THE BEDFORD GAZETTE IS PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORMKQ BY JIEYERM A JIEYGEI,. At the following term?, to wit: $2 00 per annum, if paid strictly in advance. $2.50 if paid within C months; $3.00 if not paid vvithiu 6 months. 27-N'o subscription taken tor less than six months CJ"No piper discontinued until all aire >rages are paid, unless at the option of the publisher. It has been decided bj- the United States Courts that the stoppage of a newspaper without the payment of arrearages, is ■prima facie evidence of fraud and is a criminal offence. he courts nave decided that persons are ac countable for the subscription price of newspapers, it they take them Irom the post office, whether they subscribe for them, or not. Speech of B. F. Perry, Provisional Gov ernor of South Carolina, at Greenville, S, C., July 3, 1865, [The following speech was delivered by An. drew Johnson's Provisional Governor of South Carolina, Benjamin F. Perry, on the third of July last. The reader will perceive that he es teems Gen. Lee as next in greatne sto General Washington. What do our radical friends in this neighborhood think of this appointee of President Johnson ? Ought he not to be hang, and Johnson with him, for not removing him ? What say you, all ye growers of hemp for the men who admired Gen. Lee ? What say you, Bedford Inquirer, do you endorse President Johnson in retaining Benjamin F. Perry in of fice alter expressing himself in this disloyal manner? Come, now, n$ dodging! Give us a {air and square answer. j MR. CtfffiOfAX : This public meeting of the citizens of Greeinille is one of deep humilia-j tier, and sorrow. A cruel and bloody war has : swept over the Southern States. One hundred' and fifty thousand of our bravest and most cnl-1 iant men have fallen on the fields of battle. The ; land is filled with mourning widows and orphans. 'Here is scarcely a house in which there has' not been weeping for some loved one lost. . Have thousand millions of dollars have been I -pent by the Southern States in carrying on this war. Anu now we are called upon to give up : four millions of slaves, worth two thousand miS 11.ns of dollars more. Our country has been ravaged and desolated. Ofcr cities, towns and : i Gages are mouldering ruins. Conquering ar- j nfoccupy the country. The Confederacy.' lias fallen, and we have been deprived of civil <:overnmetit and political rights. We have nei ther law nor order. There is no protection for ! liberty, or property. Everywhere there is j i' Tioralizafion, rapine and murder. Hunger r.v! starvation are upon us. And now we i et as a disgraced and subjugated people to p i?ion the conqueror to restore our lost rights. ■ h are the bitter fruits of Secession ! FIVE YEA MS AGO. How different, Mr. Chairman, in tone, spirit,! av! character, was that meeting of the citizens 1 o. Greenville just five years ago, in this same building, which inaugurated this most fatal,: bloody and disastrous revolution! Then all was joy, hope, excitement and confidence. Sea ted in my law office, looking toward this Court House, 1 saw a crowd of persons rushing in, 1 imposed of college hovs and their professors, jr. . -banta, mechanics, doctors, lawyers and i diers from the hotels, with a sprinkling of far- j ir. rs and planters. Soon I heard the public speaking commence, and the air was rent with the wild and raptuious applause of the excited j audience. The more extravagant the denunci ation- of the Union, the louder were the shouts of applause. 1 repeated in my heart the mem- j arable words of Christ—"Father, forgive them, they know not what they do!" My mind was then tilled with the worst forebodings as to the : future. I (bought I foresaw all the evils which have since befallen our beloved country. But j my political influence was gone, and my voice was powerless to stay the angry and excited i feelings of my fellow-citizens. RIPE FOR SECESSION. f" Wc were at that time, Mr. Chairman, the 1 n st prosperous, free and happy peopie on the face of the earth. The sun h,d never shone on ; an empire or nation whose future was more bright and glorious. But the public mind had, j unfortunately, been prepared, in the Southern Stan s, for 30 years past, for an effort at dis- • union. The people had been induced to believe | that disunion would be quite a blessing, awl j that it might come without war and bloodshed, s ihe hading politicians of the South were anx- j ou-ly waiting for some plausible pretext for se-j ceding from the American Union. The dec- j tion of Abraham Lincoln President of the U-1 nited States, by a sectional party, at the North, j wa- regarded as a favorable opportunity for ! a omplishing their long cherished purpose. We| were told, after this event, that there was no j longer any safety in the Union for Slavery or ! our Constitutional rights 1 MR. LINCOLN S ELECTION NO REASON FOR SECE- j DING. Let us now see, Mr. Chairman, if there was j any truth in this assertion. Mr. Lincoln was; tinted in direct conformity with the Federal j Constitution. He was elected in consequence | of the political divisions and dissensions of the J Smth. Had the Southern States been united j a one candidate, instead of voting for three, j result would have been different. Mr. Lin- I ' In only received a little more than one-third 1 >f the votes cast in the Presidential election. ; 11 thi r. fore went into office with a large ma- j of the American people opposed loi.is ad ffiitnsfration. There was at that time a major- j '.f 27 members of the House of Reprcsen-; ta'ives in Congress in opposition to President Lincoln. There was a majority of six metn of the Senate of the United States op i - d to him. And, sir, a majority of the Fuprtme Court of the United States were op posed to the avowed principles of the Repub lican party, which elected Mr. Lincoln. here, then, was the power of the Presi dent to injure the South, or invade the consti- j iutional rights of the Southern States? lie: was in a minority in both Houses of Congress, I ar "i ;n the Supreme Court, with a large major- j " l 7 '' *' American people opposed to him. lie W: *3 powerless. No legislation could be had, ; a: "i !Ki appointment made, without the appro 'o- of the Sjuthern States through the Derao ' party. 'J'he election of I'r . Mxu Liti "i was, then, no just ground for Secession. But it was urged, Mr. Chairman, that the j :-Jblii un party would soon obtain the aspen-' :! ', y in both Houses of Congress, and then l -'' cuilutional rights of the Southern States, v,: j| i ( )e destroyed There was no reason for' ■ -■ \ • itCu tvo reflect that a majority VOLUME <|. NEW SERIES. . of the people o: the United States were oppo sed to the principles of the Republican party. 1 Admit, however, for argument, that the Presi dent and his party might be in the ascendant, and would make aggressions on Southern rights and institutions. -i WHAT MIGHT It WE HAPPENED. Then, sir, we should have had the whole De tnoeracy of the Nortli rallying around their vi olated Constitution and standing by the South. And if war had come, it vvoul! have been at j the North, where the people were divided, and ' not at the South, where they were all united. It would have been a civil, as well as a section al war, in the Union, and for the Constitution !of the Union. But, sir, there was not the j slightest probability of such an issue. The Re publican party voted almost unanimously, in j Congress, in 1860, that they had no power to interfere with Slavery in the States, and no wish |todoso i f they had. When the Southern States j seceded from the Union, and withdrew their j members from Congress, they took the Federal ; Government out of the hands of the Demoera j cy, and turned it over to the Republican par | ty. They abandoned their friends and allies, j the Northern Democracy, who had manfully stood by the South for more than half a centu j ry, to the tender mercies of their political op . iwnents and enemies. This was not in accor dance with Southern honor and chivalry. M hat other cause had the Sodroern States I for their act of Secession ? For eight years immediately preceding this revolution, during I the Administrations of Presidents Pierce and Buchanan, there was net an act of the Federal Governmnet of which they complained. They could not complain, for the Government was in their ovv n hands. It is true the Northern State Legislatures had nullified certain acts of Con- j gross favorable to the South. But was this 1 just cause for re belli* g against the Federal Gov ernment I Should they not have adhered the closer to that Government, and assisted in en forcing its laws ? How strange to think of the Southern States rebelling against a Govern ment of which they did not complain! It is said that the Southern States loft the | Union to preserve Slavery. How fatal the mis take ! Every one ought to have known that Slavery was stronger in the Union than it pos sibly could be out of tie Union. Indeed, the Union was its only safety and protection. While in the I.nion we had the power of recapturing . our fugitive slaves; out of the Union we could have no such power. The whole civilized world | was opposed to us on this question, a,.a, nB ~ slave power, would have looked upon us with scornful jealousy. But, Mr. Chairman, the madness and folly of J the Southern States, in commencing this revo- i lution, is now manifest to all. There was fan aticism at the South as well as at the North, j Politicians did all they could, in both sections, j to stir up the worst passions of the human heart, and make the people forget they were j fellow-citizens of one great Republic. We were told that the Northern people would not fight, that there would be no war, and offers were 1 made to drink all the blood that would be shed! i History should have taught them that no gov ernment, like ours, ever was, or ever could be t broken up without war and all its dire conse quences. WHY THE SOUTH FAILED. How was it, Mr. Chairman., that the South ern States failed in their rebellion? It is true the contest was a most unequal one, 8, 800,- j 000. of persons fighting against 22, 000, 000! The one having neit her government, army, navy or manufactures, and the other having all these, I with an influx of foreigners and Southern nc- j grocs to increase their strength. The South- ; ern people are an impulsive, enthusiastic peo ple but they want ihc energy and perservance of the North. I -said to my friends, at the be-1 gining of the war, that my greatest apprehen sion W;LS that our soldiers would get tired of the war and quit it. I did not believe it | ossi-; ble to hold in subjection 8, 000, 000 of people, scattered over such an immense territory as composed the Southern States, if they were disposed to make any and every sacrifice, as the Dutch Republic did in their war of indepen dence. But, sir, the great cause of our failure was that the heart of the Southern people never j was in this revolution! There was not a State, except South Carolina, in which there was a majority in favor of Secession! Even in South Carolina there were many districts in which one-half of the' voters did not go to the polls. THE GOVERNOR FEELS DEGRADED EX COMING RACK. Mr. Chairman, I will here frankly say, as 1 have often said during the past four years, that there was not a man in the United States who more deeply regretted the secession of the Southcran States any one who feels more bit terly the humiliation anil degradation of going back into the Union than I do. Still, 1 know that we shall be more prosperous and happy in the Union than out of it. JEFF. NOT TO BLAME. It has been too common, Mr. Chairman, to , attribute the failure of this great revolution to the President of the late Confederacy. This, sir, is a mistake. The people were themselves to blame for its failure. They were unwilling to make those sacrifices which were essential to its success. Many who were most prominent in the movement never did anything for it after the war commenced. Instead of seeking their proper position, in front of the battle, they sou-'ht "bomlwproofs" for themselves and then*: sons. There were others who got into "soft phoes" and "official positions," where they j could "peculate and make fortunes on Govern uunt funds. _ _ J In fact, toward the latter part of the war. it j seemed that every one was trying to keep out of the army, and was willing to pay anything, and make any sacrifice to do so. VY hen Gen. Johnson surrendered bis army he had on his . muster roil 70, 000 men. but only 14, 000 to j bo carried into battle! Gen. Let's army was BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST. 18, 1865 -[ m the same condition. YVliere were the absen tees? At home, on furlough, staying over thcii - furloughs, deserted and straggling! At no timi during the last three years uf the war was tber; s j more than one-third of the army ready to marol | into battle! How was it possible for the South j ern people to "succeed, acting thus? _ j THE CONFEDERATE CONGRESS CtJLI'ABI.E. Congress, too, Mr. Chairman, is greatly tc blame for their exemptions. All between th t J, n es of 18 and 45 should have been forced into 1 the army and kept there. It mattered not whether he was a doctor, lawyer, preacher, . politician, editor or school-teacher, if an able bodied man, he should have been sent to the .' !u m y. strange to say, the three classes of men who were mainly instrumental in plung , ing their country into this mad revolution, were all exempted, by Congress, from fighting! I allude to the politicians, newspaper editors , and preachers of the Gospel. This was not . fair. The man who gets up a fight Should al ways take his share of it. MR. LINCOLN NO GREAT LOSS TO THE SOUTH. It has been said, and repeated all over the Southern States, that the South has sustained a great loss in the death of President Lincoln, jI do not think so. President Johnson is a much abler and firmer man than Lincoln was. He is in every way more acceptable to the South. In the first place he is a Southern man, and Lincoln was a northern man. He is a Demo crat, and Lincoln was a Whig and Republican. President Johnson was a Slave-nobler, well ac quainted with the institution, and knows what is proper to be done in the great change which is taking place. President J Anson is a manoi iron will and nerve, like Andrew Jackson, and will adhere to his principles and political faith. On the other hand, President Lincoln show { ed himself to be nothing more than clay in the hands of the potter, readier to change his measures and principles at the bidding of his party. President Johnson has tilled : all the highest and most honorable offices in tiie Stale of Tennessee, with great ability and satisfaction to the people. There is no stain or blot on his private character. The ablest speech ever delivered in the Senate of United State?, on the issues between the North and South, was made by President J hnson. He voted for Breckinridge in the Presidential canvass of 1860. Judging, then, from his an-. teeedenfs, the South should have every hope and confidence in him. A LOOK AHEAD. J!,-. Chairman —Vl..l fnf LIRE, to iny mind, i not so gloomy as some would have us u uc*e 1 have no doubt that in ten years the Southern States will be happy and prosperous again, and we shall find that the loss of Slavery will be no loss at all to our real comfort and satisfac tion. The planter and farmer will find that his net profits are greater with hired labor than with slave labor. Every landholder can rent his farm or plantation for one-third of the gross products. This i.s more than he now makes net, after subsisting his slaves. In truth, very few farmers in this region of country make anything except by the increase of their slaves. These are divided out among his children at his death, and they pursue the same course of toiling and struggling through life to raise ne groes for their children. And thus the system goes on ad infinitum, without profit or remun eration. The lands are worn out, and the country remains unimproved. If a planter or farmer is enabled to save anything, after sup porting his establishment, it is invested in the purchase of more slaves. Hence, increased wealth adds nothing to the enjoyment ol life, or to the improvement of the country. FREEDOM A CURSE TO THE BLACKS. The idleness and vagrancyof the negro, in a free State, may be a nuisance to society. It must be corrected in the best way we can. I have no doubt, in nine cases out of ten, free dom will prove a curse instead of a blessing to the negro. No one should turn off his ne groes, if they are willing to remain with him for their victuals and clothes and work as they have heretofore done. They had no agency j in bringing alxuit the change which has taken place, and we should feel no ill-will toward them on that account. GI.AI) THE WAR IS OVER. Mr. Chairman, as much as we feel the hu miliation and degradation of our present situ ation. and deeply lament the losses which have befallen the Southern States, yet we should be j happy to know that this cruel and bloody war is over, and that peace is once more restored to our country. This is a great consolation amid our wants, distresses and humiliation. The husband will no longer have to leave his wife and children: the father and mother will not be called upon any more to give up their son? as victims to the war. It is to be hoped that in a very short time civil government will he restored in South Carolina, that law once more will reign supreme over the State, and that, life, liberty and property will Ire protected everywhere, as they heietofore have been. TR \ IRONS AND TREASON. The resolutions submitted to this meeting ex press a hope, on the part of the people of Green ville, that the President will enlarge bis amnesty proclamation, and grant a pardon to all who are liable to prosecution. The Secession of the Southern States was far greater, and very dif ferent from a Rebellion proper. It was organ ized by constitutional sovereign States, acting in their sovereign capacity, and not by unau thorized a-semblagcs of citizens. Treason may be committed against the State of South Carolina, as well as against the United States. After South Carolina left the Union all her cit izens were liable, as traitors, in the State Courts, who took sides with the United States and fought against ber. If they were liable to be punished as traitor? in the United States Court, for taking side with the States, then all were traitors and liable to be executed as trai tors, whether they fought for or served the one or the other Government. This would, indeed, be a most cruel and lamentable condition Freedom of Thought and Opinion. LEE RANKS NEXT TO WASHINGTON In all history there is not a more p rfb-ei. u - !- el of a pure and great man I save Wash gton) tan (rtn. fee. That he should now !>■ h ;u --ed as a traitor would bo an net >f : i • . i.. famy that would shock the who!, civi iz 1 w . and render the nmue of the United Stales >.li uus in history HEROISM ol IHE SO, TH. While Ido not think, Mr "h dmi; ~ tha that the wind •p• y: it' tii NIE I v , - have behaved w i _• ■ m duty at home anl <:> ;*.;>■■ there is a very /art? pr<,p./ ftu/l n, v have toon immortal honors, an t w i -e ; • ?A war and wisdom in council ml( ittus. vmng a bright page m history They were uii-uecessfui iti their revolution, but this should ' nut, and does not, detract from their heroic ' gallantry v., the field of battle, or their states ?!>-• '* th" ** ! : rr* or hr.lis cf legislation. ' and patriots, uot only to .. .tit, ■T JU the j North, too, as soon a- p.t- ma subside?, and so- j ber reason and caiiu reiicctio;. as-umc then ' i sway over the public mind. Tii r - NT.'-EAr )TO LOYALTY. ] . ■' • ( i ask > my fellow ■ itiz • t ■ far as the Nord ; ' *- r ' ,v t been deeds of atro ' .fitted by States armies whiol au be * • :ten in the"- ■th.-rn States. !-*t Ido ei ti ta to b >'. m.- loyal ■ r " t u r .** al authorities of i;.a ' r once an 1 forever, at- ; f ?.- • •*<-: litieation and disunion Determine to in •••, '-ud j teach voiir children to live, ts true American , citizens. There will be in the future, if there is i not now. as much of pride and grandeur in the j name of "American citizens." as their once was in that of '•Roman citizens " The Republic is destined to go on increasing in national power and great.!; for centuries to come. A? soon as the ferment of the revolution subsides, we shall be restored to all our civil rights, and be as free and republican as we ever were. I here is no reason why there should lie any sectional jealousy or ill feeling between the North and j : the Sou lit. They are greatly necessary to each! other. Thei. interests are eependent, and not. rival interests; and now that Slavery is abolish- j i ed, there will be no bone of contention between j the two sections. RECONSTRUCTION. I I thought, Mr. Chairman, that when the ' Southern States seceded, there vvafe an end to republican institutions, that the great American experiment was a failure, and that we should | soon have, both at the North and at the South, j ! strong military Governments, which would be j republican in name only. But, sir. my hope ! ■ of republican institutions has revived with the j restoration of the Union. It is a crying shame i to think that mankind, free arid enlightened, ( are not capable of governing themselves. That they must have as master, a ruler, in the shape of a king or monarch, to govern them, who mav not have as much sense of virtue at. the humblest of his subjects. If civil government J is once more restored in the South, and the ship ; of state gets fairly under way again, we may i be assured of the perpetuity of republican prin- j cipk-3. In all the seceding States, except South , Carolina and Florida, Provisional Governors have been appointed with a view to the restor ation of civil authority in ttiose States. This has not been done in South Carolina, because the people have not yet given sufficient demon stration of their willingness to return to the allegiance of the I nited States. As soon as; this is done by the people in their primary as semblies, a Provisional Governor will heap pointed by the President, with power to call a convention of the States for the purpose of re- i forming the Constitution and abolishing Slav ery. When this is done and the Constitution i i approved by Congress, the State will be allow ; ed to resume her position again in the Federal Union. The people will elect their members of j . the Legislature, and govern themselves as they | ; heretofore have done. The military authorities ; i will be withdrawn and civil government restor- ; ed. In North Carolina all loyal citizens are i allowed to vote For members of the Convention [ who were legal voters there previous to the . revolution. The same course will bo pursued ; in ail the States The right of suffrage, after ward will he regulated by the Legislature of each State. Death was their portion, act as they might To stand neutral they could not, and to choosi between the State and United States was death. Surely a principle so monstrous and absurd can not be enforced. There were thousands and hundreds of thousands in the Southern State.- who deeply regretted the secession mf their ; States, but aft r the State Lad sucMed, fell that their first allegiance was due the State. NAT A REBELLION. But, Mr. Chairman, the secession of eleven ; or twelve sovereign States, composing one-half of the territory of the United States, was some thing more than a Rebellion, ft was legitimate war between the two sections, and they acted toward each other throughout tlie war as rec ognized belligerent.?, and were 30 treated and recognized by foreign nations. Prisoners were exchanged between the two belligerents, and none we.v treated as traitors during the whole of the four years' war. Hundreds of thousands of prisoners were thus exchanged. The high est generals, as well as the humblest privates, were treated as captured soldiers by both Gov ernments, and exchanged while this gigantic war was waging, and cannot now be demanded as traitors, tried and executed as traitors. There have been few national wars in Europe in which greater armies were carried into ser vice and on the field of battle. To call such a war a Rebellion simply is a misapplication of terms. The greatest and "best men of the Sou thern States were most conscientiously leading this w ir, either in council or on the field of battle. WIIOLL \i iiSiEH, Sl!i3 RESOLUTIONS. The resolutions which I had the honor ot submitting for the adoption of this meeti ig :,n i similar, in purport, to those adopted at Ctiarks | tun, Columbia, Abbe\ilie arid other places. — I They simply express our willingness to adopt the terms of the President's proclamation and return to our allegiance. V\ T e likewise ask for the appointment of a Provisional Governor and the restoration of the civil authorities. T here is nothing in these resolutions to which the most sensitive can object. -j If a man is in a loathsome dungeon there is 3 j no impropriety in asking to be released, no mat ijter how innocent he may have been. Nor is . j there anything wrong in his promising to be ; ; have himself if restored to his liberty. The > j resolutions likewise provide for sending some i one to represent the situation of the country to the President. Thi- has been done in other ; States, and in other d! iri ti of this State. It . j may have some influence on the action of the ! Federal Government to have a full and free . j conference with the President in reference to : the condition, wishes and ftxTings of the State. It is reported that President Johnson receives kindly a.i suggestions which are made in ref erence to the reconstruction of the States. CONCLUSION. Mr. Chairman, I thank you. sir, and this ■j large and most respectable u-*emblage of the j citizens of Greenville for their patience and | courtesy in listening to me, and most devoutly j pray to God that we may be once more a F REE, HAPPY AND UNITED PEOPLE. A CAPITAL HIT. •'YVLBSTER'A gr.-H American Dictionary thus '"fi ! ■- a word i . •: .a.ru- .n use: 1 -r - EAT, u One who adheres to a gov . neut by the People, or favors the exten sion of the Jiigtit of Suffrage to all classes of ; men. u ..iOt'i'.ishould seek u new name for their • come out boldly in favor of negro i •• fa i ! (j - ■ i* i nil the Johnstown Tri q; ,s from the Dictionary. We' • "■ i i'clv wi ! vstiiud. the i • iy alv t ys went ... .• •. 'hf the people. They never viewedih *L L: v j however, as all the people. Nor did they con sider Provost Marshals the people. Nor did they view the N rth a the people, considered ; 'wsf'mc'p. >pf wh were worth over twenty '; ; tliouaiind dollars were not people. Nor did t ' thfv cos>d°r poor p"plo wore cor.si 'crai the people by our fore- ! i fathers. AH Abolitionists oppose these govern- j j ments both State and National; and hence in I I opposing them must be traitors in heart They; ! want all these State governments and the Na- i I iional government, as formed by our ancestors, i | broken down, and new governments instituted, in which negroes shall have the right to vote ! and to hold office. This is covert treason, for j it is openly oppose g tin governments which protect theaj- YYc cannot see this in any oth- ! i er light. ; Men who oppose the government made by : | our f ltvfathers to be controlled by white people j | are traitors. Abolitionists oppose this govern- ; 1 meat. Therefore Abolitionists are traitors.— j ; They imagine that they understand the Diction- j ; ary better than their ancestors and better than ' modern Democrats, and this conceit leads them j 1 to oppose the State and National governments, ; | and not only to oppose them, but to violate ; their Constitutions openly and in secret con- , claves. What they call a government by the j people is a government with bayonets at every j ! election window, and with the elections carried j j by public fraud, in selecting certain men in the j j army to go home and in preventing ; i others with Democratic antecedents from go- I ing home. This is their "government by the j people." Now for the second part of the definition, u ln favor of the Right of Suffrage to nil class es of men." The Bible says that Eve was the mother of all living, but we are not to infer | that she is necessarily the mother of baboons ' and monkeys, and when the Dictionary says j all classes we are not to infer that it means all | races. "Class means a number of persons in 1 society supposed to have some resemblance or I ' equality in rank, education, property, talents, ! and the like." If ever our neighbor had stud- j ied botany or natural history either, he would j have known that a class does not mean a race ! nor a genus neither, nor even a species, but only a division of these orders. And according to ! this all classes means all classes of the white man, the divisions of the species of race. Our j ; forefathers ?=> understood it when they incorpo- ] rated it in our various State Constitutions, i Now permit us to try our hand on de fini- j : tions. "Abolition"' means utter destruction, ; and "Abolitionist" means a person who favors "Abolition "* Therefore an Abolitionist must |be an utter destructionist. Pretty near correct, i for they have destroyed all they ever laid their hand? on. They don't nd a "new name * — I Johnstown Democrat. ©y-.Y Missouri paper says there is a young ■ lady in Henry county, in that Suite, nut yet j sixteen who is this year cultivating sixteen n i ores of corn. She does all the necessary work, 1 including plowing. She has undertaken this piece of work to obtain money with which to i educate herself, ! liatea of Sliwiffißing. I One square, one insertion, $1 00 One square, three insertions, 1 .">0 One square, each additional insertion .'0 3 months. C months. 1 year. One square, $4 50 s{> 00 $lO 00 Two squares, 6 00 <) 00 16 00 Three squares, 800 )2 00 20 00 Half column, !8 00 25 00 40 00 One column, 30 00 45 00 SO 00 Administrators and Executors' notices, $3 00. Auditor's notices, if under 10 lines, $2 50. Sheriff '•? -ales, $1 7J jier tract. Table work, double the above rates; figure work 25 per cent, additional. Kstrays,Cautionsand Notices toTrespassers, $2 00 tor three insertions, if not above 10 lines. Mar fiaga notices, 50 ceuts each, payable in advance. Obituaries over five lines in length, and Resolutions of Beneficial Associations, at half advertising rates, payable in advance. Announcements of deaths, gratis. JMotices in editorial columns, 15 cents per line. Orr'TVo deductions to advertisers ol Patent Medicines, or Advertising Agents. VOL. 9, NO 3 * ow * * i" S ui n I ijii lll—Mil ' mm I From the Boston Post. The Suffrage Question, A DIALOGUE BETtfEEH VARIOUS CGLun*. PERSONAGES. NEGRO. INDIAN CHINAMAN, SCENE. A Crowded Thoroughfare. :S SCENE ITRSJT. - j NEGRO— -"Go way dar; Injun and Chinaman e| no account—no account at all." • I INDIAN- —"Ugh!'' •j CHINESE — "CHINA man hare BIG country— aj no inucii business. American man come long > ! way to get ten, silk, many tings." ■ • NEGRO —"Go way, I say; you got no right i | suffrage—you ain't a man and a brudder." i j INDIAN —"Me light of suffrage frosr. the Great Spirit. I his country my hunting ground; i pale face bring thunder and lightning and firc • water, and drive poor Indian away, hut the : , Great Spirit looks on. Ugh!" i NEGRO —'Tate face no account; do chief | Judge say dat nigger superior race down Souf, and I guess he know." CHINESE—"fIow much rnonish you got 5 :: You work now?" • j NEGRO —-'Catch dis nigger working now. \ ah, yah, no sar. dis child under de protection of de Government, Yah, yah, work? yah, yah. Look yeah you China man, we gwine to v ife now, v ■ niggers, you China men and j you Injuns belong to the Tenor race, and dese white men no 'emmt tall. Vou just wait till Fred Douglas isde President, den you see who's j de 'ferior race." INDIAN —My tribe fight (UJ the pale face iti I the array of the great chief Pope, wc have much farm, iittle Injun go to school, me go to see the great Father Lincoln, me no vote. Ugh?" | CHINESE—"Me see great Mandarin Ameri- J can man in the groat empire of de sun. he say much fine tliinir: me come to America land; me | like America land; China man no vote; mc see African man vote; he no Mandarin; American man come to his country; Injun manfMit for vierica 1 md, he no vote." 1 v 'RO —"Yah! yah! you don't know noffin - i on i you see de declaration independence don f tnlks, it means consent of de governe ~ don't . . INDIAN —"Ugh! me fight pale face. Ugh! | ugW (with a war-whoop ) CHTV . ;— "\l . no consent, mc steal ranch." NT ••.no—-• 'ah! yah! vr.h! You go long. ilrzunt oinnes. VAN try. — Talk of the vanity of woman. 1.-O there N vanity in man? Show me one girl with H<-r pretty head stuffed full of conceit of her own ixjauty and consequence, and I will show : you fifty youths, upon whose lips the small down oy much coaxing has ventured to appear, and A ; hundred hirsute dandies, exulting in a full fa ; eial crop of spontaneous growth, who are more ; perfectly possessed with a self-satisfied estirna ] lion of their own irresistable charms than any I miss in her teens. Each of these apologies of men fancies every woman whom he happens to '• encounter desperately enamored of him. and is fully persuaded, in his own mind, that lie bears. ' to the fair sex the same relation the H.'E Capt. ! Martin Scott did to the raccoon. Don't fire." ! said the coon to the captain, as the hitter was j about raising bis unerring rifle, "I will come | down." "Don't pop the question," says some . | fascinated damsel to any one of those exquisite | lady killers, "I will marry you.'*' C3"The correspondent of the New York Her ■ aid, who has traveled 4,000 miles in the South, j writing from New Orleans, says that no one ! can form any conception of the utter ruin and | exhaustion of the whole South. The railroads ; are worn out, and the rolling siock either total- J ly destroyed or rendered nearly uselcs.-, TIIE fen | ces are gone, and many of the houses burned. | and those which arc left arc badly shattered; J horses and mules have been carried off by the ; armies, and all kinds of stock RRC very scarce; | the negroes are free and often insolent; there is I no money and no means of getting any, to en- J able tho inhabitants to start again in life. WHITE LABOR ON LOUISIANA I'EANT AI ION? — We understand that, on account of the de moralization of negro labor in many parts of the Slate, the white population have vigorously and industriously taken hold of the work them selves, and are producing some of the BEST crops now growing. The people ARE beginning to see ; that under the new system of African labor, or j want of system, rather, no further dependence is (o he put in that race, and they have res; !v --j to do their work themselves. | THE Chicago Republican says : | vat ion of the sugar-beet in this state opens up i to Illinois a source of industry and wealth, we j will venture to say, unsurpassed by any other branch of agriculture, besides giving employ ment to a large number of Mechanics, and thus creating here at home a market for our surplus agricultural products." good story has been told of a clergy* ! man not far from Titusvillc, who had lately I invested considerable in "ile." In GIVING out ! his text one Sabbath merning, he said it would j be found in the last ehapttr of the Acts, the I last half of the vere ard ORE TH-D of the oil." tip Dorr.? says he has one of the- most obedient 1 oys in the world —BE JELL? Dun to do AS he pleases, AR.d he does it without murmuring. TS* All lawyers may said to belong to the Fee-man Brotbeilood.