Tf:KMS OF PUBLICATION. 7M BEDFORD GAZETTE is published crury Fii l,;v MORNING 'v MEYERS A M ENOFI,. at 00 per annum. >1 pud strirtly i advance : 82.50 it" paid vitbiu si* months; $3.00 if not paio vvithiiqsi months Ail subscription accounts l\ll T ST be att'td annually. No papar will be *eut out f State unless paid for IS ADVANCE. and all such f .j .-riptiuus will invariably be discontinued at rbc expiration of the time for which they are paid. All ADVERTISEMENTS for a less term than three months TEN CENTS per line for each tri rtion. Special notices one-half additional All jejoiuti* ns of Associations; communications of •nailed or individual interest, and notices of niar . ,;i-and deaths exceeding five line.-, ten cents . r line. Editorial notices fifteen cents per line. .111 hga/ Notices of every find, and Orphans' Ift end Judtrial Sales, are required hy lan* published in both papers published iu thss p',l rr. Ld advertising due after first insertion. A liberal discount is made to persons advertising bv the quarter, half year, or year, as follows : 3 mouths, fi months. 1 year. ♦One square - - - $4 50 $6 00 $lO 00 Two squares - - - 600 900 lfi 00 Three squares - - - 8 00 12 00 20 00 quarter column - - 14 00 20 00 35 00 Half column - - - Id 00 25 00 45 00 One column - - - -30 00 45 00 80 00 #oue square to occupy oue inch of space. JOB PRINTING, of every kind, done with NEATNESS aud dispatch. THE GAZETTE ORFICK has iuv been refitted with a Power Press and new typet sud everything in the Printing line can be execu ted in the must artistic manner and at the lowest ~ate-.- TERMS CASH I f - All letters should be addressd to MEYERS A MENGKL, Publishers. at £nu\ JOSEPH \V. TATE, ATTORNEY ,1 AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will promptly sttend to collections of bounty, back pay, Ac., and all business entrusted to his care in ftedford and adjoining counties, ish advanced on judgments, notes, military Mi l other claims. 11 is for sale Town lots in Tatesville, and St.- ioh"s on Bedford Railroad. Farms ami unim proved land, from one acre to 900 acres to suit purchasers Office nearly opposite the '-Mengel Hotel" and Bunk of Reed A Schell. April 1. ISfta—ly pI>\VARD F. KERR, ATTORNEY AT LAW. BEDFORD. PA Will punctually ■ J carefully attend to all business entrusted to ■ care. Soldiers'claims for bounty, back pay j. speedily collected. Office with H. Xicode • K-j . oil Juliana strop*, nearly Opptlils the Banking; House of Reed & Schell. April 7, 1865. J. 1! lIt'ItBORROW. I JOHN M'TZ. nl R R<) R R<> \V Jk LUT Z , ATTORNEYS AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA., W .1 utleud promptly to all business intrusted to th .-ircare. Collections made on the shortest no tics. Tliev are. also, regularly licensed Claim Agents slid will give special attention to the prosecution fclaims against the Government for Pensions, Bai-k Pay. Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac. Office on Juliana street, one door South of the Mengel House,"' und nearly opposite the Inquirer , £ loIIN P. REED, ATTORNEY AT J LAW, BEDFORD. PA Respectfully tenders his services to the public office second door North of the Mengel House. Bedford, Aug. 1. 1861. JOHN PA EM ER, ATTORNEY AT rj LAW. BEDFORD, PA. Will promptly attend t,' all business entrusted to his care. Particular attention paid to the collection of Military claims. Office on Juliana Street, nearly opposite the Mengol House. Bedford. Aug. 1, 1861. MA. POINTS. ATTORNEY AT . LAW. BEDFORD. PA. Respectfully of -1 i - his prosessional services to the public. office with J. W Lingenfelter. Esq.. on Juliana street, two doors South of the '-Mengel House." Bedford. Dec. 9. ISlit JASPY M. A ESI P. AT'l'f >RNEY AT I j LAW. BEDFORD. PA. Will faithfully and promptly Attend to all business entrusted to hb pure in iiedford and adjoining counties. Military claim?. back pay,bounty. 4c., speedily collected with Mann &> Spang, on Ju'iana street, two door? South of tfce Mengel House. Jam. 22. I9N, P. >f. KIH MELL. | J. W. LINGENFELTER. KI M MEL LA LINO EN F ELTER, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA.. Have formed a partnership in the practice of the Law. Office on Juliana street, two doors South ! the "Mengel House,"' / < 11. SPA NO. ATTORNEY AT \J, LAW. BEDFORD, PA. Will promptly at tend to collections and all business entrusted to hi- care in Bedford and adjoining counties, office on Juliana Street, three doers south of the Mengel House," opposite the residence of Mrs. Ta'e. May 12, MIA. JOHN T. KEAGY, ATTORNEY f) AT LAW. BEDFORD. PA. Will promptly a" u.i to all legal business entrusted to his care. M i'l give special attention to claims against the gov eminent Offiee on Juliana Street, formerly occupied by H< -n. A. KiDg. March 31, 1565. and Ilcntisitsi. ' W. JAMISON, M. !>., BLOODY M , RI n. Pa., tenders liis professional servi sto the people of that place and vicinity. • tffiee one door west of Richard Langdon's store. Nov. 24. 'tii —ly I \R. J. L. MARBOI'RG, Having 1 . permanently located, respectfully tenders hi* professional services to the citizens of Bedford arid vicinity. 1 'ffi. e on Juliana street, east side, nearly opposite du- Banking House of Keed A Schell. Bedford. February 12, 1864. •S HICKOK, | J. fi. StINNICH, JR., UENTI S T 8 , BEDFORD, PA '.•fit e in the Bank Building, Juliana St. ASI operations pertaining to Surgical or Me iiscical Dentistry carefully performed, and war muted. Tritus—CASH. Bedford. January 6, 1860. Banhcrs. 08 KKKD, | J.J. SCHELL. J) K E I) A N I> SC H E L L, 1 \. Bankers and in: A LK RS IN EXCHANGE, BEDFORD. PA., DRAFTS bought and sold, collections made and a; uey promptly remitted. Deposits solicited. v. Hi pp O. E. SHANNON V. BENEDICT I > 1 SHANNON A CO., BANK IV ERS, BEDFORD, PA. BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. '.LECTION'Smade for the East. West. North >'.uth. and the general business of Exchange transacted. Notes arid Accounts Collected and ■'-emitiantics promptly made. REAL ESTATE '•'light and sold. Oct. 20. 1865. *ttisrrUaueous. hAXIEL BORDER, PITT STREET, TWO DOORS WEST OF THE BED " K " HOTEL. BEDFORD. PA. MATCHMAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL RY. SPECTACLES, AC. He keeps on hand a stock of fine Hold and Sil ] " M ntvhes. Spectacles of Brilliant Double Re .!• -d iiUs. e s_ al.Hi, Scotch Pebble Glasses. Gold " h Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Rings best '.''viity of Gold Pcd-. He will supply to order : y thing in his line not on hand. ''"t 2n. m>- HF. IRVINE, . ANDERSON S ROW, BEDFORD, PA., t'' iter in Boots, Shoes. Queerisware and Varie- troui Country Merchants re- solicited Dit 20, 1865, I VWID DEEIBAUGH, Gunsmith, ' .Bedford, Pa. Shop same as formerly oecu ■ v ' "order, deceased. Having resumed rt. he is now prepared to fill all orders for new d-r* 'I, shortest dotice. Repairing done to or ' ""it d" P 4tro " a, s e 'I IB public is respectfully CPjc licbtorb ©n^cttc. BY MEYERS & MENQEL. PHOII)K\T JOHXSOVS FIRST AXNI - At MKSSAiR. Fellow-Citizen* of (he Senate and House of Representative*: To express gratitude to God, in the name of the people, for the preserva tion of the United States, is my first duty in addressing you. Our thoughts next revert to the death of the Presi dent by an act of parricidal treason.— The grief of the nation i. .-till fresh; it finds some solace in the consideration that lie lived to enjoy the highest proof of its confidence hy entering on the re newed term of the Chief Magistracy to Which iie had been elected; that he brought tlie civil war substantially to a close; thai his loss was deplored in all parts of the Union, and that foreign na tions have rendered justice to his mem ory. His removal cast upon me a hea vier weight of cares than ever devolved upon any one of his predecessors. To fulfil my trust 1 need the support and confidence of all who are associated with me in the various departments of Government, and the support and con fidence of the people. There is but one way in which I can hope to gain their necessary aid; it is, to state with frank ness the principles which guide my eon duct, and their application to the pres ent state of affairs, well aware that the etiiciency of my labors will, in a great measure, depend upon your and their undivided approbation. The Union of the United States of America was intended by its authors to last as long as the States themselves shall last. "The Union shall lie perpet ual," are the words of the( 'onfederation. "To form a more perfect Union," by an ordinance of the people of the United States, is the declared purpose of the Constitution. The hand of Divine Prov idence was never more plainly visible in the affairs of men than in the fram ingandtheadbptingof that instrument. It is, beyond comparison, the greatest event in American history; and indeed is it not, of all events in modern times, the most pregnant with consequences for every part of the earth? The members of the convention which prepared it brought to their work the experience of the confederation, of their several States, and of other republican governments, old and new; but they nets led and obtained a wi-dom superior to experience. And when for its valid ity it required the approval of a people that occupied a large part of a continent, and acted separately in many distinct conventions, what is more wonderful than that, after long contention anu ear nest discussion, all feelings and all opin ions were ultimately drawn in one way to its support. The Constitution to which life was thus imparted contains within itself ample resources for its own preserva tion. It has power to enforce the laws, punish treason, and ensure domestic tranquillity. In case of usurpation of the government of a State by one man, or an oligarchy, it becomes a duty of the United States to make good the guar antee to that State of a republican form of government, and so to maintain the honiogcneousne-s of all. Does the lapse of time reveal defects? A simple mode of amendment is provided in the Con stitution itself, so that its conditions can always !>e made to conform to the r<quireiiient>of advancing civilization. xo room is allowed even for the thought of a possibility of it- coming to an end. And these ;sower- of self preservation have always been assorted in their complete integrity by every patriotic! 'hief Magistrate—by Jefferson and Jackson, not less than by Washing ton and Madison. The parting advice of the Father of his country, while yet President, t<> the people of the United States, was that "the free Constitution, which wa- the work of their hands, might be sacredly maintained," and the inaugural word- of President Jef ferson held up "the preservation of the General Government, in its constitu tional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad." The Constitution is the work of "the people of the United States," and it should he as indestructible as the people. It i.- not strange that the framer- of the Constitution, which had no model in the past, should not have fully com prehended the excellence of their own work. Fresh from a struggle against arbitrary power, many patriots suffered from harassing fears of an absorption of the State governments by the General Government, and many from a dread that the States would break awav from their orbit-. Isut the very greatness of our country should allay the apprehen sion of encroachments by the General Government. The subjects that come unquestionably within its jurisdiction arc so numerous, that it mu.-t ever nat urally refuse to be embarrassed by ques tions that lie beyond it. Were it other wise, the Executive would sink lieneath the burden; tlie channels of justice would be choked; legislation would be obstructed by excess; so that there is a greater temptation to exercise some of the functions of the General Govern ment through the States than to tre.-- pa-- on their rightful sphere. "The ab solute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority" was, at the beginning of the century, enforced by Jefferson "as the vital principle of republics," and the events of the last four years have established, we will hop- forever, that there lic> no appeal to force. The maintenance of the Union brings withitthesupportof "the State govern ments in all their rights;" but it is not one of the rights of any State Govern ment to renounce its own place in the Union, or to nullify the laws of the U nion. The largest liberty is to be main tained in the discussion of the acts of the Federal Government; but there is no appeal from its laws, except to the various branches of that Government itself, or to the people, who grant to the members of the Legislative and of the Executive Departments no tenure but a limited one, and in that manner al ways retain the powers of redress. "The sovereignty of the States" is the language of the Confederacy, and not the language of the Constitution. The latter contains the emphatic words: "The Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which shall be made under the au thority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding." Certainly the Government of the U nited States is a limited Government; and so is every State Government a lim ited Government. With us, this idea of limitation spreads through every form of administration, General, State and municipal, and rests on the great distinguishing principle of the recogni tion of the rights of man. The ancient BEDFORD. PA., FRIDAY MORNING. DECEMBER 15. 1865. republics absorbed the individual in the State, prescribed in hi-; religion, and controlled his activity. The American ! system restson the assertion of theequal right of every man to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; to freedom of conscience, to the culture and exercise of all his faculties. As a consequence, the State Government is limited as to ; the General Government in tiie interest of the Union, as to the individual citi zen in the interest of freedom. States, with proper limitations of power, are essential to the existence of the Constitution of the United States. At the very commencement, when we assumed a place among the powers of' the earth, the Declaration of Indepen dence was adopted by States; so also were the Articles of Confederation; and when "the people of the United States" ordained and established the Constitu tion, it was the assent of the States, one by one, which gave it vitality. In the event, too, of any amendment to the j Constitution, the' proposition of Con gress needs the confirmation of States. Without States, one great branch of! the legislative government would be \ wanting. And if we look beyond the letter of the Constitution to the char acter of our country, its capacity for comprehending within its jurisdiction a vast continental empire is due to the system of States. The best security for the perpetual existence of the States is the "supreme authority" of the Consti tution of the United States. The per- ; petuity of the Constitution brings with it the perpetuity of the States; their mutual relation makes us what we arc, and in our political system their con nection is indissoluble. The whole can not exist without the parts, nor the parts without the whole. So long as tin-Con stitution of the United States endures, the States will endure; the destruction of theoneisthedcstructionof the other; the preservation of the one is the pres ervation of the other. 1 have thus explained my views of the mutual relations of tin-Constitution and the States, because they unfold the principles upon which I have sought to solve the momentous questions and overcome the appalling difficulties that met me at the very commencement of my administration. It has been my steadfast object to escape from the sway of momentary passions and to derive a healing policy from the fundamental and unchanging principles of the Con stitution. I found the States suffering from the effects of a civil war. Resistance to the General Government appeared to have exhausted itself. The United States had recovered possession of tln-ir forts and arsenals; and their armies were in the occupation of every State which had at tempted to secede. Whether the terri tory within the limit of those States should he held a> conquered territory, under military authority emanating from the President as the head of the army, was the fir.-t question that pre sented itself for decision. Now, mili tary governments, established or an in definite period, would have offered no security for the early suppression of dis content; would huvedividedthe people into the vanquishers and the vanquish ed; and would have envenomed ha tred, rather than restored affection.— Once established, no precise limit to their continuance was conceivable.— They would have occasioned an incal culable and exhausting expense. Peace ful emigration to and from that portion of the country is one of the best means that can le thought of for the restora tion of harmony and that emigration would have been prevented; for what emigrant from abroad, what industri ous citizen at home, would place him self willingly under military rule? The chief persons who would have followed in the train of the army would have been dependent on the General Government, or men who expected profit from the miseries of their erring fellow-citizens. The powers of patron age and rule which would have been exercised under the President over a vast and jiopulous, and naturally weal thy region, are greater than, unless un der extreme necessity, I should be wil ling to entrust to anyone mail; they are such as, for myself, I could never, un less on occasions of great emergency, consent to exercise. The wilful use of such powers, if continued through a period of years, would have endangered tin* purity of the general administration and the liberties of the States which re mained loyal. Besides, the policy of military rule over a conquered territory would have implied that the Staffs, whose inhabi tants may have taken part in the rebel lion had, by the act of those inhabitants, ceased to exist. But the true theory is, that all pretended acts of secession were, from the beginning, null and void. The States cannot com n lit t reas< in, nor screen the individual citizens who may have committed treason, any more than they can make valid treaties or engage in lawful commerce with any foreign [tow er. The States attempting to secede placed themselves in a condition where their vitality was impaired, but not ex tinguished—their functions suspended, but not destroyed. But if any State neglects or refuses to perform its offices, there is tlie more need that the General Government should maintain all its authority, and, as soon as practicable, resume the exer cise of all its functions. ()n this princi ple I have acted, and have gradually and quietly, and by almost impercepti ble steps sought to restore the rightful energy of the General Government and of the States. To that end, Provisional Governors have been appointed for the States, Conventions called. Governors elected, Legislatures assembled, and Senators and Representatives chosen to the Congress of the United States. At the same time, tlie Courts of the United States, as far as could IM- done, have liecn re-opened, so that the laws of the United States may be enforced through their agency. The blockade haslieen removed and thecustom houses re-established in ports of entry, so that the revenue of the United States may i>e collected. The Post Office Depart ment renews its ceaseless activity, and the General Government is thereby en abled to communicate promptly with its officers and agents. The courts bring security to persons and property; the opening of the [torts invites the resto ration of industry and commerce; the jiost office renews the facilities of social intercourse and of business. And is it not happy for us all, that the restoration of eachoneof thesefunc tionsof the General Government brings with it a blessing to the Staff's over which they are extended? Is it not a sure promise of harmony and renewed attachment to the Union that, after all that has happened, the return of the General Government is known only as a lienetieence? 1 know very well that this policy is attended with some risk; that for its success it requires at least the acquies cence of tho Staffs which it concerns; that it implies an invitation to those j States, by renewing their allegiance to the United States, to resume their func tions States of the Union. But it is j a risk that must be taken; in the choice of difficulties it is the smallest risk; and ) to diminish, and, if possible, to remove all danger, I have felt it incumbent on me to assert one other power of the Genera! Government —the power of pardon. As no State can throw a defence over the crime of treason, the power of par don is exclusively vested in tlie Execu tive Government of the United States. In exercising that power, I have taken every precaution to connect it with the clearest recognition of the binding force of the laws of the United States, and ! an unqualified acknowledgment of the j great social change of condition in re- 1 gard to slavery which has grown out of the war. The next step which I have taken to ! restoretheeonstitutional relationsofthe ; States has been an invitation to them to I participate in the 'ugh office of amend ing the ('(institution. Every patriot j must wish for a general amnesty at the earliest epoch coni&tent with public j safety. For this grifct end there is need ! of a concurrence of ail opinions, and tlie spirit of mutuallconciliation. All parties in the late terrible conflict must work together in hsjjraony. It is not too muchftoask, in the name j of the whole people, that, on the one! side, the plan of restoration shall pro-! ceed in eonformityfwith a willingness i to east the d'sordersjjpf the past into ob livion ; and that, oifihe other, the evi dence of sincerity ijj the future main-; tenance of the Unioh shail he put be-j yond any doubt by {the ratification of; the proposed amendment to the Consti-! tution, which provicjfes for the abolition | of slavery forever \flthin the limits of j our country. So long as the adoption of ! this amendment is delayed, so long will doubt, and jealousy, and uncertaintv prevail. This is the measure which ; will efface the sad memory of the past; ; this is the measure which will most eer- j tainly call population, and capital, and J security to those parts of the Union that j need them most. Indeed, it is not too much to ask of j the States which arc now resuming their | places in the family of the Union, to; give tlii- pledge of perpetual loyalty! and peace. Until it is done, the past, however much we n&ay desire it, will j not be forgotten. The adoption of the I amendment reunites us beyond all pow- j er of disruption. It heals the wound ! teat is still imperfectly closed; it re-j moves slavery, the element which has i so long perplexed an<l divided the coun try; it makes of u> once more a united people, renewed and strengthened, bound more than evei to mutual affec tion and support. The amendment to tlie Constitution being adopted, it wo lid remain for the States, whose powers have been so long in abeyance, to resume their places in j the two branches of Ihe National Leg-' islature,and thereby complete the work of restoration. Here it is for you, fel- j low-citizens of the House of Represen tatives, to judge, cacl of you for your selves, of the elections,ret urnaand qual ifications of y.Hir own i: . nihers. The full assertion of the powers of the | General Government requires the hold ing of Circuit Courts of the United States within the districts where their authority has been interrupted. In the present posture of our public affairs,. strong objections have been urged to holding those courts in any of the States where the rebellion has existed; and it was ascertained by inquiry, that the 1 ('ircuit Court of the United States would not be held within the District of Vir- j ginia during the autumn or early win ter, nor until Congress should have "an ] opportunity to consider and act on the ; whole subject." To your deliberations the restoration 1 of this branch of the civil authority of j the United States is therefore necessari ly referred, with the hope that early provision will lie made for the resump tion of all its functions. It is manifest that treason, most flagrant in character,. has been committed. Persons who arc charged wifh its commission should ! have fair and impartial trial in the j highest civil tribunals of the country,; in order that the Constitution and tlie laws may be fully vindicated; the truth clearly established and affirmed that treason is a crime, that trattors should ; be punished and the offence made infa- i nious; and, at the same time, that the question may be judicially settled, li-; nally and forever, that no State of its : own will has the right to renounce its place in the Union. The relations of the General Govern- j uient towards the four millions of inhab itants whom the war has called into free dom, have engaged my most serious con sideration. On the propriety of attempt- j ing to make the freedmen electors by the proclamation of the Executive, i took for my counsel the constitution it- j self, the interpretations of that instru- j ment by its authors and their content- ! povaries, and recent legislation by Con gress. When, at the first movement to wards independence, the Congress of, the United States instructed the sever al States to institute governments of their own, they left each State to decide j for itself the conditions for the enjoy- j ment of the elective franchise. During the period of the Confederacy, then continued to exista very great diversity | in the qualifications of electors in the ! several States; and even within a State , a distinction of qualifications prevailed j with regard to the officers who were to | be chosen. The Constitution of the U nited States recognizes these diversities when it enjoins that, in tlie choice of | members of the House of Representa tives of the United States, "the electors in each State shall have the qualifica tions requisite for electors of tlie most numerous branch of the State legisla ture." After the formation of the Con stitution, it remained, as before, uniform usage for each State to enlarge the body of its electors; according to its own judgment; and, under this system, one State after another has proceeded to increase the number of its electors,; until now universal suffrage, or some thing very near it, is the general rule, j So fixed was this reservation of pow-1 er in the habits of the people, and so unquestioned has been the interpreta tion of the Constitution, that during | the civil war the late President never harbored the purpose—certainly never avowed the purpose—of disregarding it; and in the acts of Congress, during that period, nothing can be found which,, during the continuance of hostilities, much less after their close, would have sanctioned any departure by the Exe cutive from a policy which has so uni formly obtained. Moreover, a conces sion of the elective franchise to the freed men, by act of the President of the U ; nited Stab-, must have been extended to all colored men. wherever found, and so must have established a change of suffrage in the Northern, Middle, > and Western States, not less than in the ! Southern and Southwestern. Such an act would have created a new class of ! voters, and would have been an assump tion of [tower by the President which j nothing in the Constitution or laws of the United States would have warrant ed. ; On the other hand, every danger of conflict is avoided when the settlement | of the question is referred to the sever al States.—They can, each for itself, | decide on the measure, and whether it is to be adopted at once and absolutely, or introduced gradually and with con ditions. in my judgment, the freed ' men, if they show patience and manly I virtues, will sooner obtain a participa -1 tion in the elective franchise through the States than through the General i Government, even if it had power to : intervene.—When the tumult of emo j tious that have been raised by the sud i denness of the . ocial change shall have 1 subsided, it may prove that they will j receive the kindliest usage from some • of those on whom they have hereto ; fore most closely depended. ! But while 1 have no doubt that now, after the close of the war, it is not com petent for the General Government to extend the elective franchise in the sev eral States, it is equally clear that good ; faith requires the security of the freed - i men in their liberty and "their prooer i ty, their right to lalnir, and their right | to claim the just return of their labor, j I cannot too strongly urge a disp&s- j sionate treatment of this subject, which , should be carefully kept aloof from all ; ! party strife.—We'must equally avoid j hasty assumptions of any natural im-: f>oss ibility for the two races to live side | >y side, in a state of mulualbenefitand ! ; good will. The experiment involves ! 'usin no inconsistency; let us, then, go i ! on and make thai experiment in good faith, and not he too easily dishearten- ! : ed.—The country is in need of labor, ; 1 and the freedmea are in need of em- j ploymer.t, culture and protection, while j ' their right of voluntary migration and | I expatriation is not to he questioned, 1 j would not advise their forced removal i and colonization. Let us rathereneour-1 : age them to hone ruble and useful in-; dustry, where it may be beneficial to ! i themselves and to the country; and, j instead of hasty anticapations* of the ' certainty of failure, let there lie nothing wanting to the fair trial of the ex peri- j , meat. The change in their condition 1 is the -übstitution of labor by contract | for the status of slavery. Thefreedman I cannot fairly bt accused of unwilling-; nessto work, s<> longasa doubt remains j about his frvdoni of choice in his pur- j suits, and the certainty of iiis recover ing his stipulated wages. Jn this tlie j t interests of employer and the employed ! coincide.—Tlie emoloyer desires in his i workmen spirit and alacrity, and these I can he permanently secured in no other j way. And if the one ought to be able ! to enforce the contract, so ought the other. The public interest will be liest j promoted, if the several States will ! provide adequate protection and rente- \ dies for the freedmen. Until this is in some way accomplished, there is no I ebtvneefor the advantageous use of their labor; and the blame of ill-success will t not rest on them. 1 know that sincere philanthropy is ! earnest for the immediate realization j of it- remotest aims ; but time is always j an element in reform, it is one of the j greatest acts on record to have brought! four millions of people into freedom. I The career of free industry must he j fairly open< dto them; and then their future prosperity and condition must, after all, rest mainly on themselves. If; they fail, and so perish away, let us be i careful that the failure shall not he at- j tributable to any denial of justice. Jn 1 all that relates to the destiny of the freed man, we need not lie too anxious j to read the future; many incidents j which, from a speculative point of view, might raise alarm, will quietly settle themselves. Now that slavery i- at an end or j near it- end, the greatness of its evil, I in the point of view of public economy, j becomes moreand more apparent. Sla very was essentially a monopoly of la- ; bor, and as such locked the States where ; it prevailed against the incoming of, free industry. Where labor was the ; property of the capitalist, the white man was excluded from employment, ] or had but the second liest chance of j finding it; and the foreign emigrant j turned away from the region where his j condition wouldlieseprecarious. With I the destruction of the monopoly, free | labor will hasten from all parts of the civilized world to assist in developing i various and immeasurable resources; which have hitherto lain dormant. The ! eight or nine States nearest the Gulf of! Mexico have a soil of exuberant fertil- j itv, a climate friendly to long life, and I can sustain a denser population than is ! found as yet in any part of our country, j I And the future influx of population to i them will be mainly from the North, or j from the most cultivated nations in ; Europe. From the sufferings that have j attended them during our late struggle, let us look away to the future, which is j sure to he laden for them with greater j prosperity than lias ever before been j known. The removal of the monopo ly of slave labor is a pledge that those ; regions will be peopled by a numerous ! I and enterprising population, which will vie with any in the Union in com-1 paetness, inventive genius, wealth, and , ; industry. Our Government springs from and was made for the people—not the peo ple for the Government. To them it i owes allegiance; from them it niuM ; derive its courage, strength and wis dom. But, while the .Government is thus bound to defer to the people, from whom it derives its existence, it should, from the very consideration of its ori gin. he strong in its power of resistance to the establishment of inequalities. Monopolies, perpetuities, and class leg islation, arc contrary to the genius of free government, and ought not to he allowed. Here, there is no room for fa vored classes or monopolies, the princi ple of our Government is that of equal laws and freedom of industry. Wher ever monopoly attains a foothold, it is sure to be a source of danger, discord and trouble. We shall but fulfil our du ties as legislators by according "equal and exact justice to all men," special privileges to none. The Government is subordinate to the people; but, as the agent and representative of the [>eople, it must he held superior to monopolies, which, in themselves, ought never to he granted, and which, where they ex ist, must be subordinate and yield to the Government. The Constitution confers on Congress the right to regulate commerce among VOL. 61.-WHOLE No. 5.327. j the several States. It is of the first ne i cessity for the maintenance of the Un ion. that that commerce should be free j and unobstructed. No State can be i justified in any device to tax the trans i it of travel and commerce between States. The position of many States is such that, if they were allowed to take advantage of it for purposes of local I revenue, the commerce between States might l>e injuriously burdened, or even virtually prohibited. It is best, while | the country is still young, and while | the tendency to dangerous monopolies of this kind is >till feeble, to use the power of Congress so as to prevent any i selfish impdiment to the free circula | tion of men and merchandise. A tax i 011 travel and merchandise, in their i transit, constitutes one of the worst 1 forms of monopoly, and the evil is in j creased if coupled with a denialof the 1 choice of the route. When the vast 1 extent of our country is considered, it is plain that every obstacle to the free circulation of commerce between the .States ought to IK? sternly guarded a gainst by appropriate legislation with in the limits of the Constitution. The report of the Secretary of the In terior explains the condition of thepub- I lie lands, the transactions of the Patent j < >tticeanri the Pension Bureau, theman | agementof our Indian affairs, the pmg j ress made in theeonstruction of the Pa i citie railroad, and furnishes informs- I tion in reference to matters of l(K*al in | forest in the Dietr t of Columbia. It I also presents evidence of the successful i operation of the Homestead Act, under j the provisions of which 1,160,533 acres of the public lands were entered during tin l last fiscal year—more than one fourth of the whole number of acres sold or otherwise tPsposed of during tluit period. It is estimated that the receipts derived from this source are Mitfleient to cover the expenses inci dent to the survey and dispo-al of the lands entered under this Act, and that payments in cash to the extent of from forty to fifty per cent, will be made by settlers, who may thus at any time ac qure title before the expiration of the period at which it would otherwise vest. The homestead policy was established only after long and earnest resistance; experience proves its wisdom. The lair's, in the hands of industrious set tlers, whose lalwtr creates wealth and contributes to the public resources, are worth more to the United States than if they had been reserved as a solitude for future purchasers. The lamentable events of the last four years, and the sacrifices made by the gallant men of our Army and Navy, have swelled the records of the Pen sion Bureau to an unprecedented extent. On the 30th day of June last, the total number of pensioners wasßs,'>Bo. requi ring for their annual pay, exclusive of expenses, the sum of (5 .023,445. The number of applications that have been allowed since that date will require a large increase of this amount for the next fiscal year. The means for the payment of the stipends due, under ex isting laws, toourdisabled soilders and sailors, and to the families of such have perished in the -errice of the country, will no doubt be cheerfully and promptly granted. A grateful people will not hesitate to sanction any meas ures having for their object the relief of soldiers mutilated and families marie favherle.-s in the efforts to preserve our national existence. The report of the Postmaster General j presents an encouraging exhibit of the! operations of the Post Office Depart-! ment during the year. The revenues i of the past year from the loyal States j alone exceeded the maximum annual I receipts from ali the States previous to j the rebellion, in the sum of $6,638,691 ; j and tin- annual average increase of rev- i enue during the last four years, com pa- j ml with the revenues of the four years ; immediately preceding the rebellion, j was $3,533,845. The revenues of the j last fiscal year amounted to $14,556,158, j and the expenditures to $13,694,728, j leaving a surplus of receipts over ex- j penditures of $861,430. Progress has been made in restoring the postal ser- i vice in the Southern States. The views presented by the Postmaster General against the policy of granting subsidies j to ocean mail steamship lines upon es tablished routes, and in favor of eon- j tinuing the present system, which lim- j its the conipen.-ation for ocean service to the postage earnings, are recommen ded to thecareful consideration of Con- ' It appears, from the report of the Secretary of the Navy, that while, at ; the commencement of the present year, ! there were in commission 536 vessels of j all classes and descriptions, armed with i 3,666 guns, and manned by 51,060 men. ; the number of vessels at present in 1 commission is 117, with 830 guns and ' 12,128 men. By this prompt reduction of the naval forces the expenses of the j Government have been largely dimin-< ishcri, and a number of vessels, purclm- l sed fur naval purposes from the mer chant marine, have been returned to i the peaceful pursuits of commerce. I Since the suppression of active hostili- j ties our foreign squadrons have been j re-established, and consist of vessels j much more efficient than those employ ed on similar service previous to the re-! hellion. The suggestion for the en-' largementof the navy-yards, and espe- I eiaily for the establishment of one in [ fyesh water for iron-clad vessels, is rie- j serving of consideration, as is also the) recommendation for a different loca- j tion and more ample grounds for the ! Naval Academy. In the report of the Secretary of War, a general summary is given of the mil- j itary campaigns of lsG4 and 1865, end- \ ing in the suppression of armed resis- j tancetothe national authority in the insurgent States.—The operations of the 1 general administrative Bureaus of the I War Department during the past year , are detailed, and an estimate made of' the appropriation- that will he requi-' red for military purposes in the fiscal j year commencingthe 30th day of June, j 1866. The national military force on the Ist of May, 1865 numbered 1,006,- 516 men. It is proposed to reduce the j military establishment- to a peace foot- ! ing, comprehending fifty thousand troops of all arms, organized so as to l admit of an enlargement by filling up I the ranks to eighty-two thousand six' hundred, if the circumstances of the country should require an augmenta tion of the army. The volunteer force has already been reduced by the dis- ! charge from service of over eight hun-' dred thousand troops, and the Depart ment is proceeding rapidly in the work of further reduction. The war esti mates are reduced from $516,240,131 to $33,814,461, which amount, in the opin ion of the Department, is adequate for a jhwc establishment. The measures of retrenchment in each Bureau and branch of the service exhibit a diligent economy worthy of commendation. Reference is also made jh* the report to , the necessity of providing for a uni form militia system, and to the propri ety of making suitable provision for wounded and disabled officers and .sol diers. The revenue system of thoeountry is a subject (of vital interest to its honor and prosperity, and should command 1 the earnest consideration of Congress. The Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you a full and detailed report of the receipts and disbursements of the last fiscal year, of the first quarter of the present fiscal year, of the probable receipts and expenditures for the other I three quarters, and the estimates for the year following the 30th of June, | 1806. I might content myself with a ■ reference to that report, in which you ; will find all the information ret)uired for your deliberations and decision. I But the paramount importance of the j subject so presses itself on my own mindj that 1 cannot but lay before you my views of the measures .vhich are required for the good character, and, I might almost say, for the existence of this people. The life of a republic lies certainly in the energy, virtue, and in telligence of its citizens; hut it is equal ly true that a good revenue system is the life of an organized government. I meet you at a time when the nation has voluntarily burdened itself with a debt unprecedented in our annals. Vast as is its mount, it fades away into no thing when compared with the count less blessings that will oe conferred up on our country and upon man bv the preservation of the nation's life. Now, on the first occasion of the meeting of Congress since the return of peace, it is of the utmost importance to inaugu rate a just policy, which shall at once be put in motion, and whicli shall com mend itself to those who come after us for its continuance. We must aim at nothing less than the complete efface ment of the financial evils that neces sarily followed a state of civil war. We mnst endeavor to apply the earli est remedy to the deranged state of the currency, and not shrink from devising a policy which without being oppress ive to th< people, shall immediately be gin to effect a reduction of the debt, and, if persisted in, discharge it fully within a definitely fix°d number of years. , It is our first duty to prepare l in ear nest for our recovery from the ever increasing evils of an irredeemable currency, without a sudden revulsion, and yet without untimely procrastina tion. For that end, we must, each in our respective positions, prepare the way. 1 hold it the duty of the Execu tive to insist upon frugality in the ex penditures ; and a sparing economy is itself a great national resource. Of the banks to which authority has been giv en to issue notes secured by bonds of the United States we may require the greatest moderation and prudence, and the law must be rigidly enforced when ivS limits are exceeded. We may, each one of us, counsel our active and"enter prising countrymen to be constantly on their guard, to liquidate debts contrac ted in a paper currency, and, by con ducting business as nearly as possible on a system of cash payments or short credits, to hold themselves prepared to return to the standard of gold and sil ver. To aid our fellow-citizens in the prudent management of their moneta ry affairs, the duty devolves on us to di minish by law the amount of paper money now in circulation. Five years ago the hank-note circulation oV the country amounted to not much more than two hundred millions; now the circulation, bank and national, exceeds seven hundred millions. The simple statement of the fact recommends more strongly than any words of mine could do, the necessity of our restraining this expansion. The gradual reduction of the currency is the only measure that can save the business of the country from disastrous calamities; and this can be almost imperceptibly accom plished by gradually funding the na tional circulation in securities that may be made redeemable at the pleasure of the Government. < >ur debt is doubly secure—first in the actual wealth and still greater un developed resources of the country; and next in the character of our insti tutions. The most intelligent obser ver- among political economists have not failed to remark, that the public debt of a country is safe in proportion as it- people are free; that the debt of a republic is the safest of all. Our his tory confirms and establishes the theo ry, and is, I firmly believe, destined to give it a still more signal illustration. The secret of this superiority springs not merely from the fact that in are public the national obligations are dis tributed more widely through countless numbers in all classes of society; it has its root in the character of our laws. Here all men contribute to the public welfare, and bear their fair share of the public burdens. During the war, un der the impulses of patriotism, the men of the groat body of the people, without regard to their own compara tive want of wealth, thronged to our armies and filled our fleets of war, and held themselves ready to offer their lives for the public good. Now, in their turn, the property and income of the country should bear their just pro p<>rtion of the burden of taxation, while in our impost system, through means of which increa.**! Vitality is inciden tally imparted to all the industrial in terests of the nation, the duties shall be so adjusted as to fall most heavily on articles of luxury, leaving the nec essaries of life as free from taxation as the absolute wants of the Government, economicallyadniinistered, will justify. No favored ciass* should demand free dom from assessment, and the taxgs should be so distributed as not to fall unduly on the poor, but rather on the accumulated wealth of the country. We should look at the national debt just as it is—not as a national blessing, hut as a heavy burden on the industry of the country, to be discharged with out unnecessary delay. It is estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury that the expenditures for the fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 1866, will exceed the receiptssll2,l94,947. It is gratifying, however, to state that it is also estimated that the revenue for the year ending the 30th of June, 18C7, will exceed the expenditures in thesum 0f5111,682,813. Thisamount.orsomuch as may be deemed sufficient for the pur pose, may be applied to the reduction of the public debt, which, on the 31st day of October, 1860, was $2,740,854,750. Every reduction will diminish the total amount of interest to be paid, and so enlarge the means of still further reduc tions, until the whole shall be liquida ted ; and this, as will be seen from the estimates of the Secretary of the Treas ury, may be accomplished by annual payments even within a period not ex ceeding thirty years. I have faith that we shall do all this within a reasonable time; that,aswe haveamazedtheworld by the suppression of a civil war which was thought to be beyond the control of any Government, so we shall equally show the superiority of our institutions by the prompt and faithful discharge of 1 our national obligations. The Department of Agriculture, un der its present direction, is accomplish' I ing much in developing and utilizing i the vast agricultural capabilities of the country, and for information resDectinc
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