The Bedford gazette. (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, December 15, 1865, Image 1

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7M BEDFORD GAZETTE is published crury Fii
l,;v MORNING 'v MEYERS A M ENOFI,. at 00 per
annum. >1 pud strirtly i advance : 82.50 it" paid
vitbiu si* months; $3.00 if not paio vvithiiqsi
months Ail subscription accounts l\ll T ST be
att'td annually. No papar will be *eut out f
State unless paid for IS ADVANCE. and all such
f .j .-riptiuus will invariably be discontinued at
rbc expiration of the time for which they are
All ADVERTISEMENTS for a less term than
three months TEN CENTS per line for each tri
rtion. Special notices one-half additional All
jejoiuti* ns of Associations; communications of
•nailed or individual interest, and notices of niar
. ,;i-and deaths exceeding five line.-, ten cents
. r line. Editorial notices fifteen cents per line.
.111 hga/ Notices of every find, and Orphans'
Ift end Judtrial Sales, are required hy lan*
published in both papers published iu thss
p',l rr.
Ld advertising due after first insertion.
A liberal discount is made to persons advertising
bv the quarter, half year, or year, as follows :
3 mouths, fi months. 1 year.
♦One square - - - $4 50 $6 00 $lO 00
Two squares - - - 600 900 lfi 00
Three squares - - - 8 00 12 00 20 00
quarter column - - 14 00 20 00 35 00
Half column - - - Id 00 25 00 45 00
One column - - - -30 00 45 00 80 00
#oue square to occupy oue inch of space.
JOB PRINTING, of every kind, done with
iuv been refitted with a Power Press and new typet
sud everything in the Printing line can be execu
ted in the must artistic manner and at the lowest
~ate-.- TERMS CASH
I f - All letters should be addressd to
at £nu\
,1 AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will promptly
sttend to collections of bounty, back pay, Ac.,
and all business entrusted to his care in ftedford
and adjoining counties,
ish advanced on judgments, notes, military
Mi l other claims.
11 is for sale Town lots in Tatesville, and St.-
ioh"s on Bedford Railroad. Farms ami unim
proved land, from one acre to 900 acres to suit
Office nearly opposite the '-Mengel Hotel" and
Bunk of Reed A Schell.
April 1. ISfta—ly
AT LAW. BEDFORD. PA Will punctually
■ J carefully attend to all business entrusted to
■ care. Soldiers'claims for bounty, back pay
j. speedily collected. Office with H. Xicode
• K-j . oil Juliana strop*, nearly Opptlils the
Banking; House of Reed & Schell.
April 7, 1865.
nl R R<) R R<> \V Jk LUT Z ,
W .1 utleud promptly to all business intrusted to
th .-ircare. Collections made on the shortest no
Tliev are. also, regularly licensed Claim Agents
slid will give special attention to the prosecution
fclaims against the Government for Pensions,
Bai-k Pay. Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac.
Office on Juliana street, one door South of the
Mengel House,"' und nearly opposite the Inquirer
, £
J LAW, BEDFORD. PA Respectfully tenders
his services to the public
office second door North of the Mengel House.
Bedford, Aug. 1. 1861.
rj LAW. BEDFORD, PA. Will promptly attend
t,' all business entrusted to his care.
Particular attention paid to the collection of
Military claims. Office on Juliana Street, nearly
opposite the Mengol House.
Bedford. Aug. 1, 1861.
. LAW. BEDFORD. PA. Respectfully of
-1 i - his prosessional services to the public.
office with J. W Lingenfelter. Esq.. on Juliana
street, two doors South of the '-Mengel House."
Bedford. Dec. 9. ISlit
I j LAW. BEDFORD. PA. Will faithfully and
promptly Attend to all business entrusted to hb
pure in iiedford and adjoining counties. Military
claim?. back pay,bounty. 4c., speedily collected
with Mann &> Spang, on Ju'iana street,
two door? South of tfce Mengel House.
Jam. 22. I9N,
Have formed a partnership in the practice of
the Law. Office on Juliana street, two doors South
! the "Mengel House,"'
\J, LAW. BEDFORD, PA. Will promptly at
tend to collections and all business entrusted to
hi- care in Bedford and adjoining counties,
office on Juliana Street, three doers south of the
Mengel House," opposite the residence of Mrs.
May 12, MIA.
f) AT LAW. BEDFORD. PA. Will promptly
a" u.i to all legal business entrusted to his care.
M i'l give special attention to claims against the
gov eminent
Offiee on Juliana Street, formerly occupied by
H< -n. A. KiDg.
March 31, 1565.
and Ilcntisitsi.
M , RI n. Pa., tenders liis professional servi
sto the people of that place and vicinity. • tffiee
one door west of Richard Langdon's store.
Nov. 24. 'tii —ly
I \R. J. L. MARBOI'RG, Having
1 . permanently located, respectfully tenders
hi* professional services to the citizens of Bedford
arid vicinity.
1 'ffi. e on Juliana street, east side, nearly opposite
du- Banking House of Keed A Schell.
Bedford. February 12, 1864.
•S HICKOK, | J. fi. StINNICH, JR.,
'.•fit e in the Bank Building, Juliana St.
ASI operations pertaining to Surgical or Me
iiscical Dentistry carefully performed, and war
Bedford. January 6, 1860.
J) K E I) A N I> SC H E L L,
1 \. Bankers and
DRAFTS bought and sold, collections made and
a; uey promptly remitted.
Deposits solicited.
'.LECTION'Smade for the East. West. North
>'.uth. and the general business of Exchange
transacted. Notes arid Accounts Collected and
■'-emitiantics promptly made. REAL ESTATE
'•'light and sold. Oct. 20. 1865.
He keeps on hand a stock of fine Hold and Sil
] " M ntvhes. Spectacles of Brilliant Double Re
.!• -d iiUs. e s_ al.Hi, Scotch Pebble Glasses. Gold
" h Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Rings best
'.''viity of Gold Pcd-. He will supply to order
: y thing in his line not on hand.
''"t 2n. m>-
t'' iter in Boots, Shoes. Queerisware and Varie-
troui Country Merchants re-
Dit 20, 1865,
' .Bedford, Pa. Shop same as formerly oecu
■ v ' "order, deceased. Having resumed
rt. he is now prepared to fill all orders for new
d-r* 'I, shortest dotice. Repairing done to or
' ""it d" P 4tro " a, s e 'I IB public is respectfully
CPjc licbtorb ©n^cttc.
Fellow-Citizen* of (he Senate and House
of Representative*:
To express gratitude to God, in the
name of the people, for the preserva
tion of the United States, is my first
duty in addressing you. Our thoughts
next revert to the death of the Presi
dent by an act of parricidal treason.—
The grief of the nation i. .-till fresh; it
finds some solace in the consideration
that lie lived to enjoy the highest proof
of its confidence hy entering on the re
newed term of the Chief Magistracy to
Which iie had been elected; that he
brought tlie civil war substantially to a
close; thai his loss was deplored in all
parts of the Union, and that foreign na
tions have rendered justice to his mem
ory. His removal cast upon me a hea
vier weight of cares than ever devolved
upon any one of his predecessors.
To fulfil my trust 1 need the support
and confidence of all who are associated
with me in the various departments of
Government, and the support and con
fidence of the people. There is but one
way in which I can hope to gain their
necessary aid; it is, to state with frank
ness the principles which guide my eon
duct, and their application to the pres
ent state of affairs, well aware that the
etiiciency of my labors will, in a great
measure, depend upon your and their
undivided approbation.
The Union of the United States of
America was intended by its authors to
last as long as the States themselves
shall last. "The Union shall lie perpet
ual," are the words of the( 'onfederation.
"To form a more perfect Union," by an
ordinance of the people of the United
States, is the declared purpose of the
Constitution. The hand of Divine Prov
idence was never more plainly visible
in the affairs of men than in the fram
ingandtheadbptingof that instrument.
It is, beyond comparison, the greatest
event in American history; and indeed
is it not, of all events in modern times,
the most pregnant with consequences
for every part of the earth?
The members of the convention which
prepared it brought to their work the
experience of the confederation, of their
several States, and of other republican
governments, old and new; but they
nets led and obtained a wi-dom superior
to experience. And when for its valid
ity it required the approval of a people
that occupied a large part of a continent,
and acted separately in many distinct
conventions, what is more wonderful
than that, after long contention anu ear
nest discussion, all feelings and all opin
ions were ultimately drawn in one way
to its support.
The Constitution to which life was
thus imparted contains within itself
ample resources for its own preserva
tion. It has power to enforce the laws,
punish treason, and ensure domestic
tranquillity. In case of usurpation of
the government of a State by one man,
or an oligarchy, it becomes a duty of the
United States to make good the guar
antee to that State of a republican form
of government, and so to maintain the
honiogcneousne-s of all. Does the lapse
of time reveal defects? A simple mode
of amendment is provided in the Con
stitution itself, so that its conditions
can always !>e made to conform to the
r<quireiiient>of advancing civilization.
xo room is allowed even for the
thought of a possibility of it- coming
to an end. And these ;sower- of self
preservation have always been assorted
in their complete integrity by every
patriotic! 'hief Magistrate—by Jefferson
and Jackson, not less than by Washing
ton and Madison. The parting advice
of the Father of his country, while yet
President, t<> the people of the United
States, was that "the free Constitution,
which wa- the work of their hands,
might be sacredly maintained," and
the inaugural word- of President Jef
ferson held up "the preservation of the
General Government, in its constitu
tional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our
peace at home and safety abroad." The
Constitution is the work of "the people
of the United States," and it should he
as indestructible as the people.
It i.- not strange that the framer- of
the Constitution, which had no model
in the past, should not have fully com
prehended the excellence of their own
work. Fresh from a struggle against
arbitrary power, many patriots suffered
from harassing fears of an absorption of
the State governments by the General
Government, and many from a dread
that the States would break awav from
their orbit-. Isut the very greatness of
our country should allay the apprehen
sion of encroachments by the General
Government. The subjects that come
unquestionably within its jurisdiction
arc so numerous, that it mu.-t ever nat
urally refuse to be embarrassed by ques
tions that lie beyond it. Were it other
wise, the Executive would sink lieneath
the burden; tlie channels of justice
would be choked; legislation would be
obstructed by excess; so that there is a
greater temptation to exercise some of
the functions of the General Govern
ment through the States than to tre.--
pa-- on their rightful sphere. "The ab
solute acquiescence in the decisions of
the majority" was, at the beginning of
the century, enforced by Jefferson "as
the vital principle of republics," and
the events of the last four years have
established, we will hop- forever, that
there lic> no appeal to force.
The maintenance of the Union brings
withitthesupportof "the State govern
ments in all their rights;" but it is not
one of the rights of any State Govern
ment to renounce its own place in the
Union, or to nullify the laws of the U
nion. The largest liberty is to be main
tained in the discussion of the acts of
the Federal Government; but there is
no appeal from its laws, except to the
various branches of that Government
itself, or to the people, who grant to the
members of the Legislative and of the
Executive Departments no tenure but
a limited one, and in that manner al
ways retain the powers of redress.
"The sovereignty of the States" is the
language of the Confederacy, and not
the language of the Constitution. The
latter contains the emphatic words:
"The Constitution, and the laws of the
United States which shall be made in
pursuance thereof, and all treaties made
or which shall be made under the au
thority of the United States, shall be
the supreme law of the land, and the
judges in every State shall be bound
thereby, anything in the constitution
or laws of any State to the contrary
Certainly the Government of the U
nited States is a limited Government;
and so is every State Government a lim
ited Government. With us, this idea
of limitation spreads through every
form of administration, General, State
and municipal, and rests on the great
distinguishing principle of the recogni
tion of the rights of man. The ancient
republics absorbed the individual in the
State, prescribed in hi-; religion, and
controlled his activity. The American !
system restson the assertion of theequal
right of every man to life, liberty and
the pursuit of happiness; to freedom of
conscience, to the culture and exercise
of all his faculties. As a consequence,
the State Government is limited as to ;
the General Government in tiie interest
of the Union, as to the individual citi
zen in the interest of freedom.
States, with proper limitations of
power, are essential to the existence of
the Constitution of the United States.
At the very commencement, when we
assumed a place among the powers of'
the earth, the Declaration of Indepen
dence was adopted by States; so also
were the Articles of Confederation; and
when "the people of the United States"
ordained and established the Constitu
tion, it was the assent of the States, one
by one, which gave it vitality. In the
event, too, of any amendment to the j
Constitution, the' proposition of Con
gress needs the confirmation of States.
Without States, one great branch of!
the legislative government would be \
wanting. And if we look beyond the
letter of the Constitution to the char
acter of our country, its capacity for
comprehending within its jurisdiction
a vast continental empire is due to the
system of States. The best security for
the perpetual existence of the States is
the "supreme authority" of the Consti
tution of the United States. The per- ;
petuity of the Constitution brings with
it the perpetuity of the States; their
mutual relation makes us what we arc,
and in our political system their con
nection is indissoluble. The whole can
not exist without the parts, nor the parts
without the whole. So long as tin-Con
stitution of the United States endures,
the States will endure; the destruction
of theoneisthedcstructionof the other;
the preservation of the one is the pres
ervation of the other.
1 have thus explained my views of
the mutual relations of tin-Constitution
and the States, because they unfold the
principles upon which I have sought to
solve the momentous questions and
overcome the appalling difficulties that
met me at the very commencement of
my administration. It has been my
steadfast object to escape from the sway
of momentary passions and to derive a
healing policy from the fundamental
and unchanging principles of the Con
I found the States suffering from the
effects of a civil war. Resistance to the
General Government appeared to have
exhausted itself. The United States had
recovered possession of tln-ir forts and
arsenals; and their armies were in the
occupation of every State which had at
tempted to secede. Whether the terri
tory within the limit of those States
should he held a> conquered territory,
under military authority emanating
from the President as the head of the
army, was the fir.-t question that pre
sented itself for decision. Now, mili
tary governments, established or an in
definite period, would have offered no
security for the early suppression of dis
content; would huvedividedthe people
into the vanquishers and the vanquish
ed; and would have envenomed ha
tred, rather than restored affection.—
Once established, no precise limit to
their continuance was conceivable.—
They would have occasioned an incal
culable and exhausting expense. Peace
ful emigration to and from that portion
of the country is one of the best means
that can le thought of for the restora
tion of harmony and that emigration
would have been prevented; for what
emigrant from abroad, what industri
ous citizen at home, would place him
self willingly under military rule?
The chief persons who would have
followed in the train of the army would
have been dependent on the General
Government, or men who expected
profit from the miseries of their erring
fellow-citizens. The powers of patron
age and rule which would have been
exercised under the President over a
vast and jiopulous, and naturally weal
thy region, are greater than, unless un
der extreme necessity, I should be wil
ling to entrust to anyone mail; they are
such as, for myself, I could never, un
less on occasions of great emergency,
consent to exercise. The wilful use of
such powers, if continued through a
period of years, would have endangered
tin* purity of the general administration
and the liberties of the States which re
mained loyal.
Besides, the policy of military rule
over a conquered territory would have
implied that the Staffs, whose inhabi
tants may have taken part in the rebel
lion had, by the act of those inhabitants,
ceased to exist. But the true theory is,
that all pretended acts of secession were,
from the beginning, null and void. The
States cannot com n lit t reas< in, nor screen
the individual citizens who may have
committed treason, any more than they
can make valid treaties or engage in
lawful commerce with any foreign [tow
er. The States attempting to secede
placed themselves in a condition where
their vitality was impaired, but not ex
tinguished—their functions suspended,
but not destroyed.
But if any State neglects or refuses to
perform its offices, there is tlie more
need that the General Government
should maintain all its authority, and,
as soon as practicable, resume the exer
cise of all its functions. ()n this princi
ple I have acted, and have gradually
and quietly, and by almost impercepti
ble steps sought to restore the rightful
energy of the General Government and
of the States. To that end, Provisional
Governors have been appointed for the
States, Conventions called. Governors
elected, Legislatures assembled, and
Senators and Representatives chosen to
the Congress of the United States.
At the same time, tlie Courts of the
United States, as far as could IM- done,
have liecn re-opened, so that the laws of
the United States may be enforced
through their agency. The blockade
haslieen removed and thecustom houses
re-established in ports of entry, so that
the revenue of the United States may
i>e collected. The Post Office Depart
ment renews its ceaseless activity, and
the General Government is thereby en
abled to communicate promptly with
its officers and agents. The courts bring
security to persons and property; the
opening of the [torts invites the resto
ration of industry and commerce; the
jiost office renews the facilities of social
intercourse and of business.
And is it not happy for us all, that
the restoration of eachoneof thesefunc
tionsof the General Government brings
with it a blessing to the Staff's over
which they are extended? Is it not a
sure promise of harmony and renewed
attachment to the Union that, after all
that has happened, the return of the
General Government is known only as
a lienetieence?
1 know very well that this policy is
attended with some risk; that for its
success it requires at least the acquies
cence of tho Staffs which it concerns;
that it implies an invitation to those j
States, by renewing their allegiance to
the United States, to resume their func
tions States of the Union. But it is j
a risk that must be taken; in the choice
of difficulties it is the smallest risk; and )
to diminish, and, if possible, to remove
all danger, I have felt it incumbent on
me to assert one other power of the
Genera! Government —the power of
As no State can throw a defence over
the crime of treason, the power of par
don is exclusively vested in tlie Execu
tive Government of the United States.
In exercising that power, I have taken
every precaution to connect it with the
clearest recognition of the binding force
of the laws of the United States, and !
an unqualified acknowledgment of the j
great social change of condition in re- 1
gard to slavery which has grown out of
the war.
The next step which I have taken to !
restoretheeonstitutional relationsofthe ;
States has been an invitation to them to I
participate in the 'ugh office of amend
ing the ('(institution. Every patriot j
must wish for a general amnesty at the
earliest epoch coni&tent with public j
safety. For this grifct end there is need !
of a concurrence of ail opinions, and
tlie spirit of mutuallconciliation. All
parties in the late terrible conflict must
work together in hsjjraony.
It is not too muchftoask, in the name j
of the whole people, that, on the one!
side, the plan of restoration shall pro-!
ceed in eonformityfwith a willingness i
to east the d'sordersjjpf the past into ob
livion ; and that, oifihe other, the evi
dence of sincerity ijj the future main-;
tenance of the Unioh shail he put be-j
yond any doubt by {the ratification of;
the proposed amendment to the Consti-!
tution, which provicjfes for the abolition |
of slavery forever \flthin the limits of j
our country. So long as the adoption of !
this amendment is delayed, so long will
doubt, and jealousy, and uncertaintv
prevail. This is the measure which ;
will efface the sad memory of the past; ;
this is the measure which will most eer- j
tainly call population, and capital, and J
security to those parts of the Union that j
need them most.
Indeed, it is not too much to ask of j
the States which arc now resuming their |
places in the family of the Union, to;
give tlii- pledge of perpetual loyalty!
and peace. Until it is done, the past,
however much we n&ay desire it, will j
not be forgotten. The adoption of the I
amendment reunites us beyond all pow- j
er of disruption. It heals the wound !
teat is still imperfectly closed; it re-j
moves slavery, the element which has i
so long perplexed an<l divided the coun
try; it makes of u> once more a united
people, renewed and strengthened,
bound more than evei to mutual affec
tion and support.
The amendment to tlie Constitution
being adopted, it wo lid remain for the
States, whose powers have been so long
in abeyance, to resume their places in j
the two branches of Ihe National Leg-'
islature,and thereby complete the work
of restoration. Here it is for you, fel- j
low-citizens of the House of Represen
tatives, to judge, cacl of you for your
selves, of the elections,ret urnaand qual
ifications of y.Hir own i: . nihers.
The full assertion of the powers of the |
General Government requires the hold
ing of Circuit Courts of the United
States within the districts where their
authority has been interrupted. In the
present posture of our public affairs,.
strong objections have been urged to
holding those courts in any of the States
where the rebellion has existed; and it
was ascertained by inquiry, that the 1
('ircuit Court of the United States would
not be held within the District of Vir- j
ginia during the autumn or early win
ter, nor until Congress should have "an ]
opportunity to consider and act on the ;
whole subject."
To your deliberations the restoration 1
of this branch of the civil authority of j
the United States is therefore necessari
ly referred, with the hope that early
provision will lie made for the resump
tion of all its functions. It is manifest
that treason, most flagrant in character,.
has been committed. Persons who arc
charged wifh its commission should !
have fair and impartial trial in the j
highest civil tribunals of the country,;
in order that the Constitution and tlie
laws may be fully vindicated; the truth
clearly established and affirmed that
treason is a crime, that trattors should ;
be punished and the offence made infa- i
nious; and, at the same time, that the
question may be judicially settled, li-;
nally and forever, that no State of its :
own will has the right to renounce its
place in the Union.
The relations of the General Govern- j
uient towards the four millions of inhab
itants whom the war has called into free
dom, have engaged my most serious con
sideration. On the propriety of attempt- j
ing to make the freedmen electors by
the proclamation of the Executive, i
took for my counsel the constitution it- j
self, the interpretations of that instru- j
ment by its authors and their content- !
povaries, and recent legislation by Con
gress. When, at the first movement to
wards independence, the Congress of,
the United States instructed the sever
al States to institute governments of
their own, they left each State to decide j
for itself the conditions for the enjoy- j
ment of the elective franchise. During
the period of the Confederacy, then
continued to exista very great diversity |
in the qualifications of electors in the !
several States; and even within a State ,
a distinction of qualifications prevailed j
with regard to the officers who were to |
be chosen. The Constitution of the U
nited States recognizes these diversities
when it enjoins that, in tlie choice of |
members of the House of Representa
tives of the United States, "the electors
in each State shall have the qualifica
tions requisite for electors of tlie most
numerous branch of the State legisla
ture." After the formation of the Con
stitution, it remained, as before,
uniform usage for each State to enlarge
the body of its electors; according to its
own judgment; and, under this system,
one State after another has proceeded
to increase the number of its electors,;
until now universal suffrage, or some
thing very near it, is the general rule, j
So fixed was this reservation of pow-1
er in the habits of the people, and so
unquestioned has been the interpreta
tion of the Constitution, that during |
the civil war the late President never
harbored the purpose—certainly never
avowed the purpose—of disregarding
it; and in the acts of Congress, during
that period, nothing can be found which,,
during the continuance of hostilities,
much less after their close, would have
sanctioned any departure by the Exe
cutive from a policy which has so uni
formly obtained. Moreover, a conces
sion of the elective franchise to the freed
men, by act of the President of the U
; nited Stab-, must have been extended
to all colored men. wherever found,
and so must have established a change
of suffrage in the Northern, Middle,
> and Western States, not less than in the
! Southern and Southwestern. Such an
act would have created a new class of
! voters, and would have been an assump
tion of [tower by the President which
j nothing in the Constitution or laws of
the United States would have warrant
; On the other hand, every danger of
conflict is avoided when the settlement
| of the question is referred to the sever
al States.—They can, each for itself,
| decide on the measure, and whether it
is to be adopted at once and absolutely,
or introduced gradually and with con
ditions. in my judgment, the freed
' men, if they show patience and manly
I virtues, will sooner obtain a participa
-1 tion in the elective franchise through
the States than through the General
i Government, even if it had power to
: intervene.—When the tumult of emo
j tious that have been raised by the sud
i denness of the . ocial change shall have
1 subsided, it may prove that they will
j receive the kindliest usage from some
• of those on whom they have hereto
; fore most closely depended.
! But while 1 have no doubt that now,
after the close of the war, it is not com
petent for the General Government to
extend the elective franchise in the sev
eral States, it is equally clear that good
; faith requires the security of the freed -
i men in their liberty and "their prooer
i ty, their right to lalnir, and their right
| to claim the just return of their labor, j
I cannot too strongly urge a disp&s- j
sionate treatment of this subject, which ,
should be carefully kept aloof from all ;
! party strife.—We'must equally avoid
j hasty assumptions of any natural im-:
f>oss ibility for the two races to live side |
>y side, in a state of mulualbenefitand !
; good will. The experiment involves !
'usin no inconsistency; let us, then, go i
! on and make thai experiment in good
faith, and not he too easily dishearten- !
: ed.—The country is in need of labor, ;
1 and the freedmea are in need of em- j
ploymer.t, culture and protection, while j
' their right of voluntary migration and |
I expatriation is not to he questioned, 1 j
would not advise their forced removal
i and colonization. Let us rathereneour-1
: age them to hone ruble and useful in-;
dustry, where it may be beneficial to !
i themselves and to the country; and, j
instead of hasty anticapations* of the '
certainty of failure, let there lie nothing
wanting to the fair trial of the ex peri- j
, meat. The change in their condition
1 is the -übstitution of labor by contract
| for the status of slavery. Thefreedman
I cannot fairly bt accused of unwilling-;
nessto work, s<> longasa doubt remains j
about his frvdoni of choice in his pur- j
suits, and the certainty of iiis recover
ing his stipulated wages. Jn this tlie j
t interests of employer and the employed !
coincide.—Tlie emoloyer desires in his i
workmen spirit and alacrity, and these I
can he permanently secured in no other j
way. And if the one ought to be able !
to enforce the contract, so ought the
other. The public interest will be liest j
promoted, if the several States will !
provide adequate protection and rente- \
dies for the freedmen. Until this is in
some way accomplished, there is no I
ebtvneefor the advantageous use of their
labor; and the blame of ill-success will t
not rest on them.
1 know that sincere philanthropy is !
earnest for the immediate realization j
of it- remotest aims ; but time is always j
an element in reform, it is one of the j
greatest acts on record to have brought!
four millions of people into freedom. I
The career of free industry must he j
fairly open< dto them; and then their
future prosperity and condition must,
after all, rest mainly on themselves. If;
they fail, and so perish away, let us be i
careful that the failure shall not he at- j
tributable to any denial of justice. Jn 1
all that relates to the destiny of the
freed man, we need not lie too anxious j
to read the future; many incidents j
which, from a speculative point of view,
might raise alarm, will quietly settle
Now that slavery i- at an end or j
near it- end, the greatness of its evil, I
in the point of view of public economy, j
becomes moreand more apparent. Sla
very was essentially a monopoly of la- ;
bor, and as such locked the States where ;
it prevailed against the incoming of,
free industry. Where labor was the ;
property of the capitalist, the white
man was excluded from employment, ]
or had but the second liest chance of j
finding it; and the foreign emigrant j
turned away from the region where his j
condition wouldlieseprecarious. With I
the destruction of the monopoly, free |
labor will hasten from all parts of the
civilized world to assist in developing i
various and immeasurable resources;
which have hitherto lain dormant. The !
eight or nine States nearest the Gulf of!
Mexico have a soil of exuberant fertil- j
itv, a climate friendly to long life, and I
can sustain a denser population than is !
found as yet in any part of our country, j
I And the future influx of population to i
them will be mainly from the North, or j
from the most cultivated nations in ;
Europe. From the sufferings that have j
attended them during our late struggle,
let us look away to the future, which is j
sure to he laden for them with greater j
prosperity than lias ever before been j
known. The removal of the monopo
ly of slave labor is a pledge that those ;
regions will be peopled by a numerous !
I and enterprising population, which
will vie with any in the Union in com-1
paetness, inventive genius, wealth, and ,
; industry.
Our Government springs from and
was made for the people—not the peo
ple for the Government. To them it i
owes allegiance; from them it niuM ;
derive its courage, strength and wis
dom. But, while the .Government is
thus bound to defer to the people, from
whom it derives its existence, it should,
from the very consideration of its ori
gin. he strong in its power of resistance
to the establishment of inequalities.
Monopolies, perpetuities, and class leg
islation, arc contrary to the genius of
free government, and ought not to he
allowed. Here, there is no room for fa
vored classes or monopolies, the princi
ple of our Government is that of equal
laws and freedom of industry. Wher
ever monopoly attains a foothold, it is
sure to be a source of danger, discord
and trouble. We shall but fulfil our du
ties as legislators by according "equal
and exact justice to all men," special
privileges to none. The Government
is subordinate to the people; but, as the
agent and representative of the [>eople,
it must he held superior to monopolies,
which, in themselves, ought never to
he granted, and which, where they ex
ist, must be subordinate and yield to
the Government.
The Constitution confers on Congress
the right to regulate commerce among
VOL. 61.-WHOLE No. 5.327.
j the several States. It is of the first ne
i cessity for the maintenance of the Un
ion. that that commerce should be free
j and unobstructed. No State can be
i justified in any device to tax the trans
i it of travel and commerce between
States. The position of many States is
such that, if they were allowed to take
advantage of it for purposes of local
I revenue, the commerce between States
might l>e injuriously burdened, or even
virtually prohibited. It is best, while
| the country is still young, and while
| the tendency to dangerous monopolies
of this kind is >till feeble, to use the
power of Congress so as to prevent any
i selfish impdiment to the free circula
| tion of men and merchandise. A tax
i 011 travel and merchandise, in their
i transit, constitutes one of the worst
1 forms of monopoly, and the evil is in
j creased if coupled with a denialof the
1 choice of the route. When the vast
1 extent of our country is considered, it
is plain that every obstacle to the free
circulation of commerce between the
.States ought to IK? sternly guarded a
gainst by appropriate legislation with
in the limits of the Constitution.
The report of the Secretary of the In
terior explains the condition of thepub-
I lie lands, the transactions of the Patent
j < >tticeanri the Pension Bureau, theman
| agementof our Indian affairs, the pmg
j ress made in theeonstruction of the Pa
i citie railroad, and furnishes informs-
I tion in reference to matters of l(K*al in
| forest in the Dietr t of Columbia. It
I also presents evidence of the successful
i operation of the Homestead Act, under
j the provisions of which 1,160,533 acres
of the public lands were entered during
tin l last fiscal year—more than one
fourth of the whole number of acres
sold or otherwise tPsposed of during
tluit period. It is estimated that the
receipts derived from this source are
Mitfleient to cover the expenses inci
dent to the survey and dispo-al of the
lands entered under this Act, and that
payments in cash to the extent of from
forty to fifty per cent, will be made by
settlers, who may thus at any time ac
qure title before the expiration of the
period at which it would otherwise vest.
The homestead policy was established
only after long and earnest resistance;
experience proves its wisdom. The
lair's, in the hands of industrious set
tlers, whose lalwtr creates wealth and
contributes to the public resources, are
worth more to the United States than
if they had been reserved as a solitude
for future purchasers.
The lamentable events of the last four
years, and the sacrifices made by the
gallant men of our Army and Navy,
have swelled the records of the Pen
sion Bureau to an unprecedented extent.
On the 30th day of June last, the total
number of pensioners wasßs,'>Bo. requi
ring for their annual pay, exclusive of
expenses, the sum of (5 .023,445. The
number of applications that have been
allowed since that date will require a
large increase of this amount for the
next fiscal year. The means for the
payment of the stipends due, under ex
isting laws, toourdisabled soilders and
sailors, and to the families of such
have perished in the -errice of the
country, will no doubt be cheerfully and
promptly granted. A grateful people
will not hesitate to sanction any meas
ures having for their object the relief
of soldiers mutilated and families marie
favherle.-s in the efforts to preserve our
national existence.
The report of the Postmaster General j
presents an encouraging exhibit of the!
operations of the Post Office Depart-!
ment during the year. The revenues i
of the past year from the loyal States j
alone exceeded the maximum annual I
receipts from ali the States previous to j
the rebellion, in the sum of $6,638,691 ; j
and tin- annual average increase of rev- i
enue during the last four years, com pa- j
ml with the revenues of the four years ;
immediately preceding the rebellion, j
was $3,533,845. The revenues of the j
last fiscal year amounted to $14,556,158, j
and the expenditures to $13,694,728, j
leaving a surplus of receipts over ex- j
penditures of $861,430. Progress has
been made in restoring the postal ser- i
vice in the Southern States. The views
presented by the Postmaster General
against the policy of granting subsidies j
to ocean mail steamship lines upon es
tablished routes, and in favor of eon- j
tinuing the present system, which lim- j
its the conipen.-ation for ocean service
to the postage earnings, are recommen
ded to thecareful consideration of Con- '
It appears, from the report of the
Secretary of the Navy, that while, at ;
the commencement of the present year, !
there were in commission 536 vessels of j
all classes and descriptions, armed with i
3,666 guns, and manned by 51,060 men. ;
the number of vessels at present in 1
commission is 117, with 830 guns and '
12,128 men. By this prompt reduction
of the naval forces the expenses of the j
Government have been largely dimin-<
ishcri, and a number of vessels, purclm- l
sed fur naval purposes from the mer
chant marine, have been returned to i
the peaceful pursuits of commerce. I
Since the suppression of active hostili- j
ties our foreign squadrons have been j
re-established, and consist of vessels j
much more efficient than those employ
ed on similar service previous to the re-!
hellion. The suggestion for the en-'
largementof the navy-yards, and espe- I
eiaily for the establishment of one in [
fyesh water for iron-clad vessels, is rie- j
serving of consideration, as is also the)
recommendation for a different loca- j
tion and more ample grounds for the !
Naval Academy.
In the report of the Secretary of War,
a general summary is given of the mil- j
itary campaigns of lsG4 and 1865, end- \
ing in the suppression of armed resis- j
tancetothe national authority in the
insurgent States.—The operations of the 1
general administrative Bureaus of the I
War Department during the past year ,
are detailed, and an estimate made of'
the appropriation- that will he requi-'
red for military purposes in the fiscal j
year commencingthe 30th day of June, j
1866. The national military force on
the Ist of May, 1865 numbered 1,006,-
516 men. It is proposed to reduce the j
military establishment- to a peace foot- !
ing, comprehending fifty thousand
troops of all arms, organized so as to l
admit of an enlargement by filling up I
the ranks to eighty-two thousand six'
hundred, if the circumstances of the
country should require an augmenta
tion of the army. The volunteer force
has already been reduced by the dis- !
charge from service of over eight hun-'
dred thousand troops, and the Depart
ment is proceeding rapidly in the work
of further reduction. The war esti
mates are reduced from $516,240,131 to
$33,814,461, which amount, in the opin
ion of the Department, is adequate for
a jhwc establishment. The measures
of retrenchment in each Bureau and
branch of the service exhibit a diligent
economy worthy of commendation.
Reference is also made jh* the report to
, the necessity of providing for a uni
form militia system, and to the propri
ety of making suitable provision for
wounded and disabled officers and .sol
The revenue system of thoeountry is
a subject (of vital interest to its honor
and prosperity, and should command
1 the earnest consideration of Congress.
The Secretary of the Treasury will lay
before you a full and detailed report of
the receipts and disbursements of the
last fiscal year, of the first quarter of
the present fiscal year, of the probable
receipts and expenditures for the other
I three quarters, and the estimates for
the year following the 30th of June,
| 1806. I might content myself with a
■ reference to that report, in which you
; will find all the information ret)uired
for your deliberations and decision.
I But the paramount importance of the
j subject so presses itself on my own
mindj that 1 cannot but lay before you
my views of the measures .vhich are
required for the good character, and, I
might almost say, for the existence of
this people. The life of a republic lies
certainly in the energy, virtue, and in
telligence of its citizens; hut it is equal
ly true that a good revenue system is
the life of an organized government.
I meet you at a time when the nation
has voluntarily burdened itself with a
debt unprecedented in our annals. Vast
as is its mount, it fades away into no
thing when compared with the count
less blessings that will oe conferred up
on our country and upon man bv the
preservation of the nation's life. Now,
on the first occasion of the meeting of
Congress since the return of peace, it is
of the utmost importance to inaugu
rate a just policy, which shall at once
be put in motion, and whicli shall com
mend itself to those who come after us
for its continuance. We must aim at
nothing less than the complete efface
ment of the financial evils that neces
sarily followed a state of civil war.
We mnst endeavor to apply the earli
est remedy to the deranged state of the
currency, and not shrink from devising
a policy which without being oppress
ive to th< people, shall immediately be
gin to effect a reduction of the debt,
and, if persisted in, discharge it fully
within a definitely fix°d number of
years. ,
It is our first duty to prepare l in ear
nest for our recovery from the ever
increasing evils of an irredeemable
currency, without a sudden revulsion,
and yet without untimely procrastina
tion. For that end, we must, each in
our respective positions, prepare the
way. 1 hold it the duty of the Execu
tive to insist upon frugality in the ex
penditures ; and a sparing economy is
itself a great national resource. Of the
banks to which authority has been giv
en to issue notes secured by bonds of
the United States we may require the
greatest moderation and prudence, and
the law must be rigidly enforced when
ivS limits are exceeded. We may, each
one of us, counsel our active and"enter
prising countrymen to be constantly on
their guard, to liquidate debts contrac
ted in a paper currency, and, by con
ducting business as nearly as possible
on a system of cash payments or short
credits, to hold themselves prepared to
return to the standard of gold and sil
ver. To aid our fellow-citizens in the
prudent management of their moneta
ry affairs, the duty devolves on us to di
minish by law the amount of paper
money now in circulation. Five years
ago the hank-note circulation oV the
country amounted to not much more
than two hundred millions; now the
circulation, bank and national, exceeds
seven hundred millions. The simple
statement of the fact recommends more
strongly than any words of mine could
do, the necessity of our restraining this
expansion. The gradual reduction of
the currency is the only measure that
can save the business of the country
from disastrous calamities; and this
can be almost imperceptibly accom
plished by gradually funding the na
tional circulation in securities that may
be made redeemable at the pleasure of
the Government.
< >ur debt is doubly secure—first in
the actual wealth and still greater un
developed resources of the country;
and next in the character of our insti
tutions. The most intelligent obser
ver- among political economists have
not failed to remark, that the public
debt of a country is safe in proportion
as it- people are free; that the debt of
a republic is the safest of all. Our his
tory confirms and establishes the theo
ry, and is, I firmly believe, destined to
give it a still more signal illustration.
The secret of this superiority springs
not merely from the fact that in are
public the national obligations are dis
tributed more widely through countless
numbers in all classes of society; it has
its root in the character of our laws.
Here all men contribute to the public
welfare, and bear their fair share of the
public burdens. During the war, un
der the impulses of patriotism, the
men of the groat body of the people,
without regard to their own compara
tive want of wealth, thronged to our
armies and filled our fleets of war, and
held themselves ready to offer their
lives for the public good. Now, in
their turn, the property and income of
the country should bear their just pro
p<>rtion of the burden of taxation, while
in our impost system, through means
of which increa.**! Vitality is inciden
tally imparted to all the industrial in
terests of the nation, the duties shall
be so adjusted as to fall most heavily
on articles of luxury, leaving the nec
essaries of life as free from taxation as
the absolute wants of the Government,
economicallyadniinistered, will justify.
No favored ciass* should demand free
dom from assessment, and the taxgs
should be so distributed as not to fall
unduly on the poor, but rather on the
accumulated wealth of the country.
We should look at the national debt
just as it is—not as a national blessing,
hut as a heavy burden on the industry
of the country, to be discharged with
out unnecessary delay.
It is estimated by the Secretary of the
Treasury that the expenditures for the
fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 1866,
will exceed the receiptssll2,l94,947. It
is gratifying, however, to state that it
is also estimated that the revenue for
the year ending the 30th of June, 18C7,
will exceed the expenditures in thesum
0f5111,682,813. Thisamount.orsomuch
as may be deemed sufficient for the pur
pose, may be applied to the reduction of
the public debt, which, on the 31st day
of October, 1860, was $2,740,854,750.
Every reduction will diminish the total
amount of interest to be paid, and so
enlarge the means of still further reduc
tions, until the whole shall be liquida
ted ; and this, as will be seen from the
estimates of the Secretary of the Treas
ury, may be accomplished by annual
payments even within a period not ex
ceeding thirty years. I have faith that
we shall do all this within a reasonable
time; that,aswe haveamazedtheworld
by the suppression of a civil war which
was thought to be beyond the control
of any Government, so we shall equally
show the superiority of our institutions
by the prompt and faithful discharge of
1 our national obligations.
The Department of Agriculture, un
der its present direction, is accomplish'
I ing much in developing and utilizing
i the vast agricultural capabilities of the
country, and for information resDectinc