TSS BEDFORD GAZETTE It *t)M.KU BTBKT TRIDAT MOKMHB BY B. F. MGI'KRS, At the following terms to wit i $2 00 per milium. if pant within the ym $3 .'io " " not pttid within th yar. KSrKo -.ubHrription taken lor lean than -ix montha. Ef"Ni p.per tliaiontinued until all aire ragpapca, if they take them from the post office, whether they eabsftibe for them, or not. ©rtgtnal Lines To BY CUFFORD I knew you, Clementina, Some fifteen years ago ; You were the beauty of the place, The idol of each lieau: Your smiles wore like the sunbeams. That dance upon the rill— Ttiur glance was like the lightning, Though not so sure to kill. I saw you, Clementina, When you were sweet sixteen— And I was but eleven theu; Girls thought me rather "green,"— I taw your cheek of beauty — I loved your bright blue eye; But you disdained to smile on me While other lads were by. I knew yon, Clementina, Some fifteen years ago; And you were fair and wealthy, then, But I was poor, you know: And when a"few years later, I offered you my heart, You spurnud rue frotn you with a sneer, That piereod me like a dart. Binco then, Miss Clementina, Some sad, sad, years have flown; And you and 1, by different paths, Have trod the world alone— And often as I meet you, And see you by me glide ; I think of what once might have been, But for your foolish pride. Since thon, you've flirted gaily With many a "nice young man But age has dimmed your beauty, And loft you somewhat wan : Sinee then the Shrew, Dumo Fortune, Stood frowning at your door, And smiles on your old suitor Whilst you are sad and poor. If now I'd make the offer, I made ten years ago, Perhaps you'd change your notion, And wouldn't answer, No! But, alas! to other suitors Your Binilcs have been too free— The rose that's pressed ao often, Must lose its fragrantly. $I) e S11) ci olma ell v2br oa &. "ioiTEQ BY SIMON SYNTAX, ESQ. [QT* renr.ief* and friendiof nriurnf ton fnl!y rpqu'e dismissed. 59. QUESTION: How much of each Saturday is to he spent in the exercises of the District Institute I—Director of Bristol tp. , district. Backs co. Also Way tie Dt., Mifflin, co. ANSWER: Every alternate Saturday is the teacher's day for school; and the same number of hours is to tic given to its exercises as to those of any other school day;—that is, one session in the fore and one in the afternoon — making about six hours. A couple of hours in the forenoon—or no meeting in the daytime and a couple of hours in the evening of the two Institute Saturdays, will not satisfy the law. Speech of Hon. William A. Richardson, or 1L1.1.1N018, On the President's Message. Delivered in the House of Representative, De cember 8, 1802. The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, Mr. Richard son said: Mr. Chairman: The annual message recent ly sent to this House by the President of the U. States, is the most remarkable of any that has ever lieen delivered to Congress. It is re markable for wlmt it says, find it is still more remarkable for what it omits to say. One-half of the twenty-one pages which it covers is de voted to the negro. No page, no sentence, no line, no won!, is given to laud or even to men tion tlw bravery, ti. gallantry, tilt? go-j.l con duct of our soldiers in the various bloody bat tles which have been fought. No sorrow is ex pressed for the. lamented dead. No allusion is made to the maimed and wounded. No sym ! pathy is tendered to the sorrowing widow and j to the helpless orphan made during the progress of this war, which could have been avoided by honorable compromise, if the President and his [ friends had chosen to do so. ISir, it is a remarkable document. It is an extraordinary message, when we come to think of its sum and substance. To feed, clothe, buy, and colonize the negro we are to tax and mort gage the white man and bis children. The white race is to be burdenod to the earth for the benefit of tho black race. A friend of mine from New England the oth er day made n mathematical analysis ot tho message. He said, one from one and naught remains. Naught from naught and the message is the result. | Laughter.] So far as it relates to the white race, that mntheinati ;il calculation is right. So far as it relates to the negro, or in the court language of th > I'ivsi ! lit. the "free American of Afri can descent," rivers of blood and countless mil lions of treasure are not enough for his benefit and advantage. Now, nir, when our [xn>ple have anxiously look I to the message frem the President of tlttj Dm ' Stilt'-* to learn what they have to hope of a r.-stored Union, and a return of the bles sings of peace once more to their tircssdus, by inferetiee we learn, if not directly, that if we will carry out all of the President's plans; if we will carry out his schemes 37 years from now, the people may again behold the restora tion of the Union, and the return of peace.— True, the message states that at the end of those 37 years lmt few of us will then be living to enjoy the blessings wo once enjoyed in this now distracted and divided country. Ilut. Mr Chairman, there are a few passa ges in the m=sage so extraordinary, so wonder ful, that they require at least a passing notice. There has been, and still is, a great anxiety felt and expressed by our pcoplo that this ne gro population shall not jostle them in the oc cupations they have heretofore pursued in the various industrial pursuits of life in the great fertile regions of the West. The President on that head uses the following language: "And yet I wish to say there 1* an objection urged against the free colored persons remain ing in the country, which is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious. It is insisted that their presence would injure nnd displace white labor and white laborers. If there ever could he a proper time for mere catch arguments, that time surely is not now. In times like the pre sent, men should utter nothing for which they would not willingly be responsible through time and in eternity. Is it true, then, that colored people can displace any more white labor, by being free, than by remaining slaves ? If they stay in their old places, they jostle no white la borers; if tbey leave their old places, they leave them open to white laborers. Logically, there . is neither more nor less of it." Now, sir. I will not do logic the violence to say that that is an argument. He tells our peo ple, those who supported hitn because they be lieved he and his party intended to keep the non-slaveholding States and all the Territories of the Union for the sole occupation of the white race, if you do not like my plan of dis posing of the black rnce; if you fear from their introduction among you that their labor will be brought into competition with that of your own, all you have to do to avoid this competition is to quietly leave your present fields of labor, homes to which, perhaps, you may be attachod, and the graves of your kindred, and emigrate 1 southward, and occupy the places made vacant l>y the osudus of what his-EXoeHeuev terms tin Freedom ef Thought and Opinion. BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 26,1862. "free Americans of African descent." That is the sum and substance of it. But, for the sake of argument, admit, if you choose, that all the plans of the President touch ing emancipation and colonization of the negro 1 were to-day successfully carried out, what wtrnld it accomplish in the great work of restoring tho Union 1 Nothing—worse than nothing. The President recommends in his annual mes sage three propn.-itions to amend the Constitu tion of the United States. I will not trouble tbe committee with reading them; every gentleman i here is familiar with the articles he proposes to j adopt for amendments. The first, second and 1 third are for the benefit of the negro. The people are sick and tired of this eternal talk upon the negro, and they have expressed that disgust unmistakably in the recent elections. The Presi dent's proposed amendments as a whole, or either of them, could not receive the suffra ges of a majority of the people of more than j two States of this Union. ' While upon this subject I desire to call tho i attention of the committee to a single feature : in relation to these amendments. In the mes sage he recommends an ainendmont to tho Con stitution as follows: 1 "ART.—. Congress mar appropriate money, and otherwise provide for colonizing free color ed persons, with their own consent, at any place or places without the United Slates." i In this recommendation he seeks to give pow er to do what he claims he has the power to do without it; and by this recommendation he ad mits he has been exercising unauthorized and illegal authority. Is not this in itself an ad mission that the Constitution, unamended, grants no power to Congress or the Executive to ap propriate or use the money of the people for any purposes contemplated iu this amendment! He calls upon us to compromise. What com promise is that! For whom does he propose a compromise! What for? In order that you may have more power to advance the negro. That is all there is in it, and there is nothing less of it. He tells us there are differences of opinion among the friends ot the Union "in regard to slavery and the African race among us." He save to all of those who differ with hi in. wv render your convictions and come to my plan— and he calls that compromise! Compromise! Yes, I trust in God the day is not fo.r distant when the people cf this country will compro mise and save the Constitution and the Union tor the white people, and nut for the black peo ple. Our people are for no other compromise than that. There arc other portions of tho message upon which I should like to bestow some attention, but I will forbear to do so now, for I desire to call the attention of the committee to another proposition of the President connected with this subject. The proclamation of tho 221 of September hist, issued by the President, took the country by surprise, and no one of its citizens more than myself. I had fondly hoped and been anx ious that the President of the United States should so conduct himself in his high office as Chief Magistrate, that I could lend him my sup port. I have been driven, with thousands of others, into opposition to the policy contained in that proclamation, for reasons which must commend themselves to every reflecting man sincerely desirous of terminating this war and sup| ressing the reliellion Mr. Lincoln, on the 4th of March, 1801, on the east port ieo of this Capitol, took a vow, which he said was registered in heaven, to sup port the Constitution of the United States. In his inaugural address, delivered on that occa sion, he said he luid no lawful authority or in clination to interfere with the institution of sla very in the States where it exists. In iiis proc lamation of the 22d of September last, lie as sumes that ho has power to forever free "ait persons held as slaves within any State, or des ignated part of a State, the people whereof shall be in rebellion against the United States," thus violating the pledge so solemnly made in his inaugural address. It' the object of the proclamation was not to aid the rebellion, its effect was. It has strength ened the rebellion by driving into their army every person in the South that it was possible to drive there. Was its intent to affect those alone in rebellion ? Certainly not. Ihe slaves of every nmo in a rebellious State were to be free. The loyal man owning twenty slaves, and the man in the rebel army owning a like num ber, were, by that proclamation, to be atfected precisely the same. Ibe object ot the procla mation was to benefathe negro, not to restore the Government or preserve the Constitution. It was nothing more, nothing less. It goes a bow shot beyond anything done by this House at the last session of Congress. Rut again. If the proclamation is to be car ried into effect, the war must continue until every slave is free. If every rebel should lay down his arms on the 2d day of January next, or any subsequent day, and submit himself to the law s and Constitution of the United States, the war would still have to go on, unless the slaves were all free, for the proclamation de clares that "the Executive. Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons." It strengthens the arm of the rebellion, and postpones the time of restoring peace to this country, by the dec laration of the purpose for which the cxecutivo power shall he used. In what respect has our cause—the cause of the Union—been advanced! Up to that time, throughout the great North west, you had hut to call lor volunteers and tl.cy rushed to the army. Since then you have ha I 110 volunteering. Prior to that time it was in t necessary, as the Secretary of War -as I am told, for I have not read his report —now dcclaies it is necessary to have provost marshals in every county to arrest deserters from the army. We are informed that hut a few days before the issuing of this proclamation, the President himself declared, in a < onfonmee with some gen- tlcmcn who were urging him to this step, that it would not only be wholly inoperative in the object sought, but would directly weaken us in the border States, but significantly added that it might increase our strength in tbe North. I pause here to inquire where the additional strength in the North was to be obtained I not certainly from the Democratic clement in the North. If additional vigor was infused into the service, it must come from some other quar ter which until then had not heartily sustained the policy of the Administration. I need not particularize what class of individuals were to be thus induced to lend their support—the coun try well knows the baleful influences of this class, and the ends they seek to accomplish. But this is not all. The record of the mili tary operations shows to-day altnoH conclusive ly what the country had for some considerable time suspected: that success, in a military point 6f view, was not so much the object sought as the bringing about a condition of things when a proclamation of this sort could be urged as the only means of securing to us success. Some of the reasons are now before the pub lic why McClellan did not capture Richmond. | At the last session of Congress I commented on ! the fact that the armies on the Potomac, instead ;of being massed, were divided in four or five | corps, and each corps under an independent j commander; no two of them co-operating to gether; thus enabling a mass corps of rebels | under Jackson to defeat three of them, and to ! unite before Richmond in repulsing McClellan. I will not now repeat what I then said. I re . fur to the fact as a link in the chain of evidence | which I shall to-day adduce. There were during (lie whole time McClellan was at the head of the Army, continual demands ' that he should advance, upon Richmond. The class of persons who raised the outcrv were the persons who favored emancipation. This clam or forced from McClellan his plan of campaign, as we are told by the Prince de Joinville, which the rebels learned in a few days after it was 1 known in Washington. Of course they prepa red to meet it. McClellan moved forward from • Fortress Monroe with one hundred thousand men. He approached the oosition of tlie reb els under Magruder, expecting MiDowell to The reason* for the movement of the army | under McClellan from the James river, o as to unite it with the one near Washington, is before the country, and needs no comments from me. The correspondence between General Halleck and MrClcllaa vitidx.'.tea the one and condemns the other. | When Hope's "krrr.y retires to Washington be i fore the army of lee, let loose from their pris j on in Richmond by the removal of MeClellan's from the James river; when tho capital is threatened, Maryland invaded, and Pennsylva menaced, McClcilan is again called to assume command, and drive the insolent foe across the 1 Potorase. He reorganizes the disordered bat ; talions, brings order out of confusion, marches a large army over one hundred miles, and in i lesa than twenty dfiys fights two battles, wins them both, and drivea the rebels across the Po tomac ; relieva* the capital and gives courage to onr army. Thing:- being in this position, on the 22d of September the President issue* his proclamation to free the negro, and follows it up by the one of the 24th, to make slaves of white men. McClellan refused or failed to en dorse either of them in his order to the army, and then his removal waa decided upon. His competency to command had nothing to do with his removal. He had vindicated tha). Thci dea of than people *cems to lie that proclama tion* are nil that is necessary to make war *uc cessful. They iseue proclamations to free tha negro, and call that a vigorous prosecution of the war. Tha charge that McClellan failed to relieve Harper's Ferry i* a mere pretext, got up to or der by a commission of lineal descendants of Justice Shallow, and they, liko their ancestors, have wiitton themselves down as asses. Their , finding haa but to bo read to be avudeawied. The WHOLE NUMBER, 3030 learned commission find Colonel Ford censura ble because be surrendered Alary land Heights after he was relieved, and the same commis sion censured McClellan beeauie he lid not re lieve that point. Here is their finding : "The General-in-Chief also testifies that in his opinion General McClellan could and should have relieved and protected Harper's Ferry, and in this opinion the commission fully concur. "By reference to the evidence, it will be seen that at the very moment Colonel Ford aban | doned Maryland bights, his little army was in reality relieved by General Franklin and Sum ner's corps at Crampton's Gap, within seven miles of his position." Truth is consistent; falsehood and error arc inconsistent. The finding of the commission gives facts and dates which show conclusively that McClellan did nil that could be done to re lieve Harper's Ferry, omitting one that I will supply. On the 11th September he telegraph ed Halleck to have Colonel Miles ordered to join him at once. All communications had been destroyed on the 7th with Harper's Ferry. On the 12th of September, Halleck telegraphed Wool to place his troops under the command of McClellan, (which included Harper's Fer- T - r) On the loth of September, McClellan, for the first time learns the situation of Harper's Ferry, and without delay, as is shown by the commission itself, orders Sumner's and Frank lin's corps to its relief. 1 give but a brief statc of the facts ; it is sufficient. On the same day Harper's Ferry was placed under command of McClellan, Brigadier General White arrived at Harper's Ferry. He waived rank to Colonel Miles, thereby confessing his inability to assume command in conformity to his rank, yet the commission any he did noble and gallant ser vice, find nothing to censure in him, and I sup pose in due time he will be promoted for this gallant forbearance. The commission censure General VVool for continuing Miles in command at Harper's Ferry, but applaud White for wa ving rank that Miles might surrender what Wool commanded him to hold. Wool put a quietus upon tliJm by showing that the ri ar Department hail directed Miles to report directly to that office from day today, and he could have shown the following telegram from tins city to Colonel Miles: "The Department have perfect confidence in your ability an 1 in your competency, and direct that you hold your position to the last extremity. 1 ' Stanton, Halleck, and Lincoln have confi dence in Miles; they continue him in command of an important position ; White waives rank for him—but McClellan must be censured, and this is one of the points on which they seek to assail him. But Halleck says he disolievcd orders in not crossing the Potomac and giving battle to Lee Of necessity, McClellan's army was shattered by the battles in Maryland. His army was. of necessity, much shattered, and Halleck Imd himself, under his own command, seen the evil i result of throwing in the face of a masked foe an inforior force. Such folly at Pittsburg Lan ding, clothed in mourning the Northwest. The Enst had felt its effect in Pope's campaign, un der the eye of Halleck. There has been quite enough of this. When we recollect Halleck's rapid and expeditious march from Pittsburg Lau ding to Corinth, then we can comprehend why he is so anxious for the rapid marches of Mc- Clellan. Neither in Hulleck's complaints, nor in the finding of the commission, do we find anything to warrant tho removal of McClellan from his command, and hence my mind is bro't to tho irresistible conclusion that it was his fail ure to endorse the proclamation that was the real cause of his removal. These remarks are not made for the purpose of bringing forward General McClellan, or any other person, in uonnection with the Presidency of IBG4.—At the appropriate time, I shall be prepared to take my position on that subject. I will be for tho the wisest and firmest, and most patriotic of our statesmen —for him who is for the pres ervation of the Constitution and the restoration of the Union—for him who is devoted to civil liberty and constitutional guarantees. On tho 17th March last, my colleague (Mr. Lovejoy) having heard that two negroes had been arrested, introduced a resolution instruct ing a committee to inquire into the facts, which resolution parsed this House by a majority of two to one. On the first day of this session I introduced a resolution directing an inquiry in to the causes why white citizens of Illinois, without charges being made against theiu, were detained in the various forts and bastiles in the country, and that resolution was luid on the ta bic, on motion of Mr. Lovejoy,. by a similar vote. The Army is being used for tho benefit of the negro. This House is being use ! for his benefit. Every department of the Government, is being run for his benefit. Now. Mr. Chairman, I have a single word to those who uru temporarily exercising the func tions of the executive department of the Gov ernment. I faar they have not studi id the his tory of the people of this country, or the char acteristics cf the race from whom they are de scended. That history, corroctly understood, shows that iu contests with power they have cv or wrenched, oven from unwilling hands, fre*b guarantees for their liberty. lam led to make these remarks in view of the arrest of thou sands of men in loyal States, without due pro cess of law, by the order of executive officers of this Government, at the times an 1 plucvie whore, in all eases, courts of justice ware en tirely open, and the execution of the laws whol ly unobstructed. The most remarkable page in the history of our race is tho fact that while these outrages hare been committed upon tho rights of our people, no resistance has been of fered, no violence done, and no life has beeu ta ken as the penalty for the wrong. Tho desire of the people to preserve the peace in their own midst has restrained thorn thus far from tho commission of violenae. Hates ot 2lforrtistafi. On# SqtiiPf,tbrff wppfcioi )**• si t On* Sq9 00 4 Cnlttrm # 00 9 00 IS 00' { Column 800 19 00 30 00 4 Column 19 00 18 < 0 30 00 On* Column 18 00 30 00 SO 00 Admimtrator'h n2O linn*. Katiay*,- $1.93, if but one hnad i* adrertitad, 39 rent* for every additional hnad. The apire occupied by ten line* of tbi* *ice of' type rount* one square. All fraction* of a square' under five tinea will be measured a* a half square: and all over five line< a* a full equare. All legal advertisement* will be charged to the peron hand ing them in. VOL. 6. NO. 21 ——a—a^—a——aaaaa Attempts hove been made to intimidate our peo ple at the polls. Provost marshals have been sent everywhere, and yet our people have not been provoked to violate order. But they are in earn est. They mean to preserve their liberties and their rights. The results of the Inst elections were of no temporary character. Such a tri umph has never before been witnessed'in this country. There is not a man who voted the Democratic ticket hot fall, throughout the coun try, who is not pf pared, when the proper time comes, to lay down his life rather than sacrifice his liberty. We iin >• w. '.; understand this. Lot us talk plainly about it Let us not try to deceive our selves or oi it in We are not assassins. We are not lavv-bivakorg. Our people have endured a great deal. Tliey have submitted to arbitra ry arrests and imprisonments. Hut let me say to you, in (rod's name, "pause, stop; you can not go any further." Our people are resolved that you shall not. They are determine! Do not misunderstand them. We are.forthc Utii-' on. We are for filierty—eonstitutional i'n -tv. Our ancestors, in all times p-ist, have vin i •.- ted it; and thcit descendants, after long • j'r".—- ing, will, if need be. vindicate it before God and the world 1 rep'mt it, Mr Chairman, our people are in earnest. They tn-an all that fiiey have se.id. Tle'V love tli- tl ig. IwiMus.. i: r -pre.s -nts C uti tntion, order. law. They do • >t wi-ii to 'ie slaves, and do not mo in to be mi i- daws Wj have had a hid passed here to- !;n mi l-r whip and spur, without leoate, witlio i i-ij-ivy. ex tending amnesty to tu is • wti i nave thus wong-I | our people I think vu ha I i.'ttar also p t j s ! a hill lieg amnesty to th ne of you waotn I the people have con lemn-'d for your CUTSC here, |so that you can have a politi al esurr etion iiers ; after- That is the only way you can ever have ;it done. It is the only way in which you can ever have forgiveness. If you expert that when the courts come to look at the monstrous bill which you have puss-1 to lav. wiping out all the rights of those who have been immured in prison, they will hold it as constitutional you are greatly mistaken. So court of jnstice will hold that that gives indemnity for the wanton, reckless, tyrannical exercise of power. It is not justice on earth. It is not justice before God in Il viven. My opinion about it is that you ha I Ivjtter have left the courts open to our people, and let those men who had ruthlessly and recklessly violate 1 every precept, law. and ConstitHtion, take the legal consequeacda of their acta. But, Mr Chairman. there is n > ex 'use or palliation for the arrests that have been tn.ide. I rare not whether you take the ew of the oh! man, like Mahoney. tottering to the grave; or the little hoy in New England, who -ells news papers for a living; or men of high an 1 spot less e.h.arueter and devoted ti ielity to the laws, like Jn.igel>uff, of Illinois; or tiic unfortunate boy who was confined in Camp Chase, who could not pay his washerwoman's hill, au J w;ia, therefore, accuse 1 of disloyal practices; or take the men of great intellect, like Edson B Olds, of Ohio, or the unlearned squirrel-hunter from my friend's (Mr. Robinson's) district, who did not know hut that Jeff Davis and Lincoln were on the same si 1"; or the intermediate between these extremes —there is not one of them that eould not have been tried in the place where the offense was said to have been committed, and, if found guilty, correct public sentiment woukl have seen that the penalties of the law were fully enforced upon them. In all these cases you have violated the Con stitution and the laws. Yon have disregarded thcin both. And now you turn round and pass an act of immunity to all concerned in inflict ing these outrages and wrongs. You have had immured in prison men equal, av, superior, in intellect to the President or any Cabinet officer; men more devoted to the Constitution and laws of the country than all of them together. Now, after all of these outrages, you propose to invest the President with power to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, the great birthright of English men and Americans; and which has never, un til now, been disregarded, under any circum stances. in this country, except inside the act ual lines of" t i- nv. Mr. Clout c in, I have talked warmly on this subject, !>'•<• ins.- 1 felt deeply. I have advised, and now adVis>, moderation. Our peoplo want peace. They mean to preserve the Constitu tion and the Union. They know that you can not persist in the course which you are now ta king. That course loads to the destruction of both the Constitution and the Union. lam not authorized to speak or lay down the plan which is to govern anybody in future. Ido not speak to-day for that purpose. Perhaps I- should not anticipate the coursj of the President of the United States in regard to his proclamation I trust that lie will recoil ! si 1,-r it; that he will pause and not go forward with it. This Ouvcrnm -nt cannot he restored by the s.vjrd alone. You mu*t carry with it the olive branch. I'tie IVsi lent **y< we are making history. I trust we are n>t making such history as tin- inccn.liarv who swung hi lighted torch in the air to burn the t miplc of Diana at Ephesui, and who has left his nans bob in I, while the name, of him who reared that temple has' perished ''from our memories. I think wo mky expect that, un ier a change of policy, thefltcssings of the Union may yet be restored and made perpetual- Mr. Chairman, 1 am very much obliged to the committee for tin attention with which it has listened to my remarks. I have spoken freely and fairly, and nttempted to do my duty in this great crisis of our country COAL OIL.—-The amount of coal oil shipH • to Europe, from Philadelphia, between th# Ist of January and the Ist of October, was 1,877,• 151 gallons, valued at ?329,38G, and the total amount exported from the United Statea, during th® same period, was fi.294 819 gallons, being an inorwso of 879 gallons over laet ys*v j