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Speech of B. F. Perry, Provisional Gov
ernor of South Carolina, at Greenville,
S, C., July 3, 1865,
[The following speech was delivered by An.
drew Johnson's Provisional Governor of South
Carolina, Benjamin F. Perry, on the third of
July last. The reader will perceive that he es
teems Gen. Lee as next in greatne sto General
Washington. What do our radical friends
in this neighborhood think of this appointee of
President Johnson ? Ought he not to be hang,
and Johnson with him, for not removing him ?
What say you, all ye growers of hemp for the
men who admired Gen. Lee ? What say you,
Bedford Inquirer, do you endorse President
Johnson in retaining Benjamin F. Perry in of
fice alter expressing himself in this disloyal
manner? Come, now, n$ dodging! Give us
a {air and square answer. j
MR. CtfffiOfAX : This public meeting of the
citizens of Greeinille is one of deep humilia-j
tier, and sorrow. A cruel and bloody war has :
swept over the Southern States. One hundred'
and fifty thousand of our bravest and most cnl-1
iant men have fallen on the fields of battle. The ;
land is filled with mourning widows and orphans.
'Here is scarcely a house in which there has'
not been weeping for some loved one lost. .
Have thousand millions of dollars have been I
-pent by the Southern States in carrying on this
war. Anu now we are called upon to give up :
four millions of slaves, worth two thousand miS
11.ns of dollars more. Our country has been
ravaged and desolated. Ofcr cities, towns and :
i Gages are mouldering ruins. Conquering ar- j
nfoccupy the country. The Confederacy.'
lias fallen, and we have been deprived of civil
<:overnmetit and political rights. We have nei
ther law nor order. There is no protection for
! liberty, or property. Everywhere there is j
i' Tioralizafion, rapine and murder. Hunger
r.v! starvation are upon us. And now we
i et as a disgraced and subjugated people to
p i?ion the conqueror to restore our lost rights.
■ h are the bitter fruits of Secession !
FIVE YEA MS AGO.
How different, Mr. Chairman, in tone, spirit,!
av! character, was that meeting of the citizens 1
o. Greenville just five years ago, in this same
building, which inaugurated this most fatal,:
bloody and disastrous revolution! Then all
was joy, hope, excitement and confidence. Sea
ted in my law office, looking toward this Court
House, 1 saw a crowd of persons rushing in, 1
imposed of college hovs and their professors,
jr. . -banta, mechanics, doctors, lawyers and i
diers from the hotels, with a sprinkling of far- j
ir. rs and planters. Soon I heard the public
speaking commence, and the air was rent with
the wild and raptuious applause of the excited j
audience. The more extravagant the denunci
ation- of the Union, the louder were the shouts
of applause. 1 repeated in my heart the mem- j
arable words of Christ—"Father, forgive them,
they know not what they do!" My mind was
then tilled with the worst forebodings as to the :
future. I (bought I foresaw all the evils which
have since befallen our beloved country. But j
my political influence was gone, and my voice
was powerless to stay the angry and excited i
feelings of my fellow-citizens.
RIPE FOR SECESSION. f"
Wc were at that time, Mr. Chairman, the 1
n st prosperous, free and happy peopie on the
face of the earth. The sun h,d never shone on ;
an empire or nation whose future was more
bright and glorious. But the public mind had, j
unfortunately, been prepared, in the Southern
Stan s, for 30 years past, for an effort at dis- •
union. The people had been induced to believe |
that disunion would be quite a blessing, awl j
that it might come without war and bloodshed, s
ihe hading politicians of the South were anx- j
ou-ly waiting for some plausible pretext for se-j
ceding from the American Union. The dec- j
tion of Abraham Lincoln President of the U-1
nited States, by a sectional party, at the North, j
wa- regarded as a favorable opportunity for !
a omplishing their long cherished purpose. We|
were told, after this event, that there was no j
longer any safety in the Union for Slavery or !
our Constitutional rights 1
MR. LINCOLN S ELECTION NO REASON FOR SECE- j
DING.
Let us now see, Mr. Chairman, if there was j
any truth in this assertion. Mr. Lincoln was;
tinted in direct conformity with the Federal j
Constitution. He was elected in consequence |
of the political divisions and dissensions of the J
Smth. Had the Southern States been united j
a one candidate, instead of voting for three, j
result would have been different. Mr. Lin- I
' In only received a little more than one-third 1
>f the votes cast in the Presidential election. ;
11 thi r. fore went into office with a large ma- j
of the American people opposed loi.is ad
ffiitnsfration. There was at that time a major- j
'.f 27 members of the House of Reprcsen-;
ta'ives in Congress in opposition to President
Lincoln. There was a majority of six metn
of the Senate of the United States op
i - d to him. And, sir, a majority of the
Fuprtme Court of the United States were op
posed to the avowed principles of the Repub
lican party, which elected Mr. Lincoln.
here, then, was the power of the Presi
dent to injure the South, or invade the consti- j
iutional rights of the Southern States? lie:
was in a minority in both Houses of Congress, I
ar "i ;n the Supreme Court, with a large major- j
" l 7 '' *' American people opposed to him. lie
W: *3 powerless. No legislation could be had, ;
a: "i !Ki appointment made, without the appro
'o- of the Sjuthern States through the Derao
' party. 'J'he election of I'r . Mxu Liti
"i was, then, no just ground for Secession.
But it was urged, Mr. Chairman, that the j
:-Jblii un party would soon obtain the aspen-'
:! ', y in both Houses of Congress, and then
l -'' cuilutional rights of the Southern States,
v,: j| i ( )e destroyed There was no reason for'
■ -■ \ • itCu tvo reflect that a majority
VOLUME <|.
NEW SERIES.
. of the people o: the United States were oppo
sed to the principles of the Republican party.
1 Admit, however, for argument, that the Presi
dent and his party might be in the ascendant,
and would make aggressions on Southern rights
and institutions.
-i
WHAT MIGHT It WE HAPPENED.
Then, sir, we should have had the whole De
tnoeracy of the Nortli rallying around their vi
olated Constitution and standing by the South.
And if war had come, it vvoul! have been at
j the North, where the people were divided, and
' not at the South, where they were all united.
It would have been a civil, as well as a section
al war, in the Union, and for the Constitution
!of the Union. But, sir, there was not the
j slightest probability of such an issue. The Re
publican party voted almost unanimously, in
j Congress, in 1860, that they had no power to
interfere with Slavery in the States, and no wish
|todoso i f they had. When the Southern States
j seceded from the Union, and withdrew their
j members from Congress, they took the Federal
; Government out of the hands of the Demoera
j cy, and turned it over to the Republican par
| ty. They abandoned their friends and allies,
j the Northern Democracy, who had manfully
stood by the South for more than half a centu
j ry, to the tender mercies of their political op
. iwnents and enemies. This was not in accor
dance with Southern honor and chivalry.
M hat other cause had the Sodroern States
I for their act of Secession ? For eight years
immediately preceding this revolution, during I
the Administrations of Presidents Pierce and
Buchanan, there was net an act of the Federal
Governmnet of which they complained. They
could not complain, for the Government was in
their ovv n hands. It is true the Northern State
Legislatures had nullified certain acts of Con- j
gross favorable to the South. But was this 1
just cause for re belli* g against the Federal Gov
ernment I Should they not have adhered the
closer to that Government, and assisted in en
forcing its laws ? How strange to think of the
Southern States rebelling against a Govern
ment of which they did not complain!
It is said that the Southern States loft the |
Union to preserve Slavery. How fatal the mis
take ! Every one ought to have known that
Slavery was stronger in the Union than it pos
sibly could be out of tie Union. Indeed, the
Union was its only safety and protection. While
in the I.nion we had the power of recapturing .
our fugitive slaves; out of the Union we could
have no such power. The whole civilized world |
was opposed to us on this question, a,.a, nB ~
slave power, would have looked upon us with
scornful jealousy.
But, Mr. Chairman, the madness and folly of J
the Southern States, in commencing this revo- i
lution, is now manifest to all. There was fan
aticism at the South as well as at the North, j
Politicians did all they could, in both sections, j
to stir up the worst passions of the human
heart, and make the people forget they were j
fellow-citizens of one great Republic. We were
told that the Northern people would not fight,
that there would be no war, and offers were 1
made to drink all the blood that would be shed! i
History should have taught them that no gov
ernment, like ours, ever was, or ever could be t
broken up without war and all its dire conse
quences.
WHY THE SOUTH FAILED.
How was it, Mr. Chairman., that the South
ern States failed in their rebellion? It is true
the contest was a most unequal one, 8, 800,- j
000. of persons fighting against 22, 000, 000!
The one having neit her government, army, navy
or manufactures, and the other having all these, I
with an influx of foreigners and Southern nc- j
grocs to increase their strength. The South- ;
ern people are an impulsive, enthusiastic peo
ple but they want ihc energy and perservance
of the North. I -said to my friends, at the be-1
gining of the war, that my greatest apprehen
sion W;LS that our soldiers would get tired of
the war and quit it. I did not believe it | ossi-;
ble to hold in subjection 8, 000, 000 of people,
scattered over such an immense territory as
composed the Southern States, if they were
disposed to make any and every sacrifice, as the
Dutch Republic did in their war of indepen
dence. But, sir, the great cause of our failure
was that the heart of the Southern people never j
was in this revolution! There was not a State,
except South Carolina, in which there was a
majority in favor of Secession! Even in South
Carolina there were many districts in which
one-half of the' voters did not go to the polls.
THE GOVERNOR FEELS DEGRADED EX COMING
RACK.
Mr. Chairman, I will here frankly say, as 1
have often said during the past four years, that
there was not a man in the United States who
more deeply regretted the secession of the
Southcran States any one who feels more bit
terly the humiliation anil degradation of going
back into the Union than I do. Still, 1 know
that we shall be more prosperous and happy in
the Union than out of it.
JEFF. NOT TO BLAME.
It has been too common, Mr. Chairman, to ,
attribute the failure of this great revolution to
the President of the late Confederacy. This,
sir, is a mistake. The people were themselves
to blame for its failure. They were unwilling
to make those sacrifices which were essential to
its success. Many who were most prominent
in the movement never did anything for it after
the war commenced. Instead of seeking their
proper position, in front of the battle, they
sou-'ht "bomlwproofs" for themselves and then*:
sons. There were others who got into "soft
phoes" and "official positions," where they j
could "peculate and make fortunes on Govern
uunt funds. _ _ J
In fact, toward the latter part of the war. it j
seemed that every one was trying to keep out
of the army, and was willing to pay anything,
and make any sacrifice to do so. VY hen Gen.
Johnson surrendered bis army he had on his .
muster roil 70, 000 men. but only 14, 000 to j
bo carried into battle! Gen. Let's army was
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST. 18, 1865
-[ m the same condition. YVliere were the absen
tees? At home, on furlough, staying over thcii
- furloughs, deserted and straggling! At no timi
during the last three years uf the war was tber;
s j more than one-third of the army ready to marol
| into battle! How was it possible for the South
j ern people to "succeed, acting thus?
_ j THE CONFEDERATE CONGRESS CtJLI'ABI.E.
Congress, too, Mr. Chairman, is greatly tc
blame for their exemptions. All between th
t J, n es of 18 and 45 should have been forced into
1 the army and kept there. It mattered not
whether he was a doctor, lawyer, preacher,
. politician, editor or school-teacher, if an able
bodied man, he should have been sent to the
.' !u m y. strange to say, the three classes
of men who were mainly instrumental in plung
, ing their country into this mad revolution,
were all exempted, by Congress, from fighting!
I allude to the politicians, newspaper editors
, and preachers of the Gospel. This was not
. fair. The man who gets up a fight Should al
ways take his share of it.
MR. LINCOLN NO GREAT LOSS TO THE SOUTH.
It has been said, and repeated all over the
Southern States, that the South has sustained
a great loss in the death of President Lincoln,
jI do not think so. President Johnson is a much
abler and firmer man than Lincoln was. He
is in every way more acceptable to the South.
In the first place he is a Southern man, and
Lincoln was a northern man. He is a Demo
crat, and Lincoln was a Whig and Republican.
President Johnson was a Slave-nobler, well ac
quainted with the institution, and knows what
is proper to be done in the great change which
is taking place. President J Anson is a manoi
iron will and nerve, like Andrew Jackson, and
will adhere to his principles and political faith.
On the other hand, President Lincoln show
{ ed himself to be nothing more than clay in the
hands of the potter, readier to change his
measures and principles at the bidding of
his party. President Johnson has tilled
: all the highest and most honorable offices
in tiie Stale of Tennessee, with great ability
and satisfaction to the people. There is no
stain or blot on his private character. The
ablest speech ever delivered in the Senate of
United State?, on the issues between the North
and South, was made by President J hnson.
He voted for Breckinridge in the Presidential
canvass of 1860. Judging, then, from his an-.
teeedenfs, the South should have every hope
and confidence in him.
A LOOK AHEAD.
J!,-. Chairman —Vl..l fnf LIRE, to iny mind, i
not so gloomy as some would have us u uc*e
1 have no doubt that in ten years the Southern
States will be happy and prosperous again, and
we shall find that the loss of Slavery will be
no loss at all to our real comfort and satisfac
tion. The planter and farmer will find that
his net profits are greater with hired labor than
with slave labor. Every landholder can rent
his farm or plantation for one-third of the gross
products. This i.s more than he now makes
net, after subsisting his slaves. In truth, very
few farmers in this region of country make
anything except by the increase of their slaves.
These are divided out among his children at
his death, and they pursue the same course of
toiling and struggling through life to raise ne
groes for their children. And thus the system
goes on ad infinitum, without profit or remun
eration. The lands are worn out, and the
country remains unimproved. If a planter or
farmer is enabled to save anything, after sup
porting his establishment, it is invested in the
purchase of more slaves. Hence, increased
wealth adds nothing to the enjoyment ol life,
or to the improvement of the country.
FREEDOM A CURSE TO THE BLACKS.
The idleness and vagrancyof the negro, in a
free State, may be a nuisance to society. It
must be corrected in the best way we can. I
have no doubt, in nine cases out of ten, free
dom will prove a curse instead of a blessing
to the negro. No one should turn off his ne
groes, if they are willing to remain with him
for their victuals and clothes and work as they
have heretofore done. They had no agency j
in bringing alxuit the change which has taken
place, and we should feel no ill-will toward
them on that account.
GI.AI) THE WAR IS OVER.
Mr. Chairman, as much as we feel the hu
miliation and degradation of our present situ
ation. and deeply lament the losses which have
befallen the Southern States, yet we should be j
happy to know that this cruel and bloody war
is over, and that peace is once more restored
to our country. This is a great consolation
amid our wants, distresses and humiliation.
The husband will no longer have to leave his
wife and children: the father and mother will
not be called upon any more to give up their
son? as victims to the war. It is to be hoped
that in a very short time civil government will
he restored in South Carolina, that law once
more will reign supreme over the State, and
that, life, liberty and property will Ire protected
everywhere, as they heietofore have been.
TR \ IRONS AND TREASON.
The resolutions submitted to this meeting ex
press a hope, on the part of the people of Green
ville, that the President will enlarge bis amnesty
proclamation, and grant a pardon to all who
are liable to prosecution. The Secession of the
Southern States was far greater, and very dif
ferent from a Rebellion proper. It was organ
ized by constitutional sovereign States, acting
in their sovereign capacity, and not by unau
thorized a-semblagcs of citizens. Treason
may be committed against the State of South
Carolina, as well as against the United States.
After South Carolina left the Union all her cit
izens were liable, as traitors, in the State
Courts, who took sides with the United States
and fought against ber. If they were liable
to be punished as traitor? in the United States
Court, for taking side with the States, then all
were traitors and liable to be executed as trai
tors, whether they fought for or served the one
or the other Government. This would, indeed,
be a most cruel and lamentable condition
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
LEE RANKS NEXT TO WASHINGTON
In all history there is not a more p rfb-ei. u - !-
el of a pure and great man I save Wash gton)
tan (rtn. fee. That he should now !>■ h ;u
--ed as a traitor would bo an net >f : i • . i..
famy that would shock the who!, civi iz 1 w
. and render the nmue of the United Stales >.li
uus in history
HEROISM ol IHE SO, TH.
While Ido not think, Mr "h dmi; ~ tha
that the wind •p• y: it' tii NIE I v , -
have behaved w i _• ■ m
duty at home anl <:> ;*.;>■■
there is a very /art? pr<,p./ ftu/l n, v
have toon immortal honors, an t w i -e ; •
?A war and wisdom in council ml( ittus.
vmng a bright page m history They were
uii-uecessfui iti their revolution, but this should
' nut, and does not, detract from their heroic
' gallantry v., the field of battle, or their states
?!>-• '* th" ** ! : rr* or hr.lis cf legislation. '
and patriots, uot only to .. .tit, ■T JU the j
North, too, as soon a- p.t- ma subside?, and so- j
ber reason and caiiu reiicctio;. as-umc then '
i sway over the public mind.
Tii r - NT.'-EAr )TO LOYALTY.
] . ■' • ( i ask >
my fellow ■ itiz • t ■
far as the Nord ; ' *- r ' ,v t
been deeds of atro ' .fitted by
States armies whiol au be * • :ten in
the"- ■th.-rn States. !-*t Ido ei ti ta
to b >'. m.- loyal ■ r " t u r .**
al authorities of i;.a ' r
once an 1 forever, at- ; f ?.- • •*<-:
litieation and disunion Determine to in •••, '-ud j
teach voiir children to live, ts true American ,
citizens. There will be in the future, if there is i
not now. as much of pride and grandeur in the j
name of "American citizens." as their once was
in that of '•Roman citizens " The Republic is
destined to go on increasing in national power
and great.!; for centuries to come. A? soon
as the ferment of the revolution subsides, we
shall be restored to all our civil rights, and be
as free and republican as we ever were. I here
is no reason why there should lie any sectional
jealousy or ill feeling between the North and j
: the Sou lit. They are greatly necessary to each!
other. Thei. interests are eependent, and not.
rival interests; and now that Slavery is abolish- j
i ed, there will be no bone of contention between j
the two sections.
RECONSTRUCTION.
I I thought, Mr. Chairman, that when the
' Southern States seceded, there vvafe an end to
republican institutions, that the great American
experiment was a failure, and that we should
| soon have, both at the North and at the South, j
! strong military Governments, which would be j
republican in name only. But, sir. my hope !
■ of republican institutions has revived with the j
restoration of the Union. It is a crying shame i
to think that mankind, free arid enlightened, (
are not capable of governing themselves. That
they must have as master, a ruler, in the shape
of a king or monarch, to govern them, who
mav not have as much sense of virtue at. the
humblest of his subjects. If civil government J
is once more restored in the South, and the ship ;
of state gets fairly under way again, we may i
be assured of the perpetuity of republican prin- j
cipk-3. In all the seceding States, except South ,
Carolina and Florida, Provisional Governors
have been appointed with a view to the restor
ation of civil authority in ttiose States. This
has not been done in South Carolina, because
the people have not yet given sufficient demon
stration of their willingness to return to the
allegiance of the I nited States. As soon as;
this is done by the people in their primary as
semblies, a Provisional Governor will heap
pointed by the President, with power to call a
convention of the States for the purpose of re- i
forming the Constitution and abolishing Slav
ery. When this is done and the Constitution i
i approved by Congress, the State will be allow
; ed to resume her position again in the Federal
Union. The people will elect their members of j
. the Legislature, and govern themselves as they |
; heretofore have done. The military authorities ;
i will be withdrawn and civil government restor- ;
ed. In North Carolina all loyal citizens are
i allowed to vote For members of the Convention
[ who were legal voters there previous to the
. revolution. The same course will bo pursued
; in ail the States The right of suffrage, after
ward will he regulated by the Legislature of
each State.
Death was their portion, act as they might
To stand neutral they could not, and to choosi
between the State and United States was death.
Surely a principle so monstrous and absurd can
not be enforced. There were thousands and
hundreds of thousands in the Southern State.-
who deeply regretted the secession mf their
; States, but aft r the State Lad sucMed, fell
that their first allegiance was due the State.
NAT A REBELLION.
But, Mr. Chairman, the secession of eleven
; or twelve sovereign States, composing one-half
of the territory of the United States, was some
thing more than a Rebellion, ft was legitimate
war between the two sections, and they acted
toward each other throughout tlie war as rec
ognized belligerent.?, and were 30 treated and
recognized by foreign nations. Prisoners were
exchanged between the two belligerents, and
none we.v treated as traitors during the whole
of the four years' war. Hundreds of thousands
of prisoners were thus exchanged. The high
est generals, as well as the humblest privates,
were treated as captured soldiers by both Gov
ernments, and exchanged while this gigantic
war was waging, and cannot now be demanded
as traitors, tried and executed as traitors.
There have been few national wars in Europe
in which greater armies were carried into ser
vice and on the field of battle. To call such
a war a Rebellion simply is a misapplication of
terms. The greatest and "best men of the Sou
thern States were most conscientiously leading
this w ir, either in council or on the field of
battle.
WIIOLL \i iiSiEH, Sl!i3
RESOLUTIONS.
The resolutions which I had the honor ot
submitting for the adoption of this meeti ig :,n
i similar, in purport, to those adopted at Ctiarks
| tun, Columbia, Abbe\ilie arid other places. —
I They simply express our willingness to adopt
the terms of the President's proclamation and
return to our allegiance. V\ T e likewise ask for
the appointment of a Provisional Governor and
the restoration of the civil authorities. T here
is nothing in these resolutions to which the most
sensitive can object.
-j If a man is in a loathsome dungeon there is
3 j no impropriety in asking to be released, no mat
ijter how innocent he may have been. Nor is
. j there anything wrong in his promising to be
; ; have himself if restored to his liberty. The
> j resolutions likewise provide for sending some
i one to represent the situation of the country to
the President. Thi- has been done in other
; States, and in other d! iri ti of this State. It
. j may have some influence on the action of the
! Federal Government to have a full and free
. j conference with the President in reference to
: the condition, wishes and ftxTings of the State.
It is reported that President Johnson receives
kindly a.i suggestions which are made in ref
erence to the reconstruction of the States.
CONCLUSION.
Mr. Chairman, I thank you. sir, and this
■j large and most respectable u-*emblage of the
j citizens of Greenville for their patience and
| courtesy in listening to me, and most devoutly
j pray to God that we may be once more a F REE,
HAPPY AND UNITED PEOPLE.
A CAPITAL HIT.
•'YVLBSTER'A gr.-H American Dictionary thus
'"fi ! ■- a word i . •: .a.ru- .n use:
1 -r - EAT, u One who adheres to a gov
. neut by the People, or favors the exten
sion of the Jiigtit of Suffrage to all classes of
; men.
u ..iOt'i'.ishould seek u new name for their
• come out boldly in favor of negro i
•• fa i
! (j - ■ i* i nil the Johnstown Tri
q; ,s from the Dictionary. We'
• "■ i i'clv wi ! vstiiud. the
i • iy alv t ys went ... .• •. 'hf the
people. They never viewedih *L L: v j
however, as all the people. Nor did they con
sider Provost Marshals the people. Nor did
they view the N rth a the people, considered
; 'wsf'mc'p. >pf wh were worth over twenty ';
; tliouaiind dollars were not people. Nor did t
' thfv cos>d°r poor p"<splo as not people, as has
; been done in SOUK of sheNV•. p! ' : States, j
jN or fii-J they look opt natu . signers .
jas riot people. Nor did they ever make any |
'. ■ h.vi i jus dir"inctions in regard to the peo- j
■i' 1 : ff.iiti i as it was under- I
; : ■ : :■ : ■' iSa white'
.s. • v. : people, it i vho c,*oi linglv in
-
_ ..to. t; • „ord white in nearly every at-itc,
• . uti <i in the UT . In forming theNa- !
• as .veil as tii" State governments, white j
; >plo wore cor.si 'crai the people by our fore- !
i fathers. AH Abolitionists oppose these govern- j
j ments both State and National; and hence in I
I opposing them must be traitors in heart They;
! want all these State governments and the Na- i
I iional government, as formed by our ancestors, i
| broken down, and new governments instituted,
in which negroes shall have the right to vote
! and to hold office. This is covert treason, for j
it is openly oppose g tin governments which
protect theaj- YYc cannot see this in any oth- !
i er light.
;
Men who oppose the government made by :
| our f ltvfathers to be controlled by white people j
| are traitors. Abolitionists oppose this govern- ;
1 meat. Therefore Abolitionists are traitors.— j
; They imagine that they understand the Diction- j
; ary better than their ancestors and better than '
modern Democrats, and this conceit leads them j
1 to oppose the State and National governments, ;
| and not only to oppose them, but to violate ;
their Constitutions openly and in secret con- ,
claves. What they call a government by the j
people is a government with bayonets at every j
! election window, and with the elections carried j
j by public fraud, in selecting certain men in the j
j army to go home and in preventing ;
i others with Democratic antecedents from go-
I ing home. This is their "government by the
j people."
Now for the second part of the definition,
u ln favor of the Right of Suffrage to nil class
es of men." The Bible says that Eve was the
mother of all living, but we are not to infer
| that she is necessarily the mother of baboons
' and monkeys, and when the Dictionary says
j all classes we are not to infer that it means all
| races. "Class means a number of persons in
1 society supposed to have some resemblance or I
' equality in rank, education, property, talents, !
and the like." If ever our neighbor had stud- j
ied botany or natural history either, he would j
have known that a class does not mean a race !
nor a genus neither, nor even a species, but only
a division of these orders. And according to
! this all classes means all classes of the white
man, the divisions of the species of race. Our j
; forefathers ?=> understood it when they incorpo- ]
rated it in our various State Constitutions,
i Now permit us to try our hand on de fini- j
: tions. "Abolition"' means utter destruction,
; and "Abolitionist" means a person who favors
"Abolition "* Therefore an Abolitionist must
|be an utter destructionist. Pretty near correct,
i for they have destroyed all they ever laid their
hand? on. They don't nd a "new name * —
I Johnstown Democrat.
©y-.Y Missouri paper says there is a young
■ lady in Henry county, in that Suite, nut yet
j sixteen who is this year cultivating sixteen n
i ores of corn. She does all the necessary work,
1 including plowing. She has undertaken this
piece of work to obtain money with which to
i educate herself,
! liatea of Sliwiffißing.
I One square, one insertion, $1 00
One square, three insertions, 1 .">0
One square, each additional insertion .'0
3 months. C months. 1 year.
One square, $4 50 s{> 00 $lO 00
Two squares, 6 00 <) 00 16 00
Three squares, 800 )2 00 20 00
Half column, !8 00 25 00 40 00
One column, 30 00 45 00 SO 00
Administrators and Executors' notices, $3 00.
Auditor's notices, if under 10 lines, $2 50. Sheriff '•?
-ales, $1 7J jier tract. Table work, double the
above rates; figure work 25 per cent, additional.
Kstrays,Cautionsand Notices toTrespassers, $2 00
tor three insertions, if not above 10 lines. Mar
fiaga notices, 50 ceuts each, payable in advance.
Obituaries over five lines in length, and Resolutions
of Beneficial Associations, at half advertising rates,
payable in advance. Announcements of deaths,
gratis. JMotices in editorial columns, 15 cents per
line. Orr'TVo deductions to advertisers ol Patent
Medicines, or Advertising Agents.
VOL. 9, NO 3
* ow * * i" S<T i > ui n I ijii lll—Mil ' mm I
From the Boston Post.
The Suffrage Question,
A DIALOGUE BETtfEEH VARIOUS CGLun*.
PERSONAGES.
NEGRO. INDIAN
CHINAMAN,
SCENE. A Crowded Thoroughfare.
:S SCENE ITRSJT.
- j NEGRO— -"Go way dar; Injun and Chinaman
e| no account—no account at all."
• I INDIAN- —"Ugh!''
•j CHINESE — "CHINA man hare BIG country—
aj no inucii business. American man come long
> ! way to get ten, silk, many tings."
■ • NEGRO —"Go way, I say; you got no right
i | suffrage—you ain't a man and a brudder."
i j INDIAN —"Me light of suffrage frosr. the
Great Spirit. I his country my hunting ground;
i pale face bring thunder and lightning and firc
• water, and drive poor Indian away, hut the
: , Great Spirit looks on. Ugh!"
i NEGRO —'Tate face no account; do chief
| Judge say dat nigger superior race down Souf,
and I guess he know."
CHINESE—"fIow much rnonish you got 5
:: You work now?"
• j NEGRO —-'Catch dis nigger working now.
\ ah, yah, no sar. dis child under de protection
of de Government, Yah, yah, work? yah,
yah. Look yeah you China man, we gwine
to v ife now, v ■ niggers, you China men and
j you Injuns belong to the Tenor race, and dese
white men no 'emmt tall. Vou just wait till
Fred Douglas isde President, den you see who's
j de 'ferior race."
INDIAN —My tribe fight (UJ the pale face iti
I the array of the great chief Pope, wc have
much farm, iittle Injun go to school, me go to
see the great Father Lincoln, me no vote. Ugh?"
| CHINESE—"Me see great Mandarin Ameri-
J can man in the groat empire of de sun. he say
much fine tliinir: me come to America land; me
| like America land; China man no vote; mc see
African man vote; he no Mandarin; American
man come to his country; Injun manfMit for
vierica 1 md, he no vote."
1 v 'RO —"Yah! yah! you don't know noffin
- i on i you see de declaration independence
don f tnlks, it means consent of de
governe ~ don't . .
INDIAN —"Ugh! me fight pale face. Ugh!
| ugW (with a war-whoop )
CHTV . ;— "\l . no consent, mc steal ranch."
NT ••.no—-• 'ah! yah! vr.h! You go long.
ilrzunt oinnes.
VAN try. — Talk of the vanity of woman. 1.-O
there N vanity in man? Show me one girl with
H<-r pretty head stuffed full of conceit of her
own ixjauty and consequence, and I will show
: you fifty youths, upon whose lips the small down
oy much coaxing has ventured to appear, and A
; hundred hirsute dandies, exulting in a full fa
; eial crop of spontaneous growth, who are more
; perfectly possessed with a self-satisfied estirna
] lion of their own irresistable charms than any
I miss in her teens. Each of these apologies of
men fancies every woman whom he happens to
'• encounter desperately enamored of him. and is
fully persuaded, in his own mind, that lie bears.
' to the fair sex the same relation the H.'E Capt.
! Martin Scott did to the raccoon. Don't fire."
! said the coon to the captain, as the hitter was
j about raising bis unerring rifle, "I will come
| down." "Don't pop the question," says some .
| fascinated damsel to any one of those exquisite
| lady killers, "I will marry you.'*'
C3"The correspondent of the New York Her
■ aid, who has traveled 4,000 miles in the South,
j writing from New Orleans, says that no one
! can form any conception of the utter ruin and
| exhaustion of the whole South. The railroads
; are worn out, and the rolling siock either total-
J ly destroyed or rendered nearly uselcs.-, TIIE fen
| ces are gone, and many of the houses burned.
| and those which arc left arc badly shattered;
J horses and mules have been carried off by the
; armies, and all kinds of stock RRC very scarce;
| the negroes are free and often insolent; there is
I no money and no means of getting any, to en-
J able tho inhabitants to start again in life.
WHITE LABOR ON LOUISIANA I'EANT AI ION?
— We understand that, on account of the de
moralization of negro labor in many parts of
the Slate, the white population have vigorously
and industriously taken hold of the work them
selves, and are producing some of the BEST crops
now growing. The people ARE beginning to see
; that under the new system of African labor, or
j want of system, rather, no further dependence
is (o he put in that race, and they have res; !v
--j to do their work themselves.
| THE Chicago Republican says :
| vat ion of the sugar-beet in this state opens up
i to Illinois a source of industry and wealth, we
j will venture to say, unsurpassed by any other
branch of agriculture, besides giving employ
ment to a large number of Mechanics, and thus
creating here at home a market for our surplus
agricultural products."
good story has been told of a clergy*
! man not far from Titusvillc, who had lately
I invested considerable in "ile." In GIVING out
! his text one Sabbath merning, he said it would
j be found in the last ehapttr of the Acts, the
I last half of the vere ard ORE TH-D of the oil."
tip Dorr.? says he has one of the- most obedient
1 oys in the world —BE JELL? Dun to do AS he
pleases, AR.d he does it without murmuring.
TS* All lawyers may said to belong to the
Fee-man Brotbeilood.