly not. But now this state of things has passed a way.—Now the people of the South ern Stab-s themselves, so far as I under stand them, are in favor of opening the courts to all these classes of people.— And, sir, they must open them for their own security. lam willing to leave that to themselves; their own interest BEDFORD. PA., FRIDAY MORNING, JANUARY 26, 1866, will compel them to allow all people to testify, unless they are excluded by those disabilities that have heretofore excluded witnesses from testifying. If the honorable Senator from Massachu setts, and those who think with him, desire that these people should have the right of suffrage, why not say so boldly. Mr. Sumner.—l do say so. Mr. Go wan.—Very well; that is so much that is clear; make it broadly; we may differ from him, but the peo ple will decide. 1 am perfectly wil ling to acquiesce in their decision; Ido not care which way it is; but the peo ple will decide that question, and they will decide it promptly. If the hon orable Senator from Massachusetts wants to hold the doctrine that these States nr> not Stilt'*-. " hat t.hev constituent memotv-< >l this Union, let hint say so; thereisa tribunal to which that can he referred. If he wishes to take issue with the President on these points, let the is-ue be made fairly and squarely, and it will be met. Thank God, in this Government, not like that of Russia, which he has eulogized, there is a power above us all: there is a pow er to whose arbitrament and award we can appeal, and who will settle this thing conclusively. Now, Mr. President, J am for recon ciliation. I want to have tiiis Union restored; and Union means a Guion by consent, not by force. I would like to make friends of all the people with whom we have been at enmity hereto fore. Ido not want the contest to go 011 any longer. But are we to make friends with them, and are they to be reconciled to us, and are they to behave better by such speeches as have been made by the honorable Senator here to-day? I very much doubt it. I do not think that he will improve the con dition of the Southern heart or the con dition of the Southern mind, by thu.- parading these exceptional cases to the people of this country, and stimula ting and exciting their angry passions more than they are now against this unfortunate people—infortunate in every respect; unfortunate on account of their errors; unfortsnateonaccount of thepenalty which has followed those errors, and which they have suffered. Mr. President, let us look at this tes timony. The honorable Senator, as 1 said before, reads froir. anonymous let ter-writers, from cotton agents, and people of that kind. Now, it does so happen that we have some testimony upon this siibjoet: wt have tlx* teeti mony of the President of the United States, not a summer soldier or sun shine patriot. Mr. Sumner—l hive not read anony- mous letters. Air. Cowan—They are anonymous so far as we are concerned; and 1 com mend the Senator's prudence in keep ing the names of tleir writers from the public, because I hive no doubt that if their names were shown they would not be considered f much importance. I very much doutt whether there is a single man among' them who has ever wielded anything more than a pen du ring the rebellion But I say that we have the testimony of men of unex ceptionable veracity; we have the tes timony of the Piesident of the United States, who wasa Union man, and who was in favor of the Union at atimeand in a place where there was some merit in it. 1 ok) noit suppose there wits any great merit in being a Union man in Massachusetts. I suspect a man would have been very likely to get a lamp post it he had been anything else there; but the President of the United States was a Union man in the very thick and storm of the battle.—He was waylaid while coming hither in order to attend to his otlicial duties in this body. He has stood by the Constitution, by the Union, all the way through, steadily and firmly; and, as a compliment to him, the great party to which i belong, and to which he did not i>cloi)g, and never pre ten din 1 to belong, conferred upon him the office which, in the prov idence of God, has made him President of the United States. Now, sir, you are told here that this ; man in his official communication to! tlie Senate of the UnitedStutes, white-1 washes the condition of things down | below. Yes, sir, "whitewash" is the ! word. The honorableSenatorsays that j he will not accept the definition of "whitewash "given by the Senator from Connecticut or the Senator from Wis consin, but he has told us what he means by the word "whitewash." It is not necessary that he should say what he means by that word. Every body understands it. 1 suppose even his colored friends in whom he takes so much interest, would know what, the meaning of the word "whitewash" was. (Laughter.) He says that this man, who stood firm when everybody J else faltered—this man, who stood al-j most alone in the midst of an enraged population, and in the very storm and strife of the worst civil war perhaps the world has ever seen —comes here to "whitewash." What does he mean except that the President of the Uni ted States in an official communication to this body, comes here to lie; that is the plain English of it; comes here either to suppress the truth or to sug gest a falsehood. What does the President say ? I will rend what he says as a sufficient answer to what all these people down South re port of the state of affairs there, and 1 do not find it necessary to deny thous ands of instances of exceedingly heret ical talk that may have taken place, and of treasonable talk, if you please; and I have no doubt that in a shite of things unparalleled in the history of the world, heretofore, wrongs and out rages innumerable happen there; but that is not the question. The question is what is the condition of the mass of the people in the South; what is their disposition and tendency; not to love the North, not to love the honorable Senator from Massachusetts —because I very much fear that will not he brought about soon unless there is a change in the temper of both parties—not to have hearts overflowing with love and grat itude to those who persecute and hunt them in their submission; who kick and strike at them after they are down, after they have cried "enough"—but the question is what is their disposition to obey the laws? What do we care a i-Rr.ii- hoarts or the'** Hisoosißone if they are boedient to the laws, and submit to the laws? Now they have submitted to laws which impose the heaviest penalty, for if they are traitors the law imposes the penalty of death and confiscation of estate by means of fine. 1 will read what the President says now of the condition of that peo ple from the information he has receiv ed: "In that portion of the Union late ly in rebellion, the aspect of affairs is more promising than in view of all the circumstances could well have been ex pected." I think there is no candid man who will not indorse that senti ment. "The people throughout the en tire South evince a laudable desire to renew their allegiance to the Govern ment, and to repair the devastations of war by a prompt and cheerful return to peaceful pursuits." Why should they not ? To suppose anything else is to suppose that they are demented; that they have no kind of common sense left; that four years of the most terrible war, and the most; terrible punishments ever inflicted up- j on a people, have been without their lessons. It cannot be, Air. President; it is not in the nature of things that it ; should be. "An abiding faith" on the part of this man who suffered from these peo ple ; who suffered from this war and the doctrine of secession, "An abiding faith is entertained that their actions will conform to their professions, and that in acknowledging the supremacy of the Constitution and the laws of the United States, their loyalty will he un reservedly given to the Government, whose leniency they cannot fail to ap preciate, and whose fostering care will form KntorrUiem to a condition of pros perity." And here, Mr. President, allow me to ask when in the history of this world or of the human family, has it happen ed that severity, cruelty, persecution, refusal to recognize common rights, has reconciled a people and pacified a dis tracted country; and when it happen ed that clemency, leniency, as the Pros dent expresses it, has failed to produce beneficial results? It is not necessary to go very far hack for instances to show this. Look at the treatment of Eng land toward Ireland. What has been the result of her holding that people in a species of vassalage? A Fenian insur rection upon her hands now, after hun dreds of years of attempt to dominate over that people. Look at Poland: look everywhere. And if it be neces sary to see what clemency, what len iency and justice, and trust and confi dence can do to restore a people once in revolution, take the conduct of Hoche in La Vendee. There, by the genius of one man, high enough to be above vul gar passion, statesman enough to look to the future, La Vendee was restored to France, and is there now, part and parcel of it, with every recollection of the revolution effaced. Says the President: "It is true that in some of the States j the demoralizing effects of the war are to he seen in occasional disorders"— these effects are to be seen in the North as well as in the South—"but these are local in character, not frequent in oc currence, and are rapidly disappearing as theauthority of civil law is extended and sustained. Perplexing questions were naturally to Lie expected from the great and sudden change in the rela tions between the two races, but sys tems, are gradually developing them selves under which the freedinan will receive the protection to which lie is justly entitled, and by means of his la bor make himselfa useful and indepen dent member of the community in which he has his home. From all the information in my possession, and from that which I have recently derived from the most reliable authority, I am induced to cherish the belief that sec tional animosity is surely and rapidly merging itself into a spirit of national ity, and that representation, connected with a properly adjusted system of tax ation, will result in a harmonious res toration of the relations of the States to the National Union." There is a little more testimony yet, Mr. President, and it is well worth while to consider, while we are here to ! take counsel and to know what weought to do in the extraordinary situation in which we tind ourselves, from whom will we take that counsel. Are we to take it from men, whose purpose seems to be to wage war upon these people and their institutions? Shall we take it from men whom they hate personal ly and by name, and to whom it is al most impossible to suppose they ever will he reconciled, or, in the nature of things, can be reconciled? Or are we to take it from the men who have not made this a personal war; who have treated it as a national war, and who, in their V OL. 61.—WHOLE No. 5,332. conduct of it, have won the applause lof both sections? The President says that part of his information has been received from CJen. Grant. V\ bo is Gen. Grant? Who is to be put in the scale with that scarred soldier, and whose testimony is to weigh down his? Is he "whitewashing," too? Has he forgotten the position he occupies be fore the American people? With the highest military character of any man to-day upon the earth, has he conde scended to come here to deceive the Senate of his country, and to lie about the condition of affairs in the South, which he has recently visited ? Let us hear what he savs, and listen with pa tient reverence to the utterance of a man of sense, a patriot, and a prudent man, who desires not to embroil, not to fmhitter, not to widen the can that al ready exists betweeiJthe two peoples, who ought to be fraternally united, but a man who desires to heal and to paci fy; a man imbued with the spirit of Hoche when he went to La Vendee, and where he succeeded when others had failed. What does he say? It is not the tone or manner of the letter writer, but it is the manner of a man and a soldier. "I am satisfied"—says he, and when he is satisfied who dares to say he is not satisfied upon the score of honesty and good intent toward this republic?— "1 am satisfied that the mass of think ; ing men in the South accept the present 1 situation of affairs in good faith." I That is what Gen. Grant says. Is i that "whitewashing?" "The questions which have heretofore ; divided the sentiments of the people of j the two sections—slavery and State rights or the right of a State to secede from the Union —they regard as having been settled forever by the highest tri bunal—arms—that men c-an resort to." it is now said that they do not think >0; that they are only pretending, and j have a covert purpose of doing some thing hereafter about thisthing, nobody can tell exactly what. Perhaps we will be told they will not abide the result. "I was pleased to learn from the lead ing men whom I met, that they not on ly accepted the decision arrived at as final, but that now, when the smoke of battle has cleared away and time has been given for reflection, this decis ion has been a fortunate one for the whole country, they receiving likeben efits from it with those who opposed them in the field and in council." Why, Mr. President, the common sense of that last utterance Is worth more as testimony (ban that of a thou sand scribblers who merely look at de tached points of this great field. They I have resolved to accept the decision as j final; and, what we ought all to be glad j to know, they have found that it is for j their benefit. I therefore hope, Mr. President, that 1 we may meet them in a different spirit ; i that we may show them that we made j this war, not to make them eternal en- i emies of ours, but that we will win them back to be as they were before,our friends | and our brothers, of thesanie race and of j thesamelitieage. Ihopetoothatthisan-1 gry, irritating, and exciting mode of : treating this subject, which is ealcula- j tedtomakeusanythingelsethanfriends j will be discarded hereafter, and that; we shall coollv and calmly, and in the . spirit of the nation, (because that is the ! spirit of the nation,) examine this question, and do with it that which will be calculated to restore the old har-; ninny and peace, and the old Union a- gam. EKEMOK ETHBUIMi E. This distinguished gentleman who! was arraigned last October for some ut terances not satisfactory to some of the radical bloodhounds in Tennessee, is j now as he ever has been, a true Union man. He is in Washington and doing j all in his power to advance the policy of the President in his efforts at resto ration. In a recent letter he says: You know my relations to the Presi dent and therefore. I do not respond to j one of your inquiries. You ought, j likewise, to know that I am not in the habit of asking quarter from political foes or personal enemies. What I have written, and what I propose to do, are j prompted alike by a sense of duty, and j not because 1 would seem to seek the favor or forbearance which too many , vainly suppose is pleasing to power. As to another matter to which you re fer, 1 will briefly state that the proof which was submitted to the commission before which I was arraigned in Octo ber last, satisfied me that the President j was not, as I had previously believed J him to be, personally or officially re- j sponsible for my arrest, or the perse- j cutions by which it was followed. But j I prefer not to dwell upon a matter \ wholly personal. When public liberty j is once more secured to the citizen, pri-1 vate wrongs will be consigned to for- j getfulness. Such sentiments are influencing the great mass of Southern men, and no one knows this fact better or appreciates it more fully than President Johnson and the prominent men in Congress who sustain him. A dashing young bachelor lately ap peared in Central Park with two hand some ponies, whose tails were done up to look like a lady's waterfall, and coop ed up in a small fish net. The resem blance was capital, and the team created a great sensation. TIIF. lawyer's motto—be brief. The doctor's motto—he patient. The pot ter's motto—be ware. The type-setter's motto—be composed. SHAIX THE JTEttRO TOTE? . i The proceeding* of Congress, or the •'Rump," 011 Tuesday (13th) show that I by a vote of 113 Republicans to 44 Dem ocrats, they refused to lay on the table a proposition to give the negro the right to vote. Thus it is settled beyond all doubt, that the Republicans are deter mined to force the right of the negro to vote in all the States. The issue is fairly made: to destroy the Constitution of Pennsylvania, which gives the white citizens only the elective franchise, is the object and purpose of the Republi can majority of the Rump Congress.— We call upon the Democracy of Penn sylvania to organize at once. There is not a moment to lose. Organize clubs, organize societies. Organize at once in every township. Call the people to gether who are in favor of the white man, who are opposed to negro equali ty; opposed to the negro voting; op posed to his equality with the white laborer; opposed to the negro coming into your factories, forges, mines, shops, stores, mills, and your families, as an EQUAL. Call together the mechanics who are opposed to the negro driving them out of employment and taking their places at less wages. Call ail pa triate a >ui friends of the white race, who are opposed to a bloody war in every town in the State between the negro and the white race, like it has been in Ja maica. Call the children, at proper pla ces, and teach them what will be their fate, if the negro is to be their compan ion in schools, and drive them away from the school house and take posses sion and deprive them of education. This, all these, must be done at once. The issue is made. The Republican party before the last election told the peo ple they had no wish tq make the negro the equal of the white man, or to give him the right to vote. This party de -1 nied it was soon to be a question in Pennsylvania. Now, after the election, this diabolical and outrageous purpose of the traitors to the white race is openly admitted. Let us meet the issue. In form the public mind on the subject. I)o not hesitate as to time or place. Tell the people in the town, in the store, at church, at the depot, at the cross roads, at the school house, at the wedding, at the funeral, at the vendue, at the shops, furnaces, forges, mills, everywhere, that the Yankee is against the white man. That Mew England is against the Union; that New England is the cause of all our trouble; that the Yankee is a trai tor to the white race; that the Repub lican party is in favor of the negro's right to vote; that theßepublican party is determined to destroy the welfare and happiness of the white man's fam ily, and to degrade the white laborer and the white mechanic to the level of the negro. Write it, speak it, talk it, call meetings, agitate the public mind. Do this at once, or the white labor of the State will be disgraced and degra ded. For the mechanic and laborer, it is a question of bread for h*s family, of pride in bis rec, or prosperity in his trade and business. (Mark the traitors to the white man, and let the indigna tion of the white man face the Repub lican traitors to the supremacy of the white race, and compel them to aban don their treason, or go to Hayti, St. Domingo, or Jamaica, and put their own necks under the yoke of subjection to the negro.— Patriot & Union. THI: TRUE MAX.— He is above a mean thing. Hecannot stoop to a mean fraud. He invades no secrets in the keeping of another. He betrays no secrets confid ed to his keeping. He never struts in borrowed plumage. He never takes selfish advantage of our mistakes. He never stabs in the dark. He is asham ed of inuendoes. He is not one thing to a man's face and another behind his hack. If by accident he comes in pos session of his neighbor's counsels, he passes upon them an act of instant ob livion. He bears sealed packages with out tampering with the wax. Papers not meant for his eye, whether they flutter at the window or lie open before him in unregarded exposure, are sacred to him. He encroaches on no privacy of others, however the sentry sleeps. Bolt and bars, locks and keys, hedges ; cl pickets, bonds and securities, 110- t.ce to trespassers, are none of them for him. He may be trusted himself out of sight—near the thinnest partition— anywhere, lie buys no office, he sells none, he intrigues for none. He would rather fail of his rights than win by dishonor. Jle will eat honest bread.— fie insults no man. He tramples on no sensitive feeling. If he have rebuke for another, he is straight forward, o pen, manly. Whatever he judges honorable he practices toward every man. WHO TOLD THE TRUTH.— When the Democratic papers, previous to the last State election, charged on the Repub lican leaders that they would attempt to place the negro on an equality with the white man, the Republican papers denied it and declared that the charge was untrue. John Cessna, the Chair man of the Republican State Commit tee, issued an ad dress to the people f the State, assuring them there was no such issue before the people and that the Republican party intended nothing of the kind. Now, what are they do ing? Stevens, Sumner, Wilson and others, have introduced at least forty propositions into Congress to break down the barriers God has established between the black and white man. They are atttempting to do it in the District of Columbia and in all the Southern States and they will try it in the Northern States as soonas they can. Sumner has even introduced a bill into the U. S. Senate to allow negroes to sit on juries with white men. Our white laborers and mechanics, many of them at least, will not see the danger they are in until it is too late.— Jofmstoum Dem ocrat. WOMAN is said to be a mere delusion, but it is sometimes pleasant to hug de-