TSS BEDFORD GAZETTE
It *t)M.KU BTBKT TRIDAT MOKMHB
BY B. F. MGI'KRS,
At the following terms to wit i
$2 00 per milium. if pant within the ym
$3 .'io " " not pttid within th yar.
KSrKo -.ubHrription taken lor lean than -ix montha.
Ef"Ni p.per tliaiontinued until all aire rag<aare
paid, unleia at the option of the publi-hei. It has
bean decided by the United St te Courts that the
a'oppige of a newspaper without the payment of
arrearages, is prima faris evidence 01 fraud and as
a criminal offence.
OyThe courts have decided that persons are ac
countable for the subscription price of new>papca,
if they take them from the post office, whether they
eabsftibe for them, or not.
©rtgtnal
Lines To
BY CUFFORD
I knew you, Clementina,
Some fifteen years ago ;
You were the beauty of the place,
The idol of each lieau:
Your smiles wore like the sunbeams.
That dance upon the rill—
Ttiur glance was like the lightning,
Though not so sure to kill.
I saw you, Clementina,
When you were sweet sixteen—
And I was but eleven theu;
Girls thought me rather "green,"—
I taw your cheek of beauty —
I loved your bright blue eye;
But you disdained to smile on me
While other lads were by.
I knew yon, Clementina,
Some fifteen years ago;
And you were fair and wealthy, then,
But I was poor, you know:
And when a"few years later,
I offered you my heart,
You spurnud rue frotn you with a sneer,
That piereod me like a dart.
Binco then, Miss Clementina,
Some sad, sad, years have flown;
And you and 1, by different paths,
Have trod the world alone—
And often as I meet you,
And see you by me glide ;
I think of what once might have been,
But for your foolish pride.
Since thon, you've flirted gaily
With many a "nice young man
But age has dimmed your beauty,
And loft you somewhat wan :
Sinee then the Shrew, Dumo Fortune,
Stood frowning at your door,
And smiles on your old suitor
Whilst you are sad and poor.
If now I'd make the offer,
I made ten years ago,
Perhaps you'd change your notion,
And wouldn't answer, No!
But, alas! to other suitors
Your Binilcs have been too free—
The rose that's pressed ao often,
Must lose its fragrantly.
$I) e S11) ci olma ell v2br oa &.
"ioiTEQ BY SIMON SYNTAX, ESQ.
[QT* renr.ief* and friendiof nriurnf ton
fnl!y rpqu'<itpd to spih! communication:" to th- above,
care ot Gat'ttt."
At the second annual mooting of the Bedford
Union Touchers' Institute on Saturday, De
cember 14, the Hueincss Committee reported the
following program of exercises tor the d l regu
lar meeting to tie held Saturday, Decern I nr 27 !h:
1. Essays—Mr. Points, Mi.-s O'Connor, Mr
Irving, Mr Koontz.
2. Class Drill—Chautiug Mountains aijd Riv
ers of Asia from outline maps.—Miss Jen
nie Smith.
3. Class Drill—Mental Arithmetic—Analysis
of the Multiplication and Division of Frac
tions.—Thomas Beegle.
4. Class Drill—Orthography A's and B's in
Webster's Primary Dictionary.—Mr.Wei
mer.
3. Discussions.
1. Best methods of teaching grammar to begin
ners
2. Best methods of teaching the alphabet, spell
ing and reading to beginners.
3. Should whispering be allowed in school and
the best methods of preventing it.
Affirmative—D. 11. Diehl, J. A. Totnlinson,
D. F. Earnest.
Negative—fjaun'l. C. Stiver, J. Bealc, 11. B.
Hughes.
Decisions of the State Superintendent.
The following decisions are from the Decem
ber number of the School Journal. We print
them because they have a practical bearing on
school matters iu this county at the present
tiuie. They mould tie carefully read by direc
tors and teachers.
52. QUESTION : The school law requires the
teacher to tcuch twenty days and. attend a dis
trict institute two days, for every month. Can
he lie compelled by the Directors to teach more,
say the calendar month with the Saturdays
and Sundays omitted; and if so on what
ground-'?-— Teacher in Westmoreland co., and )'o
ckr Jjistrict, Ctimbria co.
ANSWER; The law being correctly statod in
his question, the answer is, that the teacher
annot tie compelled to give more than the 22
'*ys therein stated—on any grounds. And
•ivcn if the Legislature, in the amendment of last
session, meant twenty-two days of actual teach
ing in additiou to two Saturdays in the District
Institute (ug it did not,) the adoption of the
ealondnr month with the Saturdays and Sun
days omitted, would violate this construction
rf the iawi For, in several of these months
there are Unrtj/-oim days and in some of them
dhly four Saturdays. Thoso being deducted,
Ifvtvo tirmty-t/nxv days for teachings by this rule.
BeMoxft f&mttie.
MllslJlflU BS.
m\ SERIES.
This is clearly illegal, even according to the wi
dest construction that can be given to the section.
58. QUESTION: Have directors the legal right
to dismiss a teacher from his school, for rcfus
sing to attend the Institute of the district?—-
Director of Bristol tp. District, Bucks co. Also j
Chest Dt., Cambria co.
ANSWER: They have, and should do it. The
two days each month for Institutes, are express
ly get apart for that purpose; and the Hoard
should see to it that they are devoted to it by
the teachers. If not, it is a violation of law
and of professional duty, for which the teacher
may l>e dismissed.
59. QUESTION: How much of each Saturday
is to he spent in the exercises of the District
Institute I—Director of Bristol tp. , district. Backs
co. Also Way tie Dt., Mifflin, co.
ANSWER: Every alternate Saturday is the
teacher's day for school; and the same number
of hours is to tic given to its exercises as to
those of any other school day;—that is, one
session in the fore and one in the afternoon —
making about six hours. A couple of hours
in the forenoon—or no meeting in the daytime
and a couple of hours in the evening of the
two Institute Saturdays, will not satisfy the
law.
Speech of Hon. William A. Richardson,
or 1L1.1.1N018,
On the President's Message.
Delivered in the House of Representative, De
cember 8, 1802.
The House being in the Committee of the
Whole on the State of the Union, Mr. Richard
son said:
Mr. Chairman: The annual message recent
ly sent to this House by the President of the
U. States, is the most remarkable of any that
has ever lieen delivered to Congress. It is re
markable for wlmt it says, find it is still more
remarkable for what it omits to say. One-half
of the twenty-one pages which it covers is de
voted to the negro. No page, no sentence, no
line, no won!, is given to laud or even to men
tion tlw bravery, ti. gallantry, tilt? go-j.l con
duct of our soldiers in the various bloody bat
tles which have been fought. No sorrow is ex
pressed for the. lamented dead. No allusion is
made to the maimed and wounded. No sym
! pathy is tendered to the sorrowing widow and
j to the helpless orphan made during the progress
of this war, which could have been avoided by
honorable compromise, if the President and his
[ friends had chosen to do so.
ISir, it is a remarkable document. It is an
extraordinary message, when we come to think
of its sum and substance. To feed, clothe, buy,
and colonize the negro we are to tax and mort
gage the white man and bis children. The
white race is to be burdenod to the earth for
the benefit of tho black race.
A friend of mine from New England the oth
er day made n mathematical analysis ot tho
message. He said, one from one and naught
remains. Naught from naught and the message
is the result. | Laughter.]
So far as it relates to the white race, that
mntheinati ;il calculation is right. So far as it
relates to the negro, or in the court language
of th > I'ivsi ! lit. the "free American of Afri
can descent," rivers of blood and countless mil
lions of treasure are not enough for his benefit
and advantage.
Now, nir, when our [xn>ple have anxiously
look I to the message frem the President of tlttj
Dm ' Stilt'-* to learn what they have to hope
of a r.-stored Union, and a return of the bles
sings of peace once more to their tircssdus, by
inferetiee we learn, if not directly, that if we
will carry out all of the President's plans; if
we will carry out his schemes 37 years from
now, the people may again behold the restora
tion of the Union, and the return of peace.—
True, the message states that at the end of those
37 years lmt few of us will then be living to
enjoy the blessings wo once enjoyed in this now
distracted and divided country.
Ilut. Mr Chairman, there are a few passa
ges in the m=sage so extraordinary, so wonder
ful, that they require at least a passing notice.
There has been, and still is, a great anxiety
felt and expressed by our pcoplo that this ne
gro population shall not jostle them in the oc
cupations they have heretofore pursued in the
various industrial pursuits of life in the great
fertile regions of the West. The President on
that head uses the following language:
"And yet I wish to say there 1* an objection
urged against the free colored persons remain
ing in the country, which is largely imaginary,
if not sometimes malicious. It is insisted that
their presence would injure nnd displace white
labor and white laborers. If there ever could
he a proper time for mere catch arguments, that
time surely is not now. In times like the pre
sent, men should utter nothing for which they
would not willingly be responsible through time
and in eternity. Is it true, then, that colored
people can displace any more white labor, by
being free, than by remaining slaves ? If they
stay in their old places, they jostle no white la
borers; if tbey leave their old places, they leave
them open to white laborers. Logically, there .
is neither more nor less of it."
Now, sir. I will not do logic the violence to
say that that is an argument. He tells our peo
ple, those who supported hitn because they be
lieved he and his party intended to keep the
non-slaveholding States and all the Territories
of the Union for the sole occupation of the
white race, if you do not like my plan of dis
posing of the black rnce; if you fear from their
introduction among you that their labor will be
brought into competition with that of your own,
all you have to do to avoid this competition is
to quietly leave your present fields of labor,
homes to which, perhaps, you may be attachod,
and the graves of your kindred, and emigrate 1
southward, and occupy the places made vacant
l>y the osudus of what his-EXoeHeuev terms tin
Freedom ef Thought and Opinion.
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 26,1862.
"free Americans of African descent." That is
the sum and substance of it.
But, for the sake of argument, admit, if you
choose, that all the plans of the President touch
ing emancipation and colonization of the negro
1 were to-day successfully carried out, what wtrnld
it accomplish in the great work of restoring tho
Union 1 Nothing—worse than nothing.
The President recommends in his annual mes
sage three propn.-itions to amend the Constitu
tion of the United States. I will not trouble tbe
committee with reading them; every gentleman
i here is familiar with the articles he proposes to
j adopt for amendments. The first, second and
1 third are for the benefit of the negro.
The people are sick and tired of this eternal
talk upon the negro, and they have expressed
that disgust unmistakably in the recent elections.
The Presi dent's proposed amendments as a whole,
or either of them, could not receive the suffra
ges of a majority of the people of more than
j two States of this Union.
' While upon this subject I desire to call tho
i attention of the committee to a single feature
: in relation to these amendments. In the mes
sage he recommends an ainendmont to tho Con
stitution as follows:
1 "ART.—. Congress mar appropriate money,
and otherwise provide for colonizing free color
ed persons, with their own consent, at any place
or places without the United Slates."
i In this recommendation he seeks to give pow
er to do what he claims he has the power to do
without it; and by this recommendation he ad
mits he has been exercising unauthorized and
illegal authority. Is not this in itself an ad
mission that the Constitution, unamended, grants
no power to Congress or the Executive to ap
propriate or use the money of the people for
any purposes contemplated iu this amendment!
He calls upon us to compromise. What com
promise is that! For whom does he propose a
compromise! What for? In order that you may
have more power to advance the negro. That
is all there is in it, and there is nothing less of
it. He tells us there are differences of opinion
among the friends ot the Union "in regard to
slavery and the African race among us." He
save to all of those who differ with hi in. wv
render your convictions and come to my plan—
and he calls that compromise! Compromise!
Yes, I trust in God the day is not fo.r distant
when the people cf this country will compro
mise and save the Constitution and the Union
tor the white people, and nut for the black peo
ple. Our people are for no other compromise
than that.
There arc other portions of tho message upon
which I should like to bestow some attention,
but I will forbear to do so now, for I desire to
call the attention of the committee to another
proposition of the President connected with this
subject.
The proclamation of tho 221 of September
hist, issued by the President, took the country
by surprise, and no one of its citizens more
than myself. I had fondly hoped and been anx
ious that the President of the United States
should so conduct himself in his high office as
Chief Magistrate, that I could lend him my sup
port. I have been driven, with thousands of
others, into opposition to the policy contained
in that proclamation, for reasons which must
commend themselves to every reflecting man
sincerely desirous of terminating this war and
sup| ressing the reliellion
Mr. Lincoln, on the 4th of March, 1801, on
the east port ieo of this Capitol, took a vow,
which he said was registered in heaven, to sup
port the Constitution of the United States. In
his inaugural address, delivered on that occa
sion, he said he luid no lawful authority or in
clination to interfere with the institution of sla
very in the States where it exists. In iiis proc
lamation of the 22d of September last, lie as
sumes that ho has power to forever free "ait
persons held as slaves within any State, or des
ignated part of a State, the people whereof
shall be in rebellion against the United States,"
thus violating the pledge so solemnly made in
his inaugural address.
It' the object of the proclamation was not to
aid the rebellion, its effect was. It has strength
ened the rebellion by driving into their army
every person in the South that it was possible
to drive there. Was its intent to affect those
alone in rebellion ? Certainly not. Ihe slaves
of every nmo in a rebellious State were to be
free. The loyal man owning twenty slaves, and
the man in the rebel army owning a like num
ber, were, by that proclamation, to be atfected
precisely the same. Ibe object ot the procla
mation was to benefathe negro, not to restore
the Government or preserve the Constitution.
It was nothing more, nothing less. It goes a
bow shot beyond anything done by this House
at the last session of Congress.
Rut again. If the proclamation is to be car
ried into effect, the war must continue until
every slave is free. If every rebel should lay
down his arms on the 2d day of January next,
or any subsequent day, and submit himself to
the law s and Constitution of the United States,
the war would still have to go on, unless the
slaves were all free, for the proclamation de
clares that "the Executive. Government of the
United States, including the military and naval
authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain
the freedom of such persons." It strengthens
the arm of the rebellion, and postpones the time
of restoring peace to this country, by the dec
laration of the purpose for which the cxecutivo
power shall he used. In what respect has our
cause—the cause of the Union—been advanced!
Up to that time, throughout the great North
west, you had hut to call lor volunteers and
tl.cy rushed to the army. Since then you have
ha I 110 volunteering. Prior to that time it was
in t necessary, as the Secretary of War -as I
am told, for I have not read his report —now
dcclaies it is necessary to have provost marshals
in every county to arrest deserters from the army.
We are informed that hut a few days before
the issuing of this proclamation, the President
himself declared, in a < onfonmee with some gen-
tlcmcn who were urging him to this step, that
it would not only be wholly inoperative in the
object sought, but would directly weaken us in
the border States, but significantly added that
it might increase our strength in tbe North. I
pause here to inquire where the additional
strength in the North was to be obtained I not
certainly from the Democratic clement in the
North. If additional vigor was infused into
the service, it must come from some other quar
ter which until then had not heartily sustained
the policy of the Administration. I need not
particularize what class of individuals were to
be thus induced to lend their support—the coun
try well knows the baleful influences of this
class, and the ends they seek to accomplish.
But this is not all. The record of the mili
tary operations shows to-day altnoH conclusive
ly what the country had for some considerable
time suspected: that success, in a military point
6f view, was not so much the object sought
as the bringing about a condition of things when
a proclamation of this sort could be urged as
the only means of securing to us success.
Some of the reasons are now before the pub
lic why McClellan did not capture Richmond.
| At the last session of Congress I commented on
! the fact that the armies on the Potomac, instead
;of being massed, were divided in four or five
| corps, and each corps under an independent
j commander; no two of them co-operating to
gether; thus enabling a mass corps of rebels
| under Jackson to defeat three of them, and to
! unite before Richmond in repulsing McClellan.
I will not now repeat what I then said. I re
. fur to the fact as a link in the chain of evidence
| which I shall to-day adduce.
There were during (lie whole time McClellan
was at the head of the Army, continual demands
' that he should advance, upon Richmond. The
class of persons who raised the outcrv were the
persons who favored emancipation. This clam
or forced from McClellan his plan of campaign,
as we are told by the Prince de Joinville, which
the rebels learned in a few days after it was
1 known in Washington. Of course they prepa
red to meet it. McClellan moved forward from
• Fortress Monroe with one hundred thousand
men. He approached the oosition of tlie reb
els under Magruder, expecting MiDowell to <j o
by another route. cut off the retreat, when
they were driven back: McDowell never reach
ed or started for the position he was to occupy.
The reliels were defeated and driven back; in
stead of their retreat being eut off, tho road to
Richmond was open to them. If this had been
| assailed by McDowell on their retreat, tlioir
capture or destruction was certain, an 1 the
march of our artny to Richmond would have
been unobstructed, and its capture beyon 1 all
doubt. The rebellion could not have continued
sixty days. This opportunity wits lost. And
why and by whom? Not by McClellan.
The Prince de Joinville tells us that McClellan
is reinforced by Franklin's division while on
the Peninsula, and that was all of McDowell's
forces that ever earns to him. Tho valor and
endurance of our troops overcoino all ob-itncles,
and drove back the, enemy to the entrench
ments around his Capital. McClellan has no
information from Washington as to the posi
sition of the various troops around Washington,
doing nothing, protecting nothing; but from
rumors—camp rumors—learns that McDow
ell's forces are at Fredericksburg, and to the
front. Porter's corps, from the right wing of
the armr. is seen to open communication with
McDowell, if possible. Porter drives the ene
my from Mechanicsville, and learns that Mc-
Dowell's advance is only fifteen miles distant.
The news of the fact gives great joy to the ar
my. Forty thousand additional troops are to
•id in the capture of Richmond. Its fall is
certain. An order comes from Washington,
and McDowell withdraws his forces, blowing
the hri Iges up as he retires. McClellan is o
verwhelmed by superior numbers, and forced
to retire, fighting as no retreating army ever
fought before.
Thus we see, that twine the rebel capital is
saved from falling into our hands, not by any
skill or courage of its defenders, but by some
unexplained act* of our own rulers. I repeat
that the fall of Richmond —the defeat 'of the
| reliellion.
> The reason* for the movement of the army
| under McClellan from the James river, o as to
unite it with the one near Washington, is before
the country, and needs no comments from me.
The correspondence between General Halleck
and MrClcllaa vitidx.'.tea the one and condemns
the other.
| When Hope's "krrr.y retires to Washington be
i fore the army of lee, let loose from their pris
j on in Richmond by the removal of MeClellan's
from the James river; when tho capital is
threatened, Maryland invaded, and Pennsylva
menaced, McClcilan is again called to assume
command, and drive the insolent foe across the
1 Potorase. He reorganizes the disordered bat
; talions, brings order out of confusion, marches
a large army over one hundred miles, and in
i lesa than twenty dfiys fights two battles, wins
them both, and drivea the rebels across the Po
tomac ; relieva* the capital and gives courage
to onr army. Thing:- being in this position, on
the 22d of September the President issue* his
proclamation to free the negro, and follows it
up by the one of the 24th, to make slaves of
white men. McClellan refused or failed to en
dorse either of them in his order to the army,
and then his removal waa decided upon. His
competency to command had nothing to do with
his removal. He had vindicated tha). Thci
dea of than people *cems to lie that proclama
tion* are nil that is necessary to make war *uc
cessful. They iseue proclamations to free tha
negro, and call that a vigorous prosecution of
the war.
Tha charge that McClellan failed to relieve
Harper's Ferry i* a mere pretext, got up to or
der by a commission of lineal descendants of
Justice Shallow, and they, liko their ancestors,
have wiitton themselves down as asses. Their
, finding haa but to bo read to be avudeawied. The
WHOLE NUMBER, 3030
learned commission find Colonel Ford censura
ble because be surrendered Alary land Heights
after he was relieved, and the same commis
sion censured McClellan beeauie he lid not re
lieve that point. Here is their finding :
"The General-in-Chief also testifies that in
his opinion General McClellan could and should
have relieved and protected Harper's Ferry, and
in this opinion the commission fully concur.
"By reference to the evidence, it will be seen
that at the very moment Colonel Ford aban
| doned Maryland bights, his little army was in
reality relieved by General Franklin and Sum
ner's corps at Crampton's Gap, within seven
miles of his position."
Truth is consistent; falsehood and error arc
inconsistent. The finding of the commission
gives facts and dates which show conclusively
that McClellan did nil that could be done to re
lieve Harper's Ferry, omitting one that I will
supply. On the 11th September he telegraph
ed Halleck to have Colonel Miles ordered to
join him at once. All communications had
been destroyed on the 7th with Harper's Ferry.
On the 12th of September, Halleck telegraphed
Wool to place his troops under the command
of McClellan, (which included Harper's Fer-
T - r)
On the loth of September, McClellan, for
the first time learns the situation of Harper's
Ferry, and without delay, as is shown by the
commission itself, orders Sumner's and Frank
lin's corps to its relief. 1 give but a brief statc
of the facts ; it is sufficient. On the same day
Harper's Ferry was placed under command of
McClellan, Brigadier General White arrived at
Harper's Ferry. He waived rank to Colonel
Miles, thereby confessing his inability to assume
command in conformity to his rank, yet the
commission any he did noble and gallant ser
vice, find nothing to censure in him, and I sup
pose in due time he will be promoted for this
gallant forbearance. The commission censure
General VVool for continuing Miles in command
at Harper's Ferry, but applaud White for wa
ving rank that Miles might surrender what
Wool commanded him to hold.
Wool put a quietus upon tliJm by showing
that the ri ar Department hail directed Miles
to report directly to that office from day today,
and he could have shown the following telegram
from tins city to Colonel Miles:
"The Department have perfect confidence
in your ability an 1 in your competency, and
direct that you hold your position to the last
extremity. 1 '
Stanton, Halleck, and Lincoln have confi
dence in Miles; they continue him in command
of an important position ; White waives rank
for him—but McClellan must be censured, and
this is one of the points on which they seek to
assail him.
But Halleck says he disolievcd orders in not
crossing the Potomac and giving battle to Lee
Of necessity, McClellan's army was shattered
by the battles in Maryland. His army was.
of necessity, much shattered, and Halleck Imd
himself, under his own command, seen the evil
i result of throwing in the face of a masked foe
an inforior force. Such folly at Pittsburg Lan
ding, clothed in mourning the Northwest. The
Enst had felt its effect in Pope's campaign, un
der the eye of Halleck. There has been quite
enough of this. When we recollect Halleck's
rapid and expeditious march from Pittsburg Lau
ding to Corinth, then we can comprehend why
he is so anxious for the rapid marches of Mc-
Clellan. Neither in Hulleck's complaints, nor
in the finding of the commission, do we find
anything to warrant tho removal of McClellan
from his command, and hence my mind is bro't
to tho irresistible conclusion that it was his fail
ure to endorse the proclamation that was the
real cause of his removal. These remarks are
not made for the purpose of bringing forward
General McClellan, or any other person, in
uonnection with the Presidency of IBG4.—At
the appropriate time, I shall be prepared to take
my position on that subject. I will be for tho
the wisest and firmest, and most patriotic of
our statesmen —for him who is for the pres
ervation of the Constitution and the restoration
of the Union—for him who is devoted to civil
liberty and constitutional guarantees.
On tho 17th March last, my colleague (Mr.
Lovejoy) having heard that two negroes had
been arrested, introduced a resolution instruct
ing a committee to inquire into the facts, which
resolution parsed this House by a majority of
two to one. On the first day of this session I
introduced a resolution directing an inquiry in
to the causes why white citizens of Illinois,
without charges being made against theiu, were
detained in the various forts and bastiles in the
country, and that resolution was luid on the ta
bic, on motion of Mr. Lovejoy,. by a similar
vote. The Army is being used for tho benefit
of the negro. This House is being use ! for his
benefit. Every department of the Government,
is being run for his benefit.
Now. Mr. Chairman, I have a single word to
those who uru temporarily exercising the func
tions of the executive department of the Gov
ernment. I faar they have not studi id the his
tory of the people of this country, or the char
acteristics cf the race from whom they are de
scended. That history, corroctly understood,
shows that iu contests with power they have cv
or wrenched, oven from unwilling hands, fre*b
guarantees for their liberty. lam led to make
these remarks in view of the arrest of thou
sands of men in loyal States, without due pro
cess of law, by the order of executive officers
of this Government, at the times an 1 plucvie
whore, in all eases, courts of justice ware en
tirely open, and the execution of the laws whol
ly unobstructed. The most remarkable page
in the history of our race is tho fact that while
these outrages hare been committed upon tho
rights of our people, no resistance has been of
fered, no violence done, and no life has beeu ta
ken as the penalty for the wrong. Tho desire
of the people to preserve the peace in their own
midst has restrained thorn thus far from tho
commission of violenae.
Hates ot 2lforrtistafi.
On# SqtiiPf,tbrff wppfcioi )**• si t
On* Sq<iar*,*arb additional insertion !•*• • ijj
than thru" month* 99
3 MONTH* 6 MONTH*. 1 f SAB
One -quart • S3 00 $4 00 $6 00
Two -qoare* . . 300 SOO 9 ctf
Three square 9 00 7 00 >9 00
4 Cnlttrm # 00 9 00 IS 00'
{ Column 800 19 00 30 00
4 Column 19 00 18 < 0 30 00
On* Column 18 00 30 00 SO 00
Admimtrator'<ndFxecoiora' notices $9.50, Au.
ditor*' notices SI.OO if onder 10 linn*. $2 00 if
more than a *qu r* and law >h n2O linn*. Katiay*,-
$1.93, if but one hnad i* adrertitad, 39 rent* for
every additional hnad.
The apire occupied by ten line* of tbi* *ice of'
type rount* one square. All fraction* of a square'
under five tinea will be measured a* a half square:
and all over five line< a* a full equare. All legal
advertisement* will be charged to the peron hand
ing them in.
VOL. 6. NO. 21
——a—a^—a——aaaaa
Attempts hove been made to intimidate our peo
ple at the polls. Provost marshals have been sent
everywhere, and yet our people have not been
provoked to violate order. But they are in earn
est. They mean to preserve their liberties and
their rights. The results of the Inst elections
were of no temporary character. Such a tri
umph has never before been witnessed'in this
country. There is not a man who voted the
Democratic ticket hot fall, throughout the coun
try, who is not pf pared, when the proper time
comes, to lay down his life rather than sacrifice
his liberty.
We iin >• w. '.; understand this. Lot us talk
plainly about it Let us not try to deceive our
selves or oi it in We are not assassins. We
are not lavv-bivakorg. Our people have endured
a great deal. Tliey have submitted to arbitra
ry arrests and imprisonments. Hut let me say
to you, in (rod's name, "pause, stop; you can
not go any further." Our people are resolved
that you shall not. They are determine! Do
not misunderstand them. We are.forthc Utii-'
on. We are for filierty—eonstitutional i'n -tv.
Our ancestors, in all times p-ist, have vin i •.-
ted it; and thcit descendants, after long • j'r".—-
ing, will, if need be. vindicate it before God
and the world
1 rep'mt it, Mr Chairman, our people are in
earnest. They tn-an all that fiiey have se.id.
Tle'V love tli- tl ig. IwiMus.. i: r -pre.s -nts C uti
tntion, order. law. They do • >t wi-ii to 'ie
slaves, and do not mo in to be mi i- daws Wj
have had a hid passed here to- !;n mi l-r whip
and spur, without leoate, witlio i i-ij-ivy. ex
tending amnesty to tu is • wti i nave thus wong-I
| our people I think vu ha I i.'ttar also p t j s
! a hill lieg amnesty to th ne of you waotn
I the people have con lemn-'d for your CUTSC here,
|so that you can have a politi al esurr etion iiers
; after- That is the only way you can ever have
;it done. It is the only way in which you can
ever have forgiveness. If you expert that
when the courts come to look at the monstrous
bill which you have puss-1 to lav. wiping out
all the rights of those who have been immured
in prison, they will hold it as constitutional you
are greatly mistaken. So court of jnstice will
hold that that gives indemnity for the wanton,
reckless, tyrannical exercise of power. It is
not justice on earth. It is not justice before
God in Il viven. My opinion about it is that
you ha I Ivjtter have left the courts open to our
people, and let those men who had ruthlessly
and recklessly violate 1 every precept, law. and
ConstitHtion, take the legal consequeacda of
their acta.
But, Mr Chairman. there is n > ex 'use or
palliation for the arrests that have been tn.ide.
I rare not whether you take the ew of the oh!
man, like Mahoney. tottering to the grave; or
the little hoy in New England, who -ells news
papers for a living; or men of high an 1 spot
less e.h.arueter and devoted ti ielity to the laws,
like Jn.igel>uff, of Illinois; or tiic unfortunate
boy who was confined in Camp Chase, who
could not pay his washerwoman's hill, au J w;ia,
therefore, accuse 1 of disloyal practices; or take
the men of great intellect, like Edson B Olds,
of Ohio, or the unlearned squirrel-hunter from
my friend's (Mr. Robinson's) district, who did
not know hut that Jeff Davis and Lincoln were
on the same si 1"; or the intermediate between
these extremes —there is not one of them that
eould not have been tried in the place where the
offense was said to have been committed, and,
if found guilty, correct public sentiment woukl
have seen that the penalties of the law were
fully enforced upon them.
In all these cases you have violated the Con
stitution and the laws. Yon have disregarded
thcin both. And now you turn round and pass
an act of immunity to all concerned in inflict
ing these outrages and wrongs. You have had
immured in prison men equal, av, superior, in
intellect to the President or any Cabinet officer;
men more devoted to the Constitution and laws
of the country than all of them together. Now,
after all of these outrages, you propose to invest
the President with power to suspend the writ of
habeas corpus, the great birthright of English
men and Americans; and which has never, un
til now, been disregarded, under any circum
stances. in this country, except inside the act
ual lines of" t i- nv.
Mr. Clout c in, I have talked warmly on this
subject, !>'•<• ins.- 1 felt deeply. I have advised,
and now adVis>, moderation. Our peoplo want
peace. They mean to preserve the Constitu
tion and the Union. They know that you can
not persist in the course which you are now ta
king. That course loads to the destruction of
both the Constitution and the Union. lam
not authorized to speak or lay down the plan
which is to govern anybody in future. Ido not
speak to-day for that purpose.
Perhaps I- should not anticipate the coursj
of the President of the United States in regard
to his proclamation I trust that lie will recoil
! si 1,-r it; that he will pause and not go forward
with it. This Ouvcrnm -nt cannot he restored
by the s.vjrd alone. You mu*t carry with it
the olive branch. I'tie IVsi lent **y< we are
making history. I trust we are n>t making
such history as tin- inccn.liarv who swung hi
lighted torch in the air to burn the t miplc of
Diana at Ephesui, and who has left his nans
bob in I, while the name, of him who reared that
temple has' perished ''from our memories. I
think wo mky expect that, un ier a change of
policy, thefltcssings of the Union may yet be
restored and made perpetual-
Mr. Chairman, 1 am very much obliged to
the committee for tin attention with which it
has listened to my remarks. I have spoken
freely and fairly, and nttempted to do my duty
in this great crisis of our country
COAL OIL.—-The amount of coal oil shipH •
to Europe, from Philadelphia, between th# Ist
of January and the Ist of October, was 1,877,•
151 gallons, valued at ?329,38G, and the total
amount exported from the United Statea, during
th® same period, was fi.294 819 gallons, being
an inorwso of 879 gallons over laet ys*v j