VOLUME 3§. NEW SERIES. THE BEDFORD GAZETTE if PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING BY BT B. F. MEYERS, At the following terms, to wit: $1 .50 per annum, CASH, in advance. $2.00 " tt jf paid within the year. $2.50 " if notpaid within the year, o subscription taken tor less than six months, paper discontinued until all arrearages are paid,unless at the option of the publisher, it has been decided by the United States Courts tha: the stoppage of a newspaper without the payment of arrearages, is prima facie evidence of fraud and is a criminal offence. LLi' - The courts have decided that persons are ac countable for the subscription price of newspa pers, if they take them from the post office, whetu •t they subscribe for them, or not. RATES OF CHARGES FOR ADVER TISING. Transient advertisements will be inserted at the rate of SI.OO per square of ten lines for three inser tions or lese, but for every subsequent insertion, 25 cents per square will be charged in addition Fable and figure work double price. Auditor's notices ten lines and under, s|.oo ; upwards often lines and under fifteen st.so. Liberal reductions made to persons advertising by the year. 6 elect Joftrg. [From tJu London Once A IVeei.] CIVILE BELLUM. In this fearful struggle between North ar.d South there are hundreds ot cases in which fathers are ar rayed against eons, brothers against brothers —A merican Paper. " Rifleman, shoot me a fancy shot Straight at the heart of yon prowling vidette Ring me a ball in the glittering spot That shines on his breast like an amulet!" H Ah, Captain ! here goes for a fine drawn bead, There's music around when my barrel's in tune!" Crack! went the rifle, the messenger sped, And dead from his horse fell the ringing dragoon. "Now, Rifleman, steal through the bushes,and snatch From your victim some trinket to handsel first blood; A button, a loop or that luminous patch That gleams in the moon like a diamond stud!" j " Oh ! Captain, I stageered, and sunk on my track, j W hen 1 gazed on the face of the fallen vidette, I For be looked so like you, as he lay on his back, ! 1 hat my heart rose upon me, and masters me yet. "But 1 snatched of! 'he trinket—this locket of gold An inch from the c-rtre rny lead broke its way, Scarce grazing the p.cture so fair to behold, Of a beautiful lady in bridal array. ' " Ha! Rifleman, fling me the locket !—'Tis she, i My brother's young bride—and the fallen dragoon j Washer husband—Hush! scldier, 'twas Heaven's! decree; We must bury him, there,by the light of the moon! j " But, hark ! the far bugles their warning unite j ] War is a virtue—weakness a sin ; There's a lurking and loping around us to night; Load again, Rifleman keep your band in!" BISHOP HUGHE S THUNDERBOLT AGAINST THE ABOLITIONISTS. [From the Metropolitan Record of this week, the organ of Archbishop Hughes.] The October number ol Browngon's Quarter ly Review has just made its appearpnee. In a literary point of view it is not inferior to pre ceding numbers ol the same work. The forth j article is entitled. L'ABOLITION EE L'ESCLAVAGE, PAR AUGUSTIN \ COCHIN, ANCIEN MAIRE ET CONSEILLER DE X.A j VIL LB DE PARIS, PARTS: JACQUES LECOFFRE, j 1861. 2TOMEB, BVO. Under this caption the Reviewer writes a j treatise on slavery and the war. We cannot help thinking that this paper, so far as it was intended to influence the Catholic readers of the Review, in at once untimely and mischiev ous. The Catholics ol this country have ob tained great credit lor having entirely kept out of discussion on the question of slavery. Neither do they wish to have that question thrust upon them in a periodical which is sup posed to be published in the interest of their religion. Dr. Brownson maintains that the end and purpose of the war is not, or a' least should not be, merely to sustain the Constitution, Govern ment and laws of the country, but to abolish slavery if. the southern States. we, Catholics, nad a vast majority of our brave troops in the field, have not the slightest idea oj carrying on a war thot costs so much blood and treasure just to gratify a clique of Aboli tionists in the JVorth. If it were generally known that this is one of the purposes of the war, the drafting of troops would become im mtdiottly necessary volunteers would be few indeed—and the business of recruiting would become even slacker than it is now said to be. The war is, as we have said, for the mainte nance and defence of our Constitution and Gov ernment. In the progress of war it is difficult to foresee what turn events may take in the South, under the pressure of military ner -<i fy; but to announce beforehand that on- of its pnrpojpf BF slaves in the south-en blates a consequence, pven arm them .he white population the high motives by which the government and the gal lant officers in command of the army are ac tuated. Napoleon 111 announced that France made war in Italy for an "Idea," but the idpa was his own, and not furnished by Abolitionism. Here, on the contrary, that clique, who shun the battle field and become self-complacent in their fanaticism, under the imagination that our brave s. ' diers are fighting their battle without being aware of it, are teeming with "Ideas" which they expect the country to take up and reilize, even by the sword. True patriots will be shocked at the review er's interpretation of what the war means or should mean. They will ask, was it for this that our dauntless soldiers fell in battle? Was for this that many of them, together with bfave officers, are now pining away in I the captivity of a southern dungeon? Take, for instance, Col. Corcoran and his gallant fel j low prisoners of the Sixty-ninth. Was it for tnis that Cameron fell on the battle field, with out any friendly eye to gaze on In? counte nance. whilst he lay hike n warrior taking his rest. With his mrrtiai cloak around him T Was it for this that the noble hearted and gal lan Ward was, we might say, assassinated on the deck of his vessel* Was it for this that the unyielding patriot and heroic commander of i F°rt Sumter, as well as the equally heroic Mul ligan at Lexington, no less than the brave Gen. Lyon, who fell on the field, were so cruellv neglected and left to their fate until : ments name too late? Was it to carry out the , idea of Abolitionism that these noble warriors, | and thousands oj less ditinguished names, ; have already given their lives , as they imag ! ined, for the support of the Constitution and the preservation of the Union? JVo, no. The crime charged against the : adherents of what is called the Southern Con federacy is their wish and attempt to overthrow the Constitution and the Government of these I nile.d States. A'ow this crime has been at tempted by the Abolitionists, but not in the candid bravery of the Southern Secessionists. One of (he Abolitionists, perhaps their old ! est mm, describes the Constitution as a *<cove nant with hell." The Abolitionists would take advantage of double t ides, and in order to , be consistent, whilst they would have our ar my to destroy slavery in the south, they them i selves sympathize with the people 0 f the sece ded States who are endeavoring to des'roy this same "covenant with hell." We do not say that all the Abolitionists regard the Constitu tion in the same light as the author of the at rocious expression just quoted. But we have never seen that expression or its author repu diate io their speeches, writings and resolutions. Between the Secessionists of Ihe South and the Abolitionists of the North, the Constitution is now in a most perilous condition. The lat ter assail it in the rear or on the flank. The former wish to get clear of its requirements be cause they think it has not been fairly carried out in their regaid. the latter because it is, as they say a "covenant with hell." Still these Abolitionists profess to be loyal citizens, wish ing to preserve the Union and sustain the gov ernment, provided the latter shall abolish sla very teetotally throghout the land. Every man has a right to form -'.is own on imons on ti.e existence o. slavery, pro or con, . as his judgement and conscience may dictate. I But if our fellow citizens ol the North are so ' bent on the destruction of Slavery, we would ! beg leave to suggest that they should form an I Abolition Brigade, and do at least a part ot the | fighting, for the advancement of their "Idea." We could suggpst even (he name of the Briga dier-General who should be at the heid of this brigade. It is true that he has not acquired, as yet, the reputation o! a great commander : he is not, however, unacqua-nted with the scenery of this battle; and though he may nev er have smelt powder, nevertheless, he must have seen at a distance the smoke arising from ifs explosion. His forte, however—and it is no trifling quality in a general—would be the science ol retreat. By this Xenophon of old, with his 10,000, immortalized his name. The only apprehension to be entertained is, that even in retreat our modern Xenophen would leave his thousand behind. Still he could quote the pxam.ple of one of the greatest captains either of this century or any other, who retired with a very small retinue from Moscow, the ancient capital of Russia, leaving his magnificant army to follow at a remote dis tance on their return to Paris. j The Brigadier General of the Abolition bri -1 gade would pass neieffcarily through Washing ! ton, where the President and the members of the Cabinet would be likely to review them in more than one sense. Supposing they go*, a pass to cross the Potomac and entered into the tented fields, now occupied by our gallant troops, imagination can* hardly conceive the reception that would await them. They would be men of rank, men of wealth, schol ars, gentlemen,and, taking their position if per mitted them, they would cast to the breeze the motto to which we have referred" It is so con veniently painted on the smallest banner, it 19 so expressive—so brief in words—so compre hensive in meaning, and withal so easily re membered. ; THE CONSTITUTION OF THE ; ; UNITED STATES 1 I IS A I J COVENANT WITH HELL. I The Brigadier-General whom we have in our mind's eye is the same who published in this city that, after slavery' shall have been dis posed of in the South, "Popery must be looked into." He profess-s to be a loval citizen, but this is a curious method of inducing otbT citi zens who arp truly loyal to rally to the sup port ot the constitution, the government and the laws of our country. Even our Catholic Dr. Brownson holds that slavery is the cause of the war. Tins hap pens to be simply impossible, except in the sense that a man's carrying money on his per son is the cause of his oeing robbed on the highway. —Slavery existed since the Declara tion of Independence and before. And if it ever could have been the cause of civil war a mong the peoples and States of the Union, or of the Colonies, that civil war should have boken out say eighty or one hundred and twenty years ago. Slavery, therefore, is not the cause of the war. There is nothing new fn it. Sometimes it has appeared to us that aboli tionism, if it be what it has been described by some of its most prominent interpreters stands ,in need of a strait jacket and the humane pro- BEDFORD, PA, FRIDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 9,1861. , tection of a lunatic asylum. It would desire (to do the thing completely) that some, 4,000, 000 of slaves should be emancipated in one • . day ,if posssible, even in one hour. But it has ■ never thought what is to become of these un- I fortunate people alter emancipation. They would not have a square ofthis globe that they could call their own. Where could they sleep on the first night after their chains had been broken? Either on the land of their for mer owners, which would be a trespass, or on I the highway, which public convenience could • not tolerate. Where are they to go, gentle men Abolitionists? Supposing they sleep somewhere the fust night, where are they to get food for the next day? You would have ■ destroyed the relatiou between them and their , masters. And afier having done this mischief to both parties you could not expect their mas ters to still provide them with food, clothing, medicine and medical attendance. Whose business will it le to see to ail this? Will it be yours simply to look on—rub your bands at the triumph of your inconsider • ate policy—and, having d/srupted the whole ■ social faerie in the Southern States, to have the emancipated negroes and the white popu lation to fight it out? Is this what you mean ? Are you honest in your theories? If so, why not have proposed to the nation the setting •- pait ot some portion of our yet unpeopled ter ritory, say a patch of land as large as England, to be settled by these emancipated slaves, if emancipation were possible. Why not put your hand in your pockets and invite your neighbor o do the some for 'h* erection of huts, or the procurement o* even tew rude agricultural iinplemn's for ab>l<!tortiz<-d ne groes, at least during Hi- first year, fur the pro curing of of various kind*, agricu turaf and horticultural, to be planted an t cultivated by their own hands in view of the second var, when they should beve to depend in a great measure upon themselves * But we nave seen another part of your scheme, Which is, that the negroes once emar.c.pated, might diffuse themselves thioughow! the free States, and especially in the North. Well,you have had them in the North, and there are some 6tiJ! remaining, but they are becoming few in numberj, and dwindling down alter the style i of (he Indians. How do you treat those that you have ? Are their Lelmgs not outraged on every corner of our streets? Areifiey not call ed "black nigger," with a tacit approval even of those w ho inav have hH hand, m their run- ! J ntftjj f bv-t4 1(1 till* c!?y fJI i York, though their n.oney is just the same as; j that which white people use, they cannot be ad : mitted into an omnibus or a lailroad car occu | pied by wiiite people without being reminded jby a printed sign that it is a privilege and not a right. Are those the benefiis which you in tend to bestow on the liberated negro population of the South ? What e|v ? In (he South free blacka are sometimes the keeper of respectable hotels, and wealthy planters choose to patronize them. In the North, if a black man were rich enough to buy the Astor House he would have no white guests. All these things should have been foreseen and looked to by philanthropists before attempting to inaugurate a second massa cre like that of Saint Domingo. Now, before concluding, one general word about slaverv. We know fiom sacred writ that Abraham'pos sesed slaves ; that Job, in his plaintive mood, pleaded before the Almighty his kindness to his slaves ; that Moses did not strike at the root of slavery, but only mitigated the hardships to which the bondman was otherwise subjected ; tha' our Divine Savior did not teach or prescribe any law in leference to that especial topic; Hat the f'hurch, p the exercise of her employed only religious and moral suasion to remove the dangers which surrounded both the masters in their mutual relations to each other Now, not to speak of other legislators, (he Cath olics of this country, and perhaps the Catholics of Christendom at iarge, have made if a rule to imitate the example of our Lord, and to avoid —except in the way of the Church, a* above referred to—all interference with slavery where it i 9 once established and constitutes an element in social and civil life. For this the Catholics have been praised, and no article ir. Dr. Brown son's Quarterly Review can induce them to for sake the wise and good old paths of their Divine Master and of His Church. The author whose works the writer in Brown son's Review professes to criticise—viz : Angus tin Cochin, knows nothing of what slavery is in the United States. No European, unless he shall have lived a long time in this countrv, is qualified to write on this subject as it is known here. There is no analogy between the slavery known among pagan nations, whether of Greece or Rome, and that which is recognized in our Southern States. In the former cases the slaves were, if not altogether,.at least generally of the Taucasian race. They were oftentimes the countrymen of their ma*feis, speaking the same language, and not unfrequen'ly bv far the su perior of their masters in education and refine ment of manners. For them the transition from bondage to freedom, under the auspices of the Church, was an easy and almost imperceptible transition. Slavery is derivable from the earliest annals of the human race. The first necessity of a man, not being himself the head of a powerful family, was to cling for protection to some such head. He became a slave voluntarily, but on condition that he should be protected for if he strayed from the family, he became immediate ly an outcast and a foreigner, and liable to be seized and brought into servitude by those who chose to take advantage of his unprotected con dition. As time went on families, especially un der the Mosaic dispensation, were aggregated into communities, civil rights became recogniz ed, and the whole social system, including the rights of slaves and masters, was surrounded and protected by laws, human we should call them, but in the case of the Jewish people, laws of D vine origin. Nations must always precede Freedom of Thought and Opinion. the legislation ; and the law ol nations could be nothing more, at any given time, than either a mutual agreement among themselves or the usa ges prevailing previous to any reciprocal under standing among thetn. Now, down to a recent period, the law of conquest in war gave to the victor the right of life and death in reference to his captive. In modern times the progress of civilization has mitigated,even in war, this stern rule. Civilized nations no longer turn their prisoners into slaves. We wish to remark, however, that there is no analogy between ancient slavery and thai which prevails in this country. When the Spar tards obtained a footing in South America I hey began by burying whole nations of living Indians in ihe deep caverns of (heir gold and silver mines, to dig out for them the precious it, "tali there hidden. Their bishops remonstra ted—they appealed to the Pope—the practice was condemned and anathematized—because the Indians were naturally free men, and it was a crime against the Lord and His Christ for avarice to bring them down iota the bond age of slavery. Then attention was drawn fo the condition of the negroea in Southwestern Africa as likely to suppiy the want of labor that was experienced by the invader. The Holy See never approved either of this or the other system. But the Holy See hai only a von e, and no armies to regulate the wter-pene tration ot justice and injustice, even among Catholic nations, round the globe. The African ie trade commenced, and the existence of slaves in the -'outhern Sta'es is its actual eon s-quence. We cannot go so far as to agree with an i-mineut Catholic jurist and lawyer, in say inj that slavery is a divine institution. The re*' of bis eloquent dissertation on that subject H far from being out of harmony with the prin cpi 's of the Catholic Church. It is at least a Divine permission of God's providence. And n?w let us look at the matter from beginning to etd. Africa, it is well known is a country of sav sges, not having the slightest gleam ot hope as t r > prospective civilization. We may say that, in all the south-western section of Africa, there • no such thing known as the idea of a natu ral freeman. The tribes in the interior are in p TpHual war, and the laws of war among them j re, that a prisoner may b executed on the I ■t ir "•!.! as a slave. It is but lately that the vagera t-d King of Dahomey immolated 2,- >, some say 5,000, of. his prisoners, or sub fiis equally savage father. Thi3 was according to what, in the barbarous gpirit of that country, wa? called " the g-eat custom." Now, if our philanthropists of the Abolition school would pay tne slightest attention to the instincts and hopes of human nature, whether in Africa oi elsewhere, they would easily comprehend that these two or five thousand victims would pre fer slavery to decapitation. This they might understand from what goes on here continually viz : that a poor prisoner who is condemned to death by the laws of his country chooses in variably, if .nercy should inter|o*e, the peni tentiary for fife in preference to the hemp of the gallows. This is human nature, of winch our Abolitionists do not appear to have any ade quate conception. Now, suppo** that the ravage King of Daho mey sent his subject* or prisoners to some of the factories on the coast and aold them for slaves, would he be nrore guilty than if he had cut their heads off? Suppose the slavers at the dock should buy '.hem off at $1 2f) a head from the massacre of their barbarous tyrant, *vould they be doing wrong ? They would only have to choose between leaving those wretches to be butchered or transporting them to aome of the slave colonies of America. We, of course, be lieve that no genuine Christian —no decent man —would be engaged in this kjnd of busi ness ; still, we cannot discover the crime even of the slaver in snatching tliem Irom the butch eries prepared for them in their native land.— When they arrive in those colonies would it be a crime for humane masters to purchase them at a sum which prospectively might cover the annual or semi-annual wares given to laborers in other parts of the world ? These purchasers should be bound, and it they are men of con science they would be bound, to take care of thrse unfortunate people. Under the circum stances, it is very difficult to discover in the purchaser any moral transgression of the law of God or of the law of man, where that traffic is authorired. The terrific part of the question is, that not only the individuals brought to '.he A merican continent or" islands are themselves to be slaves, but their posterity, in like manner, for all time to come. This it tha only terrific feature about American slavery. And yet it is not alien from the condition of mankind in gen eral. Original sin has entailed upon the human rare its consequences for lime and eternity.— And yet the men who are now living had no part in the Commission of original sin. The drunkard, Ihe thief, the] bad man of any descrip tion, entails upon his posterity evils which the forfeiture of his own personal life cannot prevent or repair. We are aware, indeed, that on the score of morality much can be said with truth against slavery. The marriage bond.creating the rela tion between husband and wife among 'he slaves is not always respected by their masters. Fam ilies, if one can call them so, are broken up— the husband sold in one direction and the wife in another, whilst their children are disposed of according to the highest price offered from any point of the compass. These are hardships, but except in the right of selling and dispersing families, they are not, unfortunately, peculiar to the South. The degraded condition of thous ands of females in our large cities in the free States furnishes a hint that it is for those who are without sin to cast the first stone, that men should lake the beam out of their own eye be fore they attempt to spy out tbe mote in their neighbors. Nay, we would ask, is there a mor alist, even of the Abolition school, who does not know (hat there is pervading all our free Stales (and possibly many of those in which slavery is recognized), an occult science hv which in order to protect an unmarried female from public shame, both the mother and her unborn child are destroyed by a brutal, barbar ous operation. This topic may be taken into consideration by our philanthropist*, but it cannot be treated ot in a newspaper with any regard for the de cency and delicacy of pure morals. But we are tired of this topic, and we have only now to say that we despise in the name of all true Catholics, the " Idea" of making this war subservient to the philanthropic nonsense of Abolitionism. In certain localitiei Abolitionism may tend to elevate some aspirant to office.— But Statesmen, once elected, view the question as statesmen are oound to do. 1 f they are charg ed with tbe administration of the Federal gov ernment, they are bound to look to the .North arid tbe South, the East and Weet, with the same just and impartial appreciation of the righta of of all our people. If any portion of the people should array themselves against the government, then that portion shouid be brought to order either by civil law, it that will be submitted to, or at the cannon's mouth. But to suppose that this present war is a trick by which, adroitly managed, our government and our brave troope are made, or hoped to be made, blind instru ment of Abolitionista to carry out their "Idea" in the aouthern States, is an insult to the North generally, and to Catholics generally. We have a government. That government profess es to guide its administration according to the requirements of the Constitution. That govern ment, under the sanction of (he Constitution, has been created bv the people themselves.— Having been thus created, if it should be left unsupported, tbe people will have turned trai tors to themselves, and allow the government to abdicate. Nothing of this kind csn, of course, ever happen ; but, in the meantime, the government, the actual government of the Uni ted Slates, shall and must be supported by ail the treasures and all the blood, if necessary, of loyal citizens. But, at all events, it must be supported. IS THIS A CONTRACTORS' WAR? Some one having stated that there is to be no fighting across the Potomac, because this is a Contractors' War," has aroused the Cincinnati j Commercial 's furv "and it, accordingly talks i ItgUl WUI !M :uv ijViur. •Aait.ss I. J j "We have no definite idea of the amount of J pressure to the square inch that would be reoui- j red at present to force the truth into the hon- | est understanding ot the President of the Uni-j ted States. Unfortunately it has come to pas# in tnese latter days (which include an indefi nite number of administrations) that the Presi dent is Walled in people, and only permitted to hear the truth at rare intervals. He is surrounded by an atmosphere, made up of the exhalations of the hangers on about tbe Capitol—the peddling politicians—the sycop hants of power—the begga r s of the crumb# that fall trom official table*—and the rest of the sed iment and froth ot (he usual quadrennial.Na tional broil. This atmosphere eo offensive to ' good citizens, asphyxiates the President and renders him dim of sight and hard of hearing, j The lightnings of civil war have not yet dis- . turbed and purified this atmosphere.* There are ; t*vo great forces encamped at Washington. Without the city are the circle of forts and en campments of tbe soldiers. Within it the camp followers, tha contractors of all degrees, the tribe of thieves, a vast multitude. While the defenders of the Government in arms, shelter the Capitol from the bandits of se cession, ths blood-suckers arte in undisturbed possession. While the bird of Jove is aloft, ifhthe glitter of thunderbolts surrounding him; the deadliest of his enemies are sheltered under his wings. Now, while we have an army of over two hundred thousand men at Washing tor,, and when the season and the time for ac tion has fully come, the contractors talk of de- j lay even ot going into winter quarters and wear ing out the enemy by waiting and watching, learning, a# Longfellow would have it, "to la bor and to wait." This will not do. Whatever force is necessary to bring the tacts into immedi ate contact with the Presidential organs of sense, the highest authority definitely, and with all necessary weight and penetration, for the policy of rendering the war subservient to the contrac- 1 tors, ha# been pursued to the extremest verge of public endurance. The notion of w ailing until the rebels cant march becausethey will have worn j out their #boes, and until they are shaken to pie- ' ces inconsequence of the want of quinine, and until the aoldiers damage all their good guna is probably exploded by the opening ot direct trade between the South and Europe by the line ol steamer* established by Yancy 4* Co, the Ber muda being the first arrival and the probability of regular trip# being on the cards. Wintering j the Grand Army on the Potomac if undertaken will end the war in the overthrow ot the Gov- i ernment, in one way or another. THE BEARD.—The deaths from consumption have decreased some fifty per cent, per annum a mong the stone cutters of Quinsy, Milton Rock port, and the marble quarries ol Ver., since they have ceased shaving, and given nature her sway in matters she may be supposed to under stand. Workmen in Western flour mills, col liers, in the numerous mines of the Middle States, miners at Galena, Dubuque, and the copper regions of Lake Superior, employees in drug mills, drivers, engineers, Arctic navigators resi dents in low, wet countries, and tbousauds ol artisans, whose employment is prejudicial to healthy lungs, generally wear the moustache as a sanitary rather than ornamental appendage to tbe face of manhood. To all meti the best friend is virtue ; 'he best companions are bigh endeavors and honorable sentiments. WHOLE XI'JIBEEt. 3979. VOL. 5. NO. 14. | <£l)e Schoolmaster 3broaD. EDITED BY SIMON SYNTAX, ESQ. oZF~Friends of education who wish to enlighten , the public or. the aubject of teaching the "young idei how to shoot," aie respectfully requeted to -send communication! to the above, care of "Bed ! ford Gazette." 1 SCHOOL ETHICS FOR PARENT AND CHILD. No. 19. Pupils should aid each other. It ii not bere by meant that pupils hc>uld be in any manner dependent upon each other for the solutions of any difficulties that may arise or be presented at any time, but that they should cultivate and enterta.n a spirit laboring for the promotion of each other's good. When such a spirit does not exist, when each one labors to depirss his associates m the estimation of both teacher and school, when the progress of *ny it retarded through the advancement of the interests of others, then does the school become an institu tion unworthy of soppotf, and the oppressors become immoral beings. No one has a right to advance his own interests when those inter ests in any manner interfere with the public good. This is one of the fundamental princi ples underlying school, as well as civil govern ment. If then the principle be valid, and it is valid, the pupils have no moral claim to elevate themselves when tbey at the same time depress their associates. The same mora! law binds them to obedience in their position as pupils, as it does in their position as members of society. The good of the whole must be considered before the good of single individuals. If pupils possess the proper spirit, they will labor for the pio motion of the best interests of their schoolmates, instead ot attempting to depress and injure them. Charity, independent of everything else, will require this from them. Kindness, without positive help, will do much toward encouraging a pupil on to the performance of his duty.— Respect for the persona! feelings of each other kindness. The example of the pupunft a strong juuuence UJJUU UW ASSO ciates. Idlers will soon have imitators, and ex cuses will soon be given that such or such a one does not study. The solution of difficulties, too, may at proper times, and when not carried to too great an extent, be ot some practical ben efit ; but this is rather dangerous, since it leads the pupil sometimes to depend upon others too much. It may, however, not be any injury, if the teacher be careful to guide and watch it properly. Parents should (rain their children in this particular. All should be willing to make sacrifices to some extent, to advance the interests of those who are their companions in school or elsewhere. KAPPA. EMPLOYING TEACHERS. On this subject we make the following ex tract from an article in the October number of the Pennsylvania School Journal: Although the statute does not point out the method of employing teacheis, the fair iofer ene from the wording of the law, is, that they shall be hired, or appoinled by the Board of director, and not by some two or three persons in the neighborhood. The State Superinten dent has been exjlicit on this poiut, in his in structions. Directors, when they employ teachers should always consult the wishes of those intending to send to the school, and, if practicable, hire i the teacher desired by the most decided major ity; but they cannot put this part of their du ties into the hands of the citizens, anv more than they can the levying of the tax. The law is as imperative in the one case as in the other. ,' The teacher hired by the inhabitants of a neigh j borhood, or a committee appointed by them, cannot legally look to the directors for his pay ' unless the agreement made by the citizens, or their comnittee, be ratified by the Board of Di rectors, at a regular meeting. He cannot do it, merely because hp has not been employed .by the only authority known to the school law 1 for hiring teachers. Neither is it legal for one directer to employ teachers, unless he eubmita j the contracts made wtth them to the Board at a regular meeting, and obtain their approval, or the approval of a majority of them. If the teachers of a township were all hired at the same time, at a regular meeting of the Board called for that purpose, much time would be saved to both teachers and directors. The teachers will then have their certificates with them, and directors can better judge of the qual ifications and fitness of the candidates for par ticular schools. All the schools in a district seldom, if ever, require precisely the same ' qualifications in the teachers: but way ; in which teachers are too frequently hired, a good grammarian is as likely to be placed in charge of a school in which this branch is not studied, and a person quite deficient in the sci ence, engaged in one where several ol the pu ' pils wish to study grammar, as that, the right teacher should be appointed in the right plaee.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers