THE BEDFORD GAZETTE IS PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING BY B. F. HKI'KRS, At the following termi, to wit: 1.50 prr amium, CASH, in advance. $3.00 " if paid within the year. $3 .50 " " if not paid within the year. ff7"No subscription taken lor leu than six months. paper discontinued until all arrearages are paid, unless at the option of the pubiishei. It has been decided by the United States Courts that the. stoppage or a newspaper without the payment of arrearages, is prima faeit evidence of fraud and as a criminal offence. W"The courts have derided that persons ore ac countable for the subscription price of newspapeis, 4f they take them from the post office, whether they subscribe for them, or not. Select jportrti. [From the Piftnot <J- Union.] THE DEATH OF THE RENEGADE. At midnight, on his oilice lounge, Forney was dreaming of the hour • When Democrats, in suppliance bent, Should tremble at his power; In drcnius to Washington be bore Election news, as conqueror; In dreams, his song of triumph sung; Then heard bold Sumner's words of praise Then, through old Abratn, made a raise Of contracts, that in profit pays, Tlie gold from frccincn wrung. At midnight, in another square, • The Democrats their council held ; The good, the great, the wise were there, And with high hopes their bosoms swelled They were the sons of those who stood, No firmly for their country's good, In days of Jackson—bold ; And now, they felt that, without pause, They'd fight us bravely for our cause, • The Constitution and the laws, As did their sires of old. As time passed on, Forney awoke, That bright dream was his last— Ho woke—to hear the ringing shout, . That heralded the utter rout, •Of those who, tor the "counterband," Would flood with gore our happy land, And madly into ruin east A government by patriots formed, And held by compromise unharmed. He woke, —to hoar his naino, That once upon the record stood, "With those who for their country's good Would sacrifice their wealth and blood— Coupled with every shame. He woke—to hear all good men say. Thank God, this ends the recreant's power, The dog is dead—he's had his day, And 'neath the lash must ever cower. His traitor comrades clearly saw Jlim droop, when rang the proud huzza, And all his hopes were sunk. Then saw him close his bottle clasp, And struggle in its deadly grasp Until lie fell dead drunk. Come to the bridal chamber, denin i Come to the mother, when she feels, For the first time, her first-born's breath v Come when the blessed seals That close the pestilence are broke, And crowded cities wail its stroke ; Come in consumption's glastly form, The earthquake's shock the ocean's storm ; Come when the heart heats liigh and warm With banquet-song, and dance and miine- And thou art terrible ! —The tear, The groan tho knell, the pall, the bier, Are dreadful; —yet with conscience clear Wc calmly hide our time. But to tlbe man whose perjured soul With every evil thought is crammed, Thy v<iee sounds like a prophet's word ; And in its hollow tones arc heard, The glee of fiends who wait the damned. John Forney! in thy traitor grave, Condemned to infamy through time, Kent thee: thero is no greater knave Storied in any clime. Wc tell thy doom without a sigh For thou notorious now, art Fame's —• One of the few, dctostod names Immortal in their infamy. Buchanan's Final Reply to Scott. To the Editors of the National Intelligencer: With a few remarks, I shall close the contro versy with Gen. Scott, into which I have been most reluctantly forced by his voluntary and un expected attack. This has, nevertheless, afford ed mo an opportunity of correcting many un founded reports which I had long borne in pa tience and in silence. In my answer, I have already furnished clear and distinct responses to all the allegations of Gen. Scott; and in his rejoinder he has not call ed in question any of my statements, with a single exception. Which of us is correct in this particular depends upon the question whether his recollection of an event which occurred more than eighteen months ago, or the state ment of Mr. Holt, reduced to writing on the very day, is entitled to tlie greater credit. The General, in the introduction of his re joinder, assigns as an excuse for the criticism on my public conduct that this was merely in cidental to his alleged official report to Presi dent Lincoln on the condition of our fortifica tions, and was not primarily intended for my self. From this statement one would conclude that he had made such a report. Hut where is this to be found? For it lie refers to the Intel ligencer of the 21t of October; but there 1 discover nothing but his letter of four points to Mr- Seward, dated on the 8d Marcli, 1801, ad vising the incoming President how to guide his administration in face of the threatening dan gers to tho country. In the single introducto ry sentence to this letter he barely refers to bis "printed views," (dated in October, I860,) which had been long before the public; but it contains nothing like an official report on the condition of the fortifications. Whether the introduction of this letter to tho public without the consent of President Lincoln, by one of tho General's friends, in a political speech during a highly excited gubernatorial canvass, had influenced him to prepare his crit- icism on my conduct, it is not for me to deter mine. At what period did Gen. Scott obtain the six hundred recruits to which he refers in his rejoiaderl This was certainly after the date of his "views," OO the 30th October, I860; be- those 1)0 states emphatically that the VOLUME .18. NEW SERIES. forces then at his command were "in nil five companies only within reach to garrison or re inforce (he (nine) forls mentioned in the "views." Did he obtain these recruits in November? If so, had he visited Washington or written and explained to me in what manner this military operation could he accomplished by the four hundred men in the live companies, and the six hundred recruits, I should have given his rep resentations all the consideration eminently due to his high military reputation. But he informs us lie did not arrive in Wash ington until the I2ih of December. His second recommendation to garrison these forts must consequently have been made, according to his own stalcmcnt, on the 13th, loth, 28th, or 30th of December, or on more than one of these days. At tins period the aspect of public affairs had greatly changed from what it was in October. Congress was now in session, and our relations with the Seceding Cotton States had been pla ced before them by the President's message. Proceedings had been instituted by that body with a view to a.compromise of the dangerous questions lietwcen the North and the South; and the highest hopes and warmest aspirations were then entertained for their success. Under these circumstances it was the President's duty to take a broad view of the condition of the whole country, in all its relations, civil, indus trial and commercial, as well as military, giv ing to each its appropriate influenrc. It was only from such a combination that ho could frame a policy calculated to preserve the peace and to consolidate the strength of the Union. Isolated recommendations proceeding from one department, without weighing well their effect upon the general policy, ought to be adopted with extreme dhution. Hut it seems from the rejoinder (lint Secreta ry Floyd, at Hichmond, had claimed the honor of defeating Gen. Scott's "plans and solicita tions respecting the forts," "it being there," says the General, "universally admitted that hut for that victory over me there could have been no rebellion." This is, in plain English, that the secessionists of the cotton States, who have since brought into the field hundreds of thousands of undoubtedly brave soldiers, would have abandoned in terror their unlawful anil re bellious designs, had Gen. Scott distributed a mong their numerous forts four hundred meu in October, or one thousand men in l>eecmber! This requires no comment. 1 have never been able to obtain a copy of tfenYScotf refers"bufTTeanfe.Tfell, at the time and since, from gentlemen of high respectability; that in this same speech he de nounced me most bitterly for my determination In stand by and sustain the Union with all the power I possessed uuder the Constitution and the laws. And here permit me to remark that it is due to Gen. Scott as well as myself to deny that there is any portion of my answer which justi fies the allegation that "the ex-l'resident sneers at my 'weak tUvicc ,' (the words 'weak device' being marked as a quotation) for saving the forts." This mistake I must attribute to his "accidental visitor." And in this connexion I emphatically declare that the General, neither before nor after the publication of his "views" in the National In telligencer of the 18th January, 1801, without my consent, assigned any reason to mo for ma king this publication, or ever even alluded to the subject. In this I cannot be mistaken, from the deep impression which the occurrence made upon my memory, for the reasons already men tioned in my answer. I should have nothing more to add had Gen. •Scott, in his rejoinder, confined himself to the topics embraced in his original letter. lie has extended them, and now for the first time, and in a sarcastic and no kindly spirit, refers to the alleged stealing of public arms by Secretary Floyd and their transportation to the South in anticipation of the rebellion. The most con clusive answer to this allegation is that, not withstanding the boasting of Mr. Floyd at Rich mond, evidently with the. view of conciliating his new allies, cited by the General as his au thority, no public arms were ever stolen. This fact is established by the report of the Committee on Military Affairs of the House of Representatives, now before mo, made by Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, their chairman, on the 18th volume of the Reports of Committees of the House for the session of 1860-61. This re port and the testimony before the committee es tablish: 1. That the Southern States received in 1800 less instead of more than the quota of arms to which they were entitled bylaw; and that threo of them—North Carolina, Mississippi and Ken tucky—-received no arms whatever, and this sim ply because they did not ask for them. Well may Mr. Stanton have said in the House "that there are a good deal of rumors and specula tions and misapprehension as to the true state of facts in regard to this matter." 2. Secretary Floyd, under suspicious circum stances, on the 22d December, 18(30, and but a few Jays before he left the Department, had, without the knowledge of the I'rcsidcnt, order ed 113 columbiads and 11 thirty-two pounders to be transported from Pittsburg to Ship Island and Galveston, in Mississippi and Texas. This fact was brought to the knowledge of the President by a communication from Pitts burg; and .Secretary Holt immediately there after countermanded the order of his predeces sor, and the cannon wero never scut. Tho promptitude with whichjwe acted elicited a voto of thanks, dated on the 4th of January, 18(31, from the Select and Common Councils of that city, '-to tho President, the Attorney General, and the acting Secretary of War." (Mr. llolt.) After this statement how shall we aocount for tho explicit declaration of Gen. Scott that, "accidentally hearing early in March that under this posthumous order (that of Mr. Floyd of the 22d I>ecember) the shipment of these guns bad commenced, 1 communicated the fact to Freedom of Thought tod Opinion. BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 5, 1862. Secretary Holt, (acting for Secretary Cameron,) just in time to defeat (lie robbery V And this is the same Secretury Holt who h vd countermanded "the posthumous order" in the previous December. And, strange to say, these guns, but for the alleged interposition of Gen. Scott, were about to be sent so late as March from the Loyal States into those over which Jefferson Davis had then for some time pre sided ! Had General Scott reflected, for a moment, lie could uot have fallen into this blander.— It is quite manifest he was "without a print ed ami my (his) own ollicial pa pers." 3. The Government had on hand in the year 1859 about 500,000 old muskets, which had been condemned "as unsuitable for public ser vice," under the acl of 3d of March, 1825. They were of such a character that although offered both at public and private sale for $2 50 each, purchasers could not be obtained at that rate, exuept for u comparatively small num ber. Gn tho 30th of November, 1859, Secretary Floyd ordered about one-fifth of the whole number (105,000) to be sent from the Spring field armory, where they had accumulated, to live Southern arsenals, "in proportion to their respective means of proper storage." This or der was carried into effect by the Ordnance Bureau in the usual course of administration and without reference to the President. It is but justice to say that from the testi mony before the committee there is no reason to suspect that Secretary Floyd issued this or der from any sinister motive, its date was mouths before Mr. Lincoln's nomination for the Presidency, and nearlya year before bis election, and whilst (he Secretary was still an avowed opponent of secession. Indeed, the testimony of Col. Craig and Capt. .Maynadier, of the Ordnance, before the Committee is wholly in consistent with any evil intention on his part. And yet these "condemned muskets," with a few thousand ancient rifles of a calibre then no longer used, are transformed by General Scott into "115,000 extra mtuketi and rifles, with all their implements and ammunition." This is the fust time I have heard—aWainly there was nothing of the kind before tlic committee—that ammunition was sent with these condemned and inferior arms to their places of storage—just as though they had been intended not for sale but for immediate use in the field. arnis and t rans'porf 'theni lfom one depository M another without the knowledge and active par ticipation ot the ollicera of the Ordnance Bu reau, botlt at Washington and at these deposi tories. It may bo observed that Col. Craig, the head of lite Bureau, at this period, was as correct an otficer, and as loyal and honest a man as ex ists in the country. Yours, very respectfully, JAMES BUCHANAN. WHEATI.ASD, near Lancaster, Nov. 17, 1802. The Twelve Puritan Crimes which no Man Can Gainsay. Whatever Ilenry Wanl Beeeher, who pre tends to be a Christian may say, we intend to day to present a record which even lie dares not deny. Wet lien present what we cnll thtttccli* Pu ritan crimes, and let clerical humbugs, who have displaced the Gospel foV their diabolisms, con trovert us. We are aware of this, that good men, theologians, Who are now filling Northern pulpits, and who get their salaries by succum bing to Northern prejudices, take ground against the South. But let us look at the affair as it stands, and if the vast interests of Christianity are against the teachings ot the Puritans, let us ignore them, and turn to the doctrines of the Bible. This we know may bo difficult, and the more so, because the wealth of the Northern churches is, at present, held by the Abolitionists, and they pay the salaries of the ministers, alas! too much governed by Mam mon. Now what are the tieelce Puritan crimes ? T.et us record them for the sake ot history, and we give them because they militate against Freedom, Humanity and the Union. First. The crime in the beginning of blind and cruel persecutions, in putting to death per sons of other belief than their own, imprison ing, banishing or killing Episcopalians, and Bap tists, Hogging Quaker women upon their naked backs in the public streets, imprisoning and ban ishing and hanging them, aye, ami hanging even women as witches. Second. The crime of stealing negroes by whole sale and bringing them from Alriea and selling them as slaves to the South. Third. The crime, according to their present theology, of agreeing to the Constitution anil forming this Union, on the condition of exclu ding nil foreign ships from the carrying trade of the South, and securing a monopoly of' the slave trade for twenty years, thus bringing in all the slaves that ever were brought into the U nion, and agreeing to secure protection to sla very for the contract moiwpoly m, the slave trade. Fourth. The crime of thus agreeing to the Constitution, JIB a bond ol Union, and then, when enriched by the slave trade and slave pro duce, annulling this covenant with the South and the Union, and setting to work to break up the Constitution and destroy the Union! Fifth. The crime of making slavery, of which themselves tfere most guilty, (if there be guilt,) the pretence of this breach of faith, and for this appalling betrayal of the hopes of man in self government; this horrible outrago upon the wido world's freedom and humanity ! Sixth. The crime of treason to the Union in the war of 1812, striking our national colors in Canada, under the Puritan Hull, refusing the government call for troops to defend the U nion, burning blue lights for the enemy upon our coasts as treason signals to betray the Union. Seventh. The crime of the Hartford Conven tian in 1814 for dissolving the Union—dissol ving the Union by tho vote of Massachusetts' | legislation on the admission of Louisiana, and again, attempting to dissolve thellnion on the ad mis siou of Texas—the sending of Adams to Cengress to present petitions for the dissolution of the Union in 1842 and permitting the trea son of Hale, who presented ei'j/tt petitions for tie dissolution of the Union in 1800-0 I 1 Eighth. The crime of persecuting the defend on! of the Constitution and the Union, among idiom the foremost was DANIEL WEBSTER, the nsblest (statesman of the East, whose love for tlte Union secured for him the hate and abuse of all the Abolition I'uritans. Ninth. The great crime of Unitarian unbe lief, sinking the churches and ministers of New i'ligland into the emissaries of Anti-Unßisr, de throning and blaspheming the HOLY SON of GOD atd setting their "higher law" of Abolition a btive the word of GOD, and opening wide the door to Unitnrianism, Abolitionism, Agrarian ism, to Free Txive, Communism, Fanny Wrighl ism, Charles Fourierisin, AVomens' Right ism, aid a whole brood of foolish, wicked, and blas } .heinous isms, which, by the aid and connivance of so-called Christian Ministers have swept o \er the land, defiling, corrupting, and polluting, in their course, and almost sweeping away the aicient land-marks of Christianity, but at the same time, revealing the fact that there is more | of pure Christianity among the slave popula tion of a single slave State, than in all of New England. [ . Tenth. The crime of fostering societies for at least thirty years, with the avowed and open object of dissolving the Union —of teaching the children to disobey and violate the Constitution nnil to openly proclaim the great doctrine that our Union was a "league with hell," and that the children of the North should ho educated to hate the South, than all which, wo venture to say, no fouler treason can exist. Eleventh. The crime of systematically back biting, misrepresenting, and slandering the Clirs tian people of the South, for the purpose of creating, in this country nnd in Europe, bitter, wicked, and unjust prejudices. Twelfth. The crime of stop/ring the education of staves, and causing laws to be passed against their learning to read,solely because their ability to read was advised by Abolition I'uritans —thus teach ing the slaves insurrection, robbery and murder, inciting them to rise against our white Union citizens and to cut the throats of white men and helpless and unoffending women and children— thus compelling our white bretlwrii of the South SRTTnn^ : &ww -Gam una Inst the, slaves ting these very slaves to bo better educated in Gospel truths than the demi-infidcls of New Eng-. land. This, we call Divine retribution. — Evening j Journa "Alas! Poor Indian!" . For some months the country has been exci te 1 by tales of Indian outrages in Minnesota —men shot down—•women violated and led in to captivity, nnd children tomahawked! The terrible outrages of the early Indian wars ap peared to be recnacting. Many journals advo cated the same remedy that the abolitionists would apply to the rebellion—extermination— Abolition journals with their constitutional ap petite for a falsehood at once found the cause of this Indian outbreak in the machinations of the "secessionists!" Some did not believe this, but notwithstanding it was generally received as the cause of the fiendish acts of the savages. It now torus out to be all a mistake, this war like all other wars has two sides, and that the thieving propensities of the appointees ot this administration was the real cause! We find in the Pittsburg Gazette, an impor tant communication from a reliable western writer. lie gives the true reason of Otis sav age war which has depopulated a considerable portion of a prosperous young State. Ixt the reader study the picture—count the co3t of blood and treasure and put it down in the debt or column of this administration. But, alas, I find, upon a elosc scrutiny, that (he foundation for the trouble lies upon a far different kind of political formation, and that the Southern rebellion has just as much to do with the Indian war as the mud at the State Fair grounds at Chicago, last fall, had to do with the price of putty in Boston. '-What," you ask, "then, is the cause 1" I will answer it in as few words as possible— dishonesty—the. most barefaced and unmitigated dishonesty—on the part of the Indian Agents in the transaction of their business affairs. This, I know, is a sweep ing charge, but I will prove it to the satisfaction of the most doubting Thomas in Christendom. You may be aware thnt the Sioux Indians, as well as the North Western tribes, have a trea ty with the government by which the "Great Father" Samuel agrees to pay them, 'certain sums of money, called"annuitics," and further, the Great Father Samuel agrees to pay these annuities in silver and gold. The Great Fath er, Uncle Samuel, has always sent some of his white children with tho spondulicks promptly to the usual place of payment, to keep his faith with his red children. Indeed he did so this year. The Indian agents received their gold and silver coin during the first week in June, while there was not the least prospect of an out break. But just then "legal tenders" went down and gold went up, and the delectable ag ent, with au eye to the main chance, conceived the happy thought of selling the "yellow boys" anil the red skins both at the same time. The gold was bartered off for "green backs," with which they sought to make the payments. But tho dodge didn't work with the aborigines.—- They knew tho difference between white and yellow, and big and between light and heavy; but as beWeen "demand" and "legal tender," "safety fund" and "wild-cat" they were as ignorant as female tropieanians arc of tho arts of fashionable dress making. They had some idea of the uses of metals, but to them all paper was alike, and only fit for gun wads. Of course they refused to be paid in a nytlimg else than that which was properly their due. The agents argued with them, expkuued WHOLE NUMBER, 3© I to them, anil linally lln'eatened them, btlt 'twas of no use. Johnny Indian's optics were closed, i and he could not discern the locality. The In j dians' hunting season was coming on, the prai ries would soon be tilled with bears, deer and | dog, and the streams with animals of finer tin ) I but of what use were all these to him ? He : had not the means with wliieli to trap the one, | or the arms or ammunition with which to kill j the other. He could buy nothing of the tra ders without money, and lie could get no mon ey of the agents. Starvation stared him in the face; and, as a last resort, he seized upon the Indian's only mode of redress, revenge. The first few minor thefts and robberies were gob bled up by the guilty agents, and made excuses to still further defer the payments. Exagger ated reports of the outrages were forwarded to I the authorities and protection sought from the | Government. .Startling stories of "rcoel em issaries being at work" were heralded all over i the North ; but not one word was uttered about the attempt to palm oil' the "greenbacks," and the final result was a terrible Indian war, in which over one hundred of the settlers upon the frontier liavc been killed, projierty to fhca mount of at least five million dollars destroyed, and the State set back at least five years in its prosperity, anil the war has only lieen put down at an expense already to the General Govern -1 ment of over three millions of dollars, besides drawing away from active service in more im portant fields at least ten regiments of unpa roled troops. i The second nature of the official of this ile lectably patriotic administration, under "honest Abe!" appears to be to steal. He can't even resist the temptation of stealing from the poor, filthy, lousy savage! Let the whole country be deluged with blood—whole communities be swept out of existence —murder run riot with assassinated men, tomahnwked women and brained children in its train, yet stealing must go on! Then follows the remedy of these "only loy al and christian people"—extermination and confiscation. "Alas Four Indian 1" $1) t S cl) oolm a9l e r 21 bt o a l>. EDITED BY SIMON SYNTAX, ESQ. DyTeechcri and friends of education are respect fully requested to send communicationsto the above care of " tie.dfoid Gazette." invv..... v - -COOL" our remarks on "The war and the schools,' printed in the Gazette a few weeks ago, and comments on them as follows : "litis extract is from the educational column of a late number of the Bedford Gazette, — a column, by the by, conducted with great spirit and regularity, it was written while it was supposed the draft would take away very many teachers; and, though the evil has in a measure passed from the system —still most of its sug gestions remain seasonable and worthy of atten tion. With the exception of one or two passa ges, we like its object and tone. The remark, '•let all who are willing and at all qualified to teach, be examined. We may be mistaken, but are of opinion they will find employment j" if intended to convey the idea that, whether qual ified or not, such should be employed—is not based upon a polity that should, at any time, be adopted. Probably such was not the mean in" of the writer. No true friend of the system should be disheartened by any sudden emergen cy, to the extent of lowering the standard of the teacher's qualifications to the.grade of all who choose to oficr their services in a time of panic. On the contrary, lie will enter n plain and emphatic protest against a course so suici dal. Potter, far better to allow a school, here and there, 1° remain a month or two without a teacher, t)ia" to insist upon opening them all on the prescribed day, with such teaojiers as shall then offer, whether competent or not. We are no advocates i>f the lazy man's ad age —"something will turn up" —to excuse his inactivity or neglect of duty. But in this case we do say, that if a board of directors have ex erted itself to the utmost, by advertising for teachers in time and by offering as large sala ries as the wants of the schools ami tlio circum stances of the district render proper, and still fail to.fill their list-—it will be better for youth of the district to wait, than to waste the mon ey of the parents ami the time of the children by tlio employment of incompetent persons. In most of such eases "something will turn up;" some desirable teacher will come along—espe cially if the call for his services be rendered a little louder by the addition of few dollars to the salary; and the result wtll justify the delay. But if not, the other expedient, recommend ed and urged by the Educational Editor of the Gazette, is the right one. In fact, its compul sory claim to tho notice of directors and its more general adoption in the southern part of the State, is one ntiiongst the unlooked for but lteneficial effects of this awful rebellion. If the war open up to the intelligent females of the Ntato more, largely than at present, the profes sion of teaching; if it cause them properly to prepare themselves for its duties; if it compel directors —whether willingly or unwillingly is a matter of little moment —to consider their fit ness ami to accept their services; and if it com mit the schools to the teaching, and tho hearts and ntinds of the pupils to the infiucnce of fe male kindness nnd tact, when accompanied with competent professional qualifications —then will a great good be effected and the future have at i least one rodoetning and enduring blessing to bo grateful for to the convulsion through which the country Is passing. Tho prejudice against tho female"teacher has been one of the most stub born as well as unfounded, encountered in tbo southern portions of this State. Like other long settled abuses, perhups it required, in tbo divine government of the world, the violence ot war anil rebellion and the disturbance of crery Hatea of ft&Dtrtising One Square, three weezsor leie $1 00 One Square, each additional insertion lota than three months 25 3 MONTHS. 8 MOHfHS. 1 f*Alt One square ■ $2 00 $3 00 $8 00 Two squares 3 00 S 00 0 Hi Three squares 400 700 13 (q i Column 500 900 15 0„ ' Column 800 12 00 20 0 ( i i Column 12 00 18 00 30 0() One Column 18 00 30 00 80 Oo The spice occupied by ten line* of thi* size o! type counts one square. All fraction* of a square under five lines will be measured as a half sqaarct and all over five lines is n full square. All legal advertisements will be charged to the person hand i iig them in. Transient advertisements should be paid for in advance. VOL. G. NO. 18 clement of society, to overcome it. It is now evidently undergoing that process. The Gazette gives figures that may mislead as to the number of females employed in the conn* tics named. 'Those of males and females ad* tied together in the counties instanced, make an aggregate greater than the whole number of their schools. This is accounted for by the fact that in most of them there are two terms of school—the summer and the winter; the sum mer schools being almost entirely taught by fe males, and the winter mainly, but not entirely, by males. Still, the fact generally is as stated, viz:—that these counties have a very laige per ' rentage of female teachers. Bo is the other fact, or rather result—that the arrangement has work ed to the satisfaction of all concerned. The general conclusion of the article—that directors can now avail themselves of the high est grade of female qualification, for the Same compensation payable for the lowest grade of male teachers—is both sound and expedient. We are not amongst those who think that a competent teacher is to be paid less because a female than if a male. But we must, for the present, take things as they arc. The question is, whether some of the schools shall be opened at the usual time, or even at all. And if wq can have them opened, by giving the low salary of incompetent males to competent fewales, wet are willing to see them opened on these terms; satisfied that the success of these "substitutes" will soon win round hesitating directors to the policy of their more general employment, and that common honesty will ultimately lead to their equal compensation, on the ground of e qual services rendered. •* On looking over this article, wo rather sua* pcct that, in some points, a construction has been given to the article from the Gazette, not £ intended by the writer. But then we wanted a text for these remarks; and now conclude by recommending the views of our editorial broth er to the reader, in the sense in which, no doubt, he intended they should be understood. It is • by such well timed suggestions that the conduc tors of the local educational press can do the most good. They hit points of local questions and give the clue out of local difficulties, which morn distant and more general observers cannot possibly reach." These comments seem to ua to be a sin gular mixture of acidity and sweetness.— Mr. Burrowes spanks us with one hand and throws us sugar plums with the other in a ted to"make "any ravofablytfisposect juvenile whimper and simper by turns, as he suffers the one or swallows the other. Hd likes the article very much "with the exception of one or two passagesbut he neverthe- % less feels it his duty to scold us for urging the employment of teachers not properly qualified. Who, except Mr. Bun-owes, ev er suspected us of holding such views | and who, except him, would draw such a con clusion from the passage he quotes? We took it for granted, in our remarks, that an examination would show whether candidates were properly qualified or not, and hence we said "let all who are willing and at all qual ified to teacii be examined.' I '' It is true that our private opinion has long been that ex aminations do not always show this; and that the county Super in tendency, as a fea ture of our school law, has not been so ef fectual in excluding unqualified teachers as could be wished. But then we do not al ways express that opinion—partjy because its expression would do no good; and part ly, perhaps, out of respect for Mr. Burrowes who is the originator and champion of the County Superintendcncy. But, after belaboring us soundly, Mr. Burrowes faces about and says: "Probably such was not (lie moaning of the writer." Ah, indeed! very probably it was not. We do not. like to interfere with Mr. Burrowes' excellent English, but we submit that he would have improved the sentence jflst quo ted, if lie had made it stand thus: "Prob ably such was not the meaning of the wri ter, especially as he says nothing at all of the kind.'' We may hold many erroneous opinions with respect to education, and shall always be happy to have them corrected by authority so eminent as Mr. Burrowes. Bu we deny that we have Written what can frfir ly be so grossly misunderstood. We are unwilling to be placed in the position of hav ing printed such foggy English. Again, Mr. Burrowes is afraid our figures may mislead. So they may, and so may others taken from the same source. But as they are taken verbatim from the school reports prepared by Mr. Burrowes himself, we hope he will pardon us for not express ing this opinion before, and for not volun teering an explanation which might reflect upon his accuracy as a statistician; In conclusion, we remind the readers of the Jownal that the ambiguity- complained of by Mr. Burrowes, is supposed by him to be in the article he quotes from the Gazette. We do this lest some of his readers shonli attribute it to the wrong writer.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers